Page:Life and Select Literary Remains of Sam Houston of Texas (1884).djvu/397

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The Aim of Party Interference in Texas.
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that the United States would surrender one foot of the territory which Texas has always claimed as her right?

Mr. Clay. Will my friend pardon me, as the hour for the special order has arrived, to do us the favor to continue his eloquent speech on Monday, if it would be agreeable to him?

Mr. Houston. Anything that will advance the public business I will yield to with pleasure—it will be no privation to me.

The resolution was accordingly laid on the table.

Wednesday, July 3, 1850.

In resuming the discussion, Mr. Houston said: Mr. President, I regret to trespass on the attention of the Senate to-day, and I likewise regret that for several days I have been prevented by the business of the body from concluding the expression of my views on this subject, as it would have been much more agreeable to me to have done so the day ensuing the one on which I last occupied the floor; but to come at once to the subject, I will remark that developments very recently have been made which seem to give additional importance to the events now transpiring in the section of the country to which these resolutions refer. Before I yielded the floor, I had submitted the proposition to the Senate, not only as a body, but as gentlemen individually, whether, if the question as to the Texas boundary was now to be settled with a foreign Power, a doubt could be entertained for a moment that the United States would insist upon the boundary as now asserted by Texas? The memorial presented this morning by the honorable gentleman from Delaware, it would seem, has settled the claim of the Texas boundary, and decided in favor of the recent proceedings relative to the state of government in New Mexico.

These memorialists are doubtless about as competent to decide upon the rights of Texas, as many others who have adventured opinions upon a subject of which they can know nothing. They are, certainly, not responsible for their opinions; and I am unwilling that any irresponsible persons, however high and imposing their standing may be, should decide upon rights appertaining to a State. I object to any decision which may be attempted by any powers less than the constitutional powers of this Government. It is a matter of regret to believe, for one moment, that an attempt has been made, and is now directed by the head of this nation, in opposition to the rights of Texas, and for the purpose of impeding her claims to justice. Can it indeed be true that the recent occurrences in Santa Fe have been instigated by the authorities at Washington, and that the officers of this Government, there in command, are but carrying out the purposes and designs of the Administration? Everything would seem to indicate that there is, at least, no disapprobation of the course which has been pursued by the officer in command at that point; consequently, the inference is, that if it has not been directed by the Executive, it is at least sanctioned by his acquiescence. It seems to be in furtherance of the plan suggested by the President, which must be carried out at all hazards, and, if necessary, at the sacrifice of the rights of a State. It must be consummated; and at what moment is this plan urged upon the American Congress? Is it at a time when there is any probability of its producing peace and harmony, or has it a tendency to allay the excitement which exists in the country—is it calculated to produce any beneficial results to any one section of this vast community; or is it not rather calculated