SIGNS OF THE TIMES.
⟨This⟩ Saturday, 24th January, three explosions within less than ten (illegible text) spread destruction and terror in London, and what is worse, (illegible text) a considerable number of absolutely harmless people. The (illegible text) frenzy against the perpetrators knows no bounds: if any one had been caught in the act he would have been torn to pieces.
But who are the perpetrators? The Fenians, it is said. May be. It is likely enough that Irish hands laid down the dynamite and lighted the fuse. Still, all allowance made for a fanaticism kindled by the British treatment of Ireland and of Irish political prisoners, the probability is that this peculiar form of fanaticism would have died out long since, in consequence of the ridiculous disproportion between the effects of the conspirators and the effect of their deeds—unless there is some one behind them, who follows up a deliberate aim in these otherwise aimless explosions. Is it likely that people will be found who risk over and over again penal servitude for life, or even hanging, for the pleasure of blowing up a portion of a railway tunnel, or of inflicting damage to the value of a flea-bite on London Bridge, unless these people are the conscious or unconscious tools of other people, who use them for purposes of their own?
We all know that for years Russia has been bombarding the British Government with notes, memoirs, memorandums, and the like, with the view of obtaining a treaty for the extradition of political refugees, so-called regicides, &c. Now the present state of this affair is as follows. On the 15th January, Madame Olga Novikoff, in the Pall Mall Gazette, calls upon England to deliver up to Russia all those people like Hartmann, Kropotkine, and Stepniak, who were sheltered in England “all the while they plotted murder against us” (whoever that may be) “in Russia.” If England were to hand them over to Russia, she would only do what she now must ask America to do for her, namely, to hand over the Irish dynamiters.
On the morning of the 24th January the London papers published the purport of an agreement arrived at between Russia and Prussia for the extradition of political criminals—the very agreement Russia would give almost anything to get out of England.
On the afternoon of the same 24th January, at two o'clock, the explosion(illegible text)ur, at the very moment they ought to have occurred if (illegible text) some one or (illegible text) interest of Russia. The good (illegible text) the morning, and (illegible text) appropriate warning of the (illegible text) in the ⟨after⟩noon—surely that (illegible text) John Bull round!
Now, we merely mark these coincidences. We recall at the same time that Russian diplomacy is well known to be the most unscrupulous of all, having always a band of subordinate agents at its beck and call, ready to commit any infamy, and at the same time held in such a position that they can be sacrificed, when necessary, with the utmost equanimity—agents, too, who often exceed their precise order, and do little jobs on speculation. And regarding the strange coincidence as above, is there, indeed, no shadow of a suspicion falling upon such hangers-on, recognised or, perhaps, unrecognised, of Russian diplomacy?
“The detection of the dynamites is . . . really a matter which can only be satisfactorily dealt with by international action.” Thus the Daily News, the most Governmentally-inspired organ, of January 2(illegible text)th. Our notes were written the day before.
Laundries are not under the factory Acts. As a consequence the masters squeeze six days' work out of four days' time. The masters are paid by the piece, the hands by the (illegible text).
(illegible text) the Press generally (illegible text) the murder of the Egyptian (illegible text) English mercenaries (illegible text)ing (illegible text) every (illegible text) the English soldiers who, (illegible text), do to de(illegible text)e done to death by, the (illegible text) people. But your sorrow for ⟨the⟩ murdered patriots ought to be (illegible text).
As to the officers. They ought to have known better than the rank and file. They have come at least within the (illegible text) of contact with the better tendencies of to-day. The better sort among English officers must feel something of the wickedness of the (illegible text) business.
