The Historical Library of Diodorus the Sicilian/Book XIII/Chapter II
Chapter II edit
- The Lacedæmonians invade Attica. The fight at sea between the Syracusans and Athenians. Eurymedon and Demosthenes arrive in Sicily. A plague in the Athenian camp. Another fight between the Syracusans and Athenians. The latter routed at sea. The Athenians ruined in Sicily. Nicholaus's long oration. Gylippus's answer.
THIS year ended, Cleocritus governed in chief at Athens, and at Rome four military tribunes executed the authority of consuls; that is to say, Aulus Sempronius, Marcus Papirius, Quintus Fabius, and Spurius Nautius. At this time the Lacedæmonians invaded Attica under Agis their general, and Alcibiades the Athenian. They seize upon upon Decelea, a place very strong and fit for a garrison, and there they built a fort; from whence this war was called the Decelean war. On the other side, the Athenians sent Chares with thirty sail into Laconia, and decreed fourscore gallies and five thousand soldiers to be sent into Sicily.
In the mean time the Syracusans, in order to a sea-fight before determined, made out with a fleet of fourscore sail well manned, against the enemy, whom the Athenians met with a fleet of sixty sail, whereupon began a fierce fight; and now the Athenians came running to the sea-side from every quarter, from their posts and forts, some out of curiosity to see the engagement, others to be assistant to their countrymen in their flight, in case they should be worsted. The Syracusan officers foreseeing the Athenians were likely to do as now they did, had before given secret orders for those who were left as a guard for the city, to assault the forts of the Athenians, which were full of money, naval preparations, and other provisions. The Syracusans, therefore, easily possessed themselves of the forts, which were slightly guarded, and made a great slaughter of them that came from the sea shore in aid of their fellows. Hereupon a great noise and clamour being made about the forts and in the camp, the Athenian soldiers now engaged at sea were struck with great terror, and gave way, and at length betook themselves to the defence of the forts and fortresses that were left, whom the Syracusans pursued without observing any order. Whereupon, the Athenians discerning there was no hope nor way left of escaping by land, (the Syracusans having possessed themselves of two of their forts), tacked about, and were forced to renew the fight: upon which, with their whole fleet in a line of battle, they fell upon the Syracusans, (who were separated one from another, and had their line broken and disordered by the pursuit), and sunk eleven of their ships, pursuing the rest to the island. After the fight, both sides set up a trophy, the Athenians for their victory at sea, and the Syracusans for their success at land. The fight at sea having this issue, and the victory so hardly obtained, the Athenians understanding that Demosthenes within a few days would be with them with a fleet, were resolved not to attempt any thing further till those forces arrived. The Syracusans, on the contrary, resolved to lay all at stake, and try the utmost by force of arms, before the army of Demosthenes came up. And to that end, they faced the Athenian fleet, and did all they could every day to provoke them to a battle.
About that time Ariston a Corinthian commander of a vessel, advised the Syracusans to make the forecastles of their ships shorter and lower, which was of great advantage to them in fights at sea afterwards: for the forecastles of the Athenian gallies were both very slender and high built, by reason whereof their beaks made no impression, but where they met with those equal in height; and therefore the enemy received no great prejudice by them. But the vessels of the Syracusans (having their fore-decks low and strong built), often at the first stroke sunk the Athenian gallies.
The Syracusans (as is before related) many days dared the Athenians to fight both by sea and land, but all to no purpose, for they kept close, and would not be drawn forth by any means. But afterwards, (some of the officers of the fleet not being able longer to endure the the insolence of the Syracusans), part of the navy set upon them in the great haven, which at length engaged the whole fleet. The Athenians indeed excelled the other in the swiftness of their gallies, and in the expertness and diligence of the seamen: but because the fight was in a strait and narrow place, this advantage was of no use to them.
