remedies for the reform of all the errors which they think exist, and they appear now determined still to retain cognizance and jurisdiction over the subject. I am opposed to committing the investigation which I think is necessary to that committee, because it is impossible that an impartial investigation can take place before them. They have expressed their opinion. If we were selecting jurors to try a culprit, or to determine a civil cause between individuals resting on merely pecuniary considerations, impartial men would be chosen, who had expressed no opinion in relation to the facts or justice of the controversy. In any case affecting life or property, men would not be selected to adjudicate it who had already expressed their opinion upon it; but those would be chosen who were impartial, and free from bias of every kind. I desire to have a committee appointed who can, without being tied down by former biases or committal, determine whether or not injustice has been done by this board.
I have not said that the officers of the navy were rascals; I have not impugned their honor; I have not doubted their chivalry and gallantry; but I admit that I have not entertained a favorable opinion toward the board and their action. For that I am responsible to my own judgment. I have a right to express my opinion on their conduct so long as I keep within the pale of the public records of the country. If I have transcended the privilege accorded to me—if I have violated the franchises of the Constitution, I am free to attack an arraignment. If I travel out of the record—if I slander or traduce private individuals, let it be shown, and I shall always be ready to defend myself, on notice being given of the attack against me. My person is free to arraignment. I am responsible for my course. The views which I have taken on this subject have been fully sustained by the documents; and I could, from them, deduce facts going much beyond what I have presented. What would honorable gentlemen think of me if I were to make a statement like this: A certain member of the board, while the bill of z last session was pending, used his efforts to procure its passage. A certain gentleman was opposing it. The officer came to him and said, " What are you doing here opposing this bill?" "Why," said he, "I do not wish it to pass the Senate." The officer said to him, "I know very well why you are opposing it; you are afraid that such a man, your friend, Captain so-and-so, will be prejudiced by the bill, and that is the reason why you oppose it. Now," said he—this was before the law was passed—" never mind; I will be a member of the board, and not one hair of Captain H.'s head shall be hurt." If any Senator asks me whether I can prove this statement, or desires to know the author, I tell him, grant a special committee that will go heartily into the investigation, and I will bring the witnesses who will substantiate the statement.
I think this circumstance shows that all the talk that we have heard of the disinterestedness of the board amounts to nothing. These men were interested in the result of their own action. The whole thing had been concocting for years under successive Secretaries of the Navy, until its consummation took place in the year 1855, with all the management and contrivances possible. This "packed conspiracy," as Commodore Perry designated it, was concocted for years. You may trace back four of its members, who cooperated consistently since 1838, 1839, and 1840, when a conspiracy was
