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then, will the agriculturists have a chance of justice—and then only will they have the question settled on its substantial merits. They must be prepared to show that they are not to be put down by clamour—that they are not to be sacrificed—not to be put in the mire for the supposed benefit of another interest—that their's is the greatest interest in the state, involving not only the existence of eight or ten millions of a "bold peasantry, their country's pride," but of a capital amounting to three million of millions—which has been invested on the national faith, and which should be held as sacred as the national debt itself—while the capital employed in manufactures is only estimated at L. 217,773,000, or 1 in 15, as compared with the agricultural; and with the further superiority, that the one is all fixed and real in the agricultural, whereas the manufacturing consists of buildings and machinery, of a very transient value.
In approaching the investigation of this national question, I shall first glance at the alleged grievances of the Repealers. These are,
That a total repeal of the Corn Laws is absolutely necessary, from the great decrease of our manufactures and commerce, and the great increase of manufactures on the continent of Europe and other places; and that all prohibitory laws affecting our intercourse with foreign nations, and the duties on importation of foreign corn ought to be abolished. That the high rate of wages and labour in this country entirely precludes the manufacturer from competing with the foreigner; and that a total repeal of the duties on foreign corn is the only means of increasing our home and foreign trade, and bringing wages and prices to the level of the continent.
Now, how stands the fact? Have our manufactures de-