The Syracusans therefore being confusedly mixed with their enemies, and giving them no respite or time to withdraw, they drove them from off their decks and their forecastles with stones and spears. And when they had with the beaks of their ships pierced through many of the enemy's gallies, they boarded them, and the tight seemed within the ships, just like a battle on land. All things thus going to wreck on the Athenian side, they fled outright with great precipitation; whom the Syracusans pursued close, and sunk seven of their gallies and disabled many more.
The Syracusans being now grown confident, by their late victories both by sea and land, presently arrive Eurymedon and Demosthenes, with a great army from Athens, and with many auxiliaries from Thurium and Messapia[1], which joined them in their passage. These generals brought with them more than three hundred and ten gallies and five thousand men, besides seamen: but arms, money, engines for a siege, and other provisions, were on board other transport ships. Upon this the Syracusans were again discouraged, judging they were never able for the future to cope with so potent an enemy.
Demosthenes having now persuaded his colleagues to seize upon the Epipolæ, (for otherwise he could never straiten the city on every side), set upon the Syracusans in the night with ten thousand heavily armed men, and as many light-armed; and the assault being unexpected, they took some forts; and entering within the fortifications, demolished part of the wall. But the Syracusans running together from all parts to the place assaulted, and Hermocrates with a choice band of lusty young men hastening in with aid and assistance, the Athenians were driven out, and through the darkness of the night and ignorance of the passages, were dispersed and scattered far from one another; so that the Syracusans with their auxiliaries, closely pursuing, killed two thousand five hundred of them, and wounded many that got off, and possessed themselves of a great number of arms.
After this encounter, the Syracusans sent Sicanus, one of the officers, with twelve gallies to the rest of the cities, both to inform them of the victory, and likewise to desire further aid.
The Athenians (their affairs now declining so much for the worse, and the plague breaking forth in the army by reason of a stinking marshy ground near adjoining) consulted what was fit to be done in the present exigency. Demosthenes was of opinion without delay to return to Athens, saying it was far more commendable to ventsure their lives for their country against the Lacedæmonians, than to lie still in Sicily doing nothing. But Nicias said it was base and dishonourable to leave the siege when they were so plentifully supplied both with shipping, men, and money. And moreover, that they should be involved in great danger by those whose common practice it was to asperse the generals, if they should make peace with the Syracusans, and return to their country without the order and command of the people. Among those that were then present at the consultation, some approved of the advice of Demosthenes for returning; others agreed with Nicias. But nothing being determined, they lay idle without any action.
In the mean time, great aids and supplies came to them of Syracuse from the Siculi, Selinuntines, Gelians, Himerians, and Camarinians, which encouraged them as much as it discouraged the Athenians. And besides, the plague so raged and increased, that a great part of the army perished, which caused them all to repent that they had not returned before. The Athenian army therefore being in a tumult, and crowding to their ships, Nicias himself was forced to a compliance. And now both generals agreeing in opinion, the soldiers shipped their baggage and lumber, and having all on board their ships, hoist up sail. And the generals caused it to be proclaimed, that, upon a sign given, all should be ready; and if any any loitered, they should be left behind. But the night before they intended to set sail, the moon was eclipsed, which occasioned Nicias (who was naturally superstitious, and then in great uneasiness by reason of the plague) to advise with the soothsayers. By whom answer was given, that they must not by any means sail for three days: into which opinion Demosthenes and those of his party likewise were led through their superstition. The Syracusans understanding by deserters the cause of the stay, manned all their gallies, to the number of seventy-four; and drawing out their land forces, set upon the Athenians both by sea and land. On the other side, the Athenians manned fourscore and six gallies, and gave the command of the right wing to Eurymedon, against whom was opposed Agatharcus the Syracusan general. In the left wing they placed Euthydemus, in opposition to Sicanus, who commanded for the Syracusans. Menander commanded the middle battle on the Athenian side, and Pythes the Corinthian for the Syracusans. And although the Athenian line of battle stretched out farther in length than the Syracusan, because they had more ships, yet that which seemed to be their advantage, proved to be their ruin in the issue.
