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of officers was an excellent introduction. It is equally natural that among the Finnish masses of labourers that were expressly invited by the faction-leaders to fraternise with the Russians, the most violent individuals were in the liveliest co-operation with the Russian leaders. These latter were for the most part marines recruited in the first instance among the crews of the big ironclads which had been lying in the ports during the whole of the war, and the hands of which had therefore had plenty of time to develop into full-fledged Maximalists, Bolsheviks—nay, into anything and everything but efficient labourers and firm characters.
In Finland pure mob-rule developed with unexpected swiftness. Besides, the Russian soldiers' own conduct, a particularly extensive general pardon granted in consequence of the revolution, by which a great number of criminals were liberated, was conducive to this. But first and foremost the tactics of the Labour Party. As before mentioned, it had gained a majority at the elections in the summer of 1916, and when now the Single-Chamber assembled, Kullervo Manner, later of such melancholy fame, became its leader, and since then the equally notorious Oskari Tokoi became president of the parliamentary Government which was elected.
One would have thought that the Labour Party ought to have been satisfied with a majority both in Parliament and Government, and should now have entered upon a sober and dignified policy. But this was by no means the case. The first declaration of Mr. Tokoi's Government was certainly applauded in all circles, for in this he stated plainly and unreservedly how much Finland had hoped for the defeat of Russia in the war, and with what confidence we now looked forward to a freer and happier future for the country. But even if the Labour Party thus observed a certain dignity in its most official conduct,
