dreamed a golden dream. It is easy to imagine their disappointment when they saw the new course which the Revolution began to take.
The ideals of the Revolution in the realm of foreign policy amazed and stupefied them more than anything else. The victory of the democracy in this respect would amount to a complete defeat of the propertied classes. On the other hand, the preservation of imperialistic principles in foreign policy would render all revolutionary reforms in the internal, social and political life of the country illusory. They decided to oppose the foreign policy of the democracy with all their might. Every means was used; they fought the democracy openly and undermined it secretly. In this struggle between the democracy and the propertied classes, the latter are generally represented as upholding, not imperialistic aims of conquest, but simply the most elementary national interests of Russia, and as struggling only against the disorganising and disintegrating influences of the democracy. This contention is absolutely untrue. Their attitude was not only imperialistic, but cynically and unashamedly so. It was a virtual mania of imperialism. If we look at the actual stages in the struggle, we have ample evidence, that the first blow the Russian democracy received in their struggle for a just peace was dealt by the propertied classes and by their true representative, Miliukov.
In its Manifesto the Democracy announced that it would "use all means to oppose the annexationist policy of its ruling classes." The Soviet, therefore, proceeded to demand that the Provisional Government should publicly announce their repudiation of annexations. There began a struggle behind the scenes. Miliukov definitely and decisively opposed any such declaration. The Government, with the exception of Kerenski, sympathised with Miliukov but were unwilling to oppose the democracy openly. They tried to compromise and shelve the question. But public