For Eurymedon striving to surround the wing opposite to him, (by that means being severed from the rest of the fleet), was driven by the Syracusans (who bore down upon him) into the creek Dascones, before possessed by the Syracusans; where, being hemmed in within the straits, and forced upon the shore, upon a mortal wound given, he fell down dead, and there seven of his ships were destroyed. In the heat of the night the report spread abroad that the general was killed, and many of his ships lost; upon which the chiefest of the gallies which were next in place and order to the vessels lost, began to give way, and thereupon the Syracusans pressed forward, and, heated by their late success, fell with great fury upon the Athenians, and forced them to an absolute flight; and driving them into the shallows of the haven, many of the vessels were stranded among the shelves and sands. Upon which Sicanus, the Syracusan admiral, filled a ship with fagots, fire-brands, and pitch, and set it on fire among the ships floating upon the shallows. On the other hand the Athenians with all expedition extinguised the flames, and when they saw there was no other way left to escape, they valiantly grappled with their enemies, and threw them overboard. In the mean time the land-forces of the Athenians were ready upon the shore to aid them that fled that way, and bestirring themselves with extraordinary valour and contempt of all dangers, routed the Syracusans at land. But they being victors at sea returned into the city, having not lost many men in the sea-fight. But the Athenians lost no less than two thousand men and eighty gallies.
The Syracusans now conceiving that their city was safe, and that their business remaining was to break into the enemy's camp and ruin their army, blocked up the mouth of their haven with ships joined and fastened together, to hinder the flight of the Athenians by sea. To which end they made a bridge with boats, gallies, and other ships fixed with anchors, compacted and fastened together with iron chains. The Athenians perceiving that they were penned up on every side, and no way of escape remaining, consulted and resolved to fill what ships they had remaining with the best of their soldiers, that, with the multitude of their shipping, and resoluteness of their soldiers, (now ready to fight as men in a desperate condition), they might strike a terror into the Syracusans. Hereupon the chiefest of the officers, and best and most expert soldiers embarked, and manned an hundred and fifteen gallies. The rest of the army they placed in order upon the shore. On the other hand the Syracusans (being furnished with land soldiers for the defence of their walls) fitted out seventy-four gallies, attended by many of the young boys of the city, (not yet of full age), in other ships as auxiliaries to be ready to aid and assist their parents. The walls of the harbour and every high place within the city were filled with multitudes of spectators. For both women and children, and all others unfit to bear arms, (with great concern and trembling of heart), stood to view the fight in order to judge how things were likely to go with them. At the same time Nicias, the Athenian general, viewing the fleet, and seriously considering the greatness of the danger, left his post upon the shore, and went on board a vessel, and sailed round the Athenian fleet, and called to the commanders and captains of every galley, earnestly entreating them, with his hands lift up to heaven, that every one would strive to outdo another, and improve to the utmost the present opportunity, being the last ground of hope they were ever likely to enjoy; for in their valour in the sea-fight now approaching, lay the safety and preservation both of them and of their country. Those that were fathers he put in mind of their children; those that were nobly born he earnestly pressed and exhorted that they would be careful to avoid whatever would stain the honour and glory of their families; those that had been advanced by the people for their former good services, he advised now to approve themselves worthy of those marks of honour they then bore. Lastly, he put them in mind of the trophies at Salamis, earnestly adjuring them that they would not prostitute the glory of their country, and become slaves to the Syracusans. After this speech, Nicias returned to the army at land. When they in the fleet had sang the Pæan, they made out with a design to break the blockade at the mouth of the harbour. But the Syracusans sailed up in order of battle against them, with that speed, that they drove them off the boom, and forced them to fight. In this confusion, some sailed towards the shore, others made into the middle of the harbour, and others towards the fortifications; and thus their lines being broken, the fleet was presently separated and dispersed, by which means the Athenians, in this manner disappointed, were forced to fight here and there, up and down in