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attempt. The conviction that this is so may become so general that both the Party Council and the Lantdag group will share it. But above all the working-men themselves ought to have a clear understanding of the matter. In each commune they should find out whether they can obtain the power there. In each district the district secretary and the leaders should calculate the extension of our power and that of our opponents. Everywhere the working-men should try to realise in what sort of a position such an attempt might place us."
The writer thereupon quotes a bit from Marx, and goes on to say:—
"The most important principle is that one must not play with rebellion. We must therefore be quite clear beforehand as to what we want. According to the opinion of the undersigned the following propositions must be regarded as the foundation of all that is done in this direction.
"1. That no attempt be made at a social revolution and that the supervision of the production and business generally be not interfered with in greater measure than is necessary in order to live—that is to say, in the same measure as a civil state is obliged to interfere, especially in time of war and a state of general distress.
"2. That decisive measures, e.g., against the Lantdag, be not taken before the great bulk of our party is convinced of the necessity of proceeding to such. If this is not the case the revolutionaries may form agitation groups in furtherance of the work for the promotion of knowledge which they desire, but without breaking the common front which must be kept unbroken against the reaction. If, on the other hand, some groups are not satisfied with this, but intend under any circumstances whatever to proceed to action, they should quit the