Sympathising, we believe, as deeply as (illegible text) the sufferings of those English families in which an eternal (illegible text) been made by war, we yet protest most strongly against the(illegible text) Press in demi-deifying our countrymen who have fallen, (illegible text) word of the brave defenders of their native land who peri(illegible text)⟨.⟩
When this high falutin' is to the fore, let (illegible text)ember that every (illegible text)ish soldier that dies in Egypt is, as (illegible text) the position of a (illegible text) is killed in an attempt (illegible text)
EAST-END WO(illegible text)
A great deal has been said and written on the (illegible text) East End of London by Penny Soup Ticket ph(illegible text) advocates of temperature and thrift, each with his sp(illegible text)on for th(illegible text) a remedy for the same. I (illegible text) it is about time we, ⟨the⟩ workers (illegible text) on the matter. Now, with regard to the poverty and death (illegible text) any idea of it from newspaper articles, or from the Return(illegible text) told there is not any large amount of distress, or we should (illegible text) but we know they do not represent the condition of the (illegible text) middle class have made the conditions such in their work(illegible text) than prisons. The poor have to pick great quantities of (illegible text) house, break stones, and everything is done to make them dread (illegible text) diet is as bad as or worse than prison fare; man and wife are p(illegible text) door relief refused. This is what the workers come to after a life(illegible text) wonder they prefer starvation in the streets, suicide, or even prison(illegible text) under the control of these Guardians of the Poor?
If you want to know the condition of the workers you must live a (illegible text) their home life, and see them in their search for work. Go to the do(illegible text) there by thousands. No pen can describe their condition, their pinch(illegible text) faces. They have scarcely a rag to cover them as they wait shivering (illegible text) from eight o'clock till three or four, on the chance of an hour's work, (illegible text) and tearing one another like wild beasts when the gates are opened for (illegible text) hands; and this for a pittance of 3d. to 4d. per hour. Here is our beautiful (illegible text) competition in full force, and as a result we see our fellow-men reduced to (illegible text) of a pack of wolves.
Again, the cabinet-makers compete one against the other, working day and (illegible text) and in return getting just sufficient to keep body and soul together. The(illegible text) making their goods at home, take them to the so-called manufacturers at (illegible text) the week to sell, and perhaps, after going all round the shops, will have (illegible text) for less than the material cost them, so that they may get the necessa(illegible text)⟨.⟩ It is a well-known fact that wages in the trade have been reduced w(illegible text) few years at least 25 per cent. In the boot trade, notwithstanding (illegible text) Unions, men are making boots for 2s. 6d. per dozen, and finding their (illegible text)⟨.⟩ At the present time about 25 per cent. of the bootmakers are out (illegible text)⟨.⟩ In the tailoring trade, by large firms in Whitechapel, coats are given (illegible text) at 6d. each; vests, 3d. each; trousers, 412d.; and this to contractors (illegible text) again sublet the work at even lower prices, leaving the workers (illegible text) linen-thread at a cost of coats, 1d.; vests, 12d.; trousers, 114d. (illegible text) statement the names and addresses can be furnished. Policemen's (illegible text) or about 812d. per day of sixteen hours; men's shirts, 10d. per dozen; (illegible text) sockmaking, 14d. each. We find one of our great land nations (illegible text)d (illegible text) trade; his women at their work packed in an underground cellar like (illegible text)ing (illegible text) barrel, and poor wretched creatures they look. We have all heard of the ma(illegible text) makers getting 234d. per gross, finding their own string and (illegible text) something more than Royal Commissions or even Land Nation(illegible text) to put a(illegible text) to this misery. It would do the economists goof to have (illegible text)e life of th(illegible text)se workers for a time; they would soon find that wag(illegible text) trades did not average anything approaching 32s. per week, and (illegible text)reasing, they have been reduced from 25 to 30 per cent. And what(illegible text) Profits, rents, and interest to the idlers; to the workers misery, (illegible text)adation.