the harbour in little squadrons and small parties: however, the fight was obstinate on both sides. The Athenians exceeding in number of ships, seeing no other hopes of safety, undauntedly despised all dangers, and resolved to die valiantly. On the other hand the Syracusans, knowing their parents and children were observing them, put themselves forth to the utmost, every one striving to improve his valour, to gain the victory for his country. Many there were, that when their ships were pierced through by the violent assaults of the enemy, leaped into the ships that pierced them, and fought bravely upon their forecastles in the midst of their enemies. Others with grappling-irons, so joined the ships together, that they forced their enemy to fight on board, as if they had been on land. And there were not a few that, when their own ships were disabled, boarded their adversaries, and killed and threw them overboard, and so possessed themselves of their vessels. And now the crashing of ships one against another, and the cries and shouts of the combatants and dying men, was heard in every place throughout the whole harbour: for sometimes a single vessel was surrounded, and struck through with the beaks of many, and so the water forcing in at the breaches, the ship with all the men in it sunk together. And many (after their ships were sunk) endeavoured to save themselves by swimming, but were struck through with darts, and wounded with spears, and so miserably perished. In the mean time, the masters of the ships were amazed to see the confusion and disorder of the fight, seeing nothing but tumult and horror about them, one ship often set upon by many, and what was commanded not regarded, and the advice to one disagreeable to the circumstances of another; and after all, none attending to what was said. For what by storms of darts, crashing of ships, brushing off of oars, increase of noise and clamour of them that were engaged, and loud shouts of the army upon the shore encouraging them upon the sea, none heard what orders were given: for the shore was full of soldiers, the Syracusans in one part, and the Athenians in another. By which means, they that were driven in the fight near to the land, were sometimes succoured by them upon the shore. The spectators upon the walls gave great shouts when they discerned any advantage gained by their friends; but when they were in danger of being overcome, they filled the air with doleful groans and lamentations, calling upon their gods for deliverance. Sometimes some of the gallies of the Syracusans were destroyed under the very walls, and their kindred and relations butchered before their faces; so that parents were the eye-witnesses of the death of their children, wives of the miserable end of their husbands, and brothers of their brothers.
And after the fight had lasted long, (with much slaughter on both sides), yet the battle was still carried on, for none (though ever so greatly pressed) durst fly to land. For the Athenians asked them who made towards the shore__Whether they intended to sail to Athens by land? So the Syracusans on the shore, demanded of them that fled towards them__Why they were now ready to betray their country, who would not suffer them that staid on shore to embark with them? Did they shut up the mouth of the harbour as if they would prevent the escape of the enemy, to the end that they themselves might have the better excuse to fly to the shore? And being that every man must of necessity die, what more honourable death could they desire, than that for their country, which is now a witness of the engagement, and which they basely and sordidly desert? With these and the like reproaches did they who fled to land, meet with from the soldiers placed on the shore: whereupon they returned to the battle, though greatly disabled in their shipping, and their bodies so wounded, that they were scarce able to defend themselves. At length the Athenians nearest to the city were forced to fly. Presently after, they that were next gave way, till at length the whole fleet made off. Whereupon the Syracusans pursued with a great shout. Those of the Athenians that escaped, being driven upon the shelves and sands, leaped out of their broken and shattered vessels, and fled to the land army. The harbour was now full of arms and wrecks of ships every where. Threescore of the, Athenian ships were absolutely destroyed; of the Syracusans eight were lost, and eleven disabled.
The Syracusans towed as many of their gallies to the shore as they could, and took out the dead bodies of their citizens and confederates, and gave them an honourable burial. The Athenians thronged together to the tents of the generals, desiring them not so much to regard the ships, as the preservation both of themselves and the soldiers. Therereupon Demosthenes declared that more ships were forthwith to be manned, in order to force the blockade, which if done presently, they might all easily escape.
