economic" way. The domination of American capitalism demands and engenders political changes. The present political situation in Mexico, from the point of view of the American industrial magnates is "too radical;" to overthrow the Government is too easy; the national ideology is too "bolshevistic;" the labor movement is too "extreme." It is of course untrue that the Obregon Government is actually "radical" or even "bolshevistic;" that Morones, the "dear friend" of Samuel Gompers, is the representative of a really extreme labor movement. Even the Hearst papers, which are always retailing stories of Mexican bolshevism, do not believe this. Obregon, like every "decent government" has often enough proved that he can crush striking workers and revolutionary peasants, and split the revolutionary trade unions by means of spies and provocateurs. He is also a past master at playing the socialist and by means of this art has won a revolutionary prestige not only among the backward Mexicans, but also among the American workers. Nevertheless, for the intervention policy of the American oil magnates, he is a substantial hindrance. Obregon exploits the possibilities of radicalism and the atmosphere of sham socialism in the fight for his share of the booty gained by the common exploitation of the Mexican workers and peasants. He either flirts with the proletariat or has their revolutionary leaders shot down in the streets, according as the state of negotiations demand. The real reason why the American Government is fighting Article 27 and 123 of the Mexican Constitution, is because these articles form a strong moral weapon in the hands of the Mexican Government.
Today the whole problem for the American capitalists and for the Mexican bourgeoisie who are willing to compromise, lies in moulding the so-called radical movement in Mexico into a form acceptable to both sides. The chief representatives of Mexican radicalism are those elements of the trade union and peasant bureaucracy, who helped General Obregon to conclude his revolution against Carranza successfully. Their most important representative is General Calles. Consequently, he is the "natural" successor to Obregon, and the latter must officially approve of him, as the candidate if he is not to appear a traitor "to the cause of the revolution." Various useful functionaries of the labor party and of the C. R. O. M. will march into power with Calles. The policy of such a government can only be a policy of social-reformist compromise. It will not be able to satisfy the economic demands of a national economy developing itself on the basis of capitalist production, nor fulfill the promises made to the workers and peasants. Obregon shrewdly
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