Well might the Telegraph say, a few years ago, that (illegible text) people at the East End looked as though they were fed on gine and (illegible text)⟨.⟩ But this (illegible text) have been used as a reproach against the (illegible text)nst the capital (illegible text) their system of production. There is no (illegible text) the fact that the (illegible text) surroundings have (illegible text) themselves on their (illegible text) until some of the (illegible text) but a few (illegible text). The children are (illegible text) in the (illegible text)d this is getting (illegible text) from dat to (illegible text) from (illegible text) to (illegible text) their bones are set (illegible text) (notwithstanding the (illegible text)ry Acts (illegible text) establishment of School Boards), so that we, the (illegible text) the (illegible text) the (illegible text) towns are betting a generation of cripple(illegible text) paupers, criminals and prostitutes, caused, not by any (illegible text) our surroundings.
Another result of this competitive system, this producing for p(illegible text) use, is a tremendous amount of useless toil in the making of these (illegible text) goods. The workers having their wages reduced over and over again (illegible text) are not able to take any pride in their work or do good work. The (illegible text) shoddy clothes, cardboard boots, matchwood furniture, and jerry-built (illegible text)ether so that they may last until they are sold, and then drop to p(illegible text) then we are told things are so much cheaper than in our forefathers' times (illegible text) what is the remedy for all this misery and poverty? We are told thrift, temperance, and industry. With all due respect for the advocates of these (illegible text) that under the present capitalist system, in which we are all competing (illegible text) against the other, they would be useless to the workers as a body.
Last, but not least, we have the so-called leaders of the working class, with th(illegible text) Fair Trade Leagues, Industrial conferences, and working men representatives (illegible text) Parliament. The workers should be aware of these wolves in sheep's cloth(illegible text) prepared to advocate Free Trade or Fair Trade, tunnels or railways (illegible text) or (illegible text), or even to the moon, if they can get money for so doing. (illegible text) forward to the so-called working men candidates for Parliament is on(illegible text) a (illegible text) more effectually fill their own pockets while professing to be the frie(illegible text) of the workers. We workers should look upon every one as enemy and tr(illegible text) who (illegible text) to get a position for himself, Parliamentary or otherwise, by pol(illegible text). We as workers believe that this chronic state of misery, starvation, ⟨and⟩ degradation for us, the producers of all wealth, is caused by the monopoly of (illegible text) land in the hands of a few used for sport and pleasure instead of gro(illegible text) food for the people, and by the monopoly of the means of production ⟨and⟩ exchange, and that until these monopolies are overthrown our misery ⟨and⟩ servitude to the capitalists will continue. This is the social question—one ⟨that⟩ effects every one of us, man, woman, and child. It is a duty we owe to the ⟨past,⟩ present, and future generations, that we should, by our united efforts masyer(illegible text) problem; that we should hand in hand as brothers, with a fixed and bitter dete(illegible text)nation, band ourselves together to put an end to this misery, to make better ⟨con⟩ditions for our children, leaving the politicians to fight over their politics (illegible text) we may rest assured that our cause will have to be fought and won by and wi(illegible text) people themselves, and not by either House of Parliament. Leaving the philanthropists to organise their charity, we, not asking for their charity, ster⟨ily⟩ and fea⟨bily⟩ demand justice.
THE PETERLOO MASSACRE.
On the morning of the 16th August, 1819, the reformers began (illegible text) respective rendezvous in Manchester. In the course of the fore(illegible text) processions enter the town from Oldham, Rochdale, Ashton, Sta(illegible text) districts. The people marched five abreast. There were many (illegible text) years, haggard and careworn; but the majority were young pe(illegible text) many women and children. The females were placed for the (illegible text)cessions. In the front of the Middleton branch were twelve y(illegible text) holding in each hand a branch of laurel “as a sign of unity and peace” (illegible text) were banners with mottoes in gilt letters: “Unity is Strength,” “(illegible text) Fraternity,” “Parliaments Annual, Suffrage Universal,” “No Com L(illegible text)⟨.”⟩
It was an impressive sight to see these toilers, to the number of 60 (illegible text) around the platform in Petersfield. There were (illegible text) banners (illegible text) of the (illegible text) a platform, (illegible text) 100 yards