Nicias was of a contrary opinion; and advised the leaving the ships, and to march up into the heart of the country to the cities of their confederates, whose opinion all embraced: and having burnt some of their ships, they forthwith made it their business to march away. Their design of decamping in the night being known to the enemy, Hermocrates advised the Syracusans to draw out all their forces in the night, and stop all the passes on the high-ways. But the officers not approving of this, because many of the soldiers were wounded, and all wearied and tired out by the late engagement, sent some horsemen to the Athenian camp, to inform them that the Syracusans had laid all the ways with soldiers to entrap them in their march. The horse coming in late in the night, (the Athenians believing they were sent out of kindness to them from the Leontines), were in a great perplexity, and thereupon continued where they were; though they might have passed with great safety, if they had not been thus deluded. The Syracusans therefore, as soon as it was light, sent out soldiers, and secured all the narrow passes on the road. The Athenians divided the army into two parts, their sick men and carriages they placed in the middle; those that were strong and able to fight, were in the front and rear: Demosthenes led these, and Nicias the other, and so they marched towards Catana. In the mean time, the Syracusans drew fifty gallies left behind, with ropes into the city, ordered all their seamen and soldiers out of the gallies, and armed them, and so pursued the Athenians with all their forces, and continually vexed, galled, and even tired out the rear. Pressing thus upon their backs for three days together, and possessing all the passes before them, the way to Catana was quite blocked up. At length, being chased through the Helorine way, to the river Asinarus, where there was no going forward, they were absolutely cooped up, and there the Syracusans killed eighteen thousand, and took seven thousand prisoners, among whom were Demosthenes and Nicias the generals. The rest were given as a prey to the soldiers; for the Athenians (no way being left to escape) were forced to deliver up, not only their arms but themselves, as captives to their enemy's mercy.
Upon this happy success, the Syracusans erected two trophies, and fixed to them the arms of the generals, and then returned to the city. Hereupon the whole city gave public thanks to the gods. The next day an assembly was called, to consider what was to be done with the prisoners. There Diocles, one of the highest in esteem among the people, delivered his opinion__That the Athenian generals should be first scourged and then put to death; and that the rest of the prisoners should be sent to the quarries. And that they who had any ways assisted the Athenians, should be sold under the spear; and that no more than two cotyles of corn a-day, should be allowed to every prisoner. When the decree was read, Hermocrates, then in the assembly, began to speak, and say__That it was more commendable to use a victory with moderation and humanity, than to overcome.
The people murmuring and grumbling at this, as not pleasing to them, one Nicholaus, who had lost two sons in this war, ascended the desk, supported by his servants, by reason of his age. At which the people ceased their murmuring, supposing he would be sharp against the prisoners. Silence being made, the old man began thus__Ye inhabitants of Syracuse, I myself have born no small part of the calamities of this war; for being the father of two sons, I readily sent them forth to venture their lives for the defence of their country; and for them was sent a messenger, who informed me of the death of them both; and though I am every day desiring they were alive, yet, considering the manner of their deaths, I cannot but judge them happy, and bewail my own life, and count myself most miserable: for they, by losing their lives (which as a debt to nature, they must of necessity some time or other have parted with) for the safety of their country, have left an immortal honour behind them. But I, now in the end of my days, being deprived of the helps of my old age, am doubly afflicted, whilst I have both lost my children, and likewise all hopes of posterity. For the more glorious their ends were, the more grateful and desirable is their memory; therefore, the very name of the Athenians is most deservedly hateful to me, whom you see led and supported by the hands of my servants, and not of my children. Ye Syracusans, if I had discerned that this present assembly had been appointed to consult and advise something in favour of the Athenians, I should, (as justly I might), for the many slaughters and calamities brought by them upon the country, and for iny own particular miseries, most bitterly inveigh against them. But seeing we are here debating about shewing compassion to the afflicted, and how to spread abroad through all the world, the honour and glory of the people of Syracuse, I now desire with all lenity and gentleness, to propose what