dom of movement and action was considered a good tonic for the coming" battle.
I am telling this abominable and terrible chapter of Russian realities very reluctantly. But I ought not to pass it over in silence, for two reasons. Firstly, because I ought not, nor do I desire, to be silent about any unpleasant truths; and secondly, because I am deeply convinced that this licence which was given to the soldiers, and actually encouraged by the military authorities, had a very bad effect on the morale of the army and bore terrible fruit at a later stage.
The poisonous atmosphere which was created at the front by the Military Party, and which was known in Russia as the Nicholas-Yanushkevich régime, was chiefly responsible for the shaken morale of the people and of the army. It was here that the shaken morale of the army had its origin.
There is not the slightest doubt that never since 1861, when the liberation of the serfs by Alexander II. had for a short time created an atmosphere of reconciliation, had there been such a favourable moment in Russia's history as in this first month of the war. The definite break with reactionary Germany and the alliance of Russia with free and liberal England in defence of the same cause—all this made Russians feel and believe that a new epoch had arrived.
It was a proud and happy—but, alas—a very short period of Russian history. Nobody preached, nobody even talked of reconciliation. And yet the relations between the Government and the people, and between the many races, nationalities, classes and creeds of Russia, were never more cordial and friendly. The people fraternised with the soldiers; progressive newspapers and leaders of the political opposition parties praised and blessed the Government. Inveterate anti-Semites fraternised with the Jews, and Jews marched in procession, singing the Russian National Anthem and bearing Russian National flags. The "Novoie Vremia" praised the loyalty of the Finns, and the Finns