I conceive may be every way for the advantage of the commonwealth. The Athenians, indeed, have justly deserved to undergo all manner of punishments for their madness and folly: in the first place, for their impiety towards the gods; and next, for their great injury done to us. God is certainly good in this, in bringing those into misery and distress, who, not contented with their own abundance, fall, by an unjust war, upon others. Who would ever have thought that the Athenians, who had brought over ten thousand talents from Delos, and invaded Sicily with a fleet of two hundred sail, and with an army of forty thousand men, should have been brought so low, into such calamities as now they are? for after so great a preparation, neither ship nor man returned to bring the news of their destruction. And now, O ye Syracusans, since ye see by experience, that the proud and ambitious are hateful both to god and man, (adoring the deity), take heed of doing any thing cruel and inhuman. For what honour is it to destroy him that lies prostrate at our feet? What glory to he fierce and cruel in taking revenge? for he that is implacable towards men in distress, is injurious to the common frailty and weakness of mankind. No man is so subtle as to he able to baffle fate; who, as it were, sporting herself with men's miseries, oftentimes, on a sudden, draws a blaek cloud over their posperity. And here, perhaps, some may say__The Athenians have most unjustly committed many slaughters among us, and now we have power to take full revenge. Have not the Athenians suffered already above the degree and measure of their offence? Have ye not sufficiently punished the prisoners? Consider, when they delivered up themselves with their arms into your hands, they did it relying on the mercy of the conquerors. Therefore, it would be a base thing to deceive them in the good opinion and hope they had of your humanity. Certainly they that are implacable and obstinate in their hatred, will fight it out to the last; but these, instead of enemies, gave up themselves to you as suppliants. For they that render their bodies to the enemy in time of the battle, undoubtedly do it in hopes of preservation; but if they are hurried to execution, (though they were persuaded to the contrary), they indeed fall into an unexpected calamity; but they who act so cruelly, may justly be termed raging fools: but it becomes those who would rule others, to recommend themselves rather by mercy and clemency, than to seek to establish their grandeur by force and power. For they who are driven to obedience through fear, are ready to execute their hatred when they see their opportunity to rebel. But they love those that rule them with gentleness and moderation, and do all they can to advance and strengthen their interest. What overthrew the empire of the Medes, but their cruelty to their subjects? For, as soon as the Persians made a defection, most of the nations together with them rebelled. How did Cyrus, who was but a private man, gain the sovereignty of all Asia, but by his courtesy and kindness to those he had subdued? He did not only forbear to execute cruelty upon king Crœsus, but heaped many favours upon him. And such was his practice towards other kings and people, that his mercy and lenity being thereon published in every place, all the inhabitants of Asia flocked together to him, and strove to be his confederates. But why do I speak of times and places so far remote, when in this very city of ours, Gelon, from an ordinary man, became prince of all Sicily; all the cities giving up themselves freely to his government? The courtesy and winning behaviour of the man, gained upon every person, especially his tenderness towards them that were in distress, Therefore, guided by this example, (at a time when this our city nil over all Sicily), let us not slight that which was so commendable in our ancestors, nor behave ourselves like beasts, fierce and inexorable towards men in misery. It will ill become us to give occasion to those that envy us, to say that we used our success and prosperity unworthily. How desirable a thing is it, when we are in affliction, to have some to sympathise with us, and when we are in prospery to have others to rejoice with us? Victory is many times gained by fortune and chance, but humanity and mercy in a time of success, are clear instances of the virtue of the conqueror.
Wherefore envy not your country this honour, whereby they will be famous all the world over, when it shall be said that it did not only overcome the Athenians by arms, but by mercy and humanity. And hence it will appear that they who engross to themselves all the praise and commendation due to mercy and generosity, are far outgone by your lenity and compassion. And that they who first dedicated an altar to mercy, may find the very same in the city of Syracuse. And it will be a convincing argument to all mankind, that they were most justly cut off, and we most deservedly crowned with success; because they so unjustly fell upon those who afterward shewed mercy to such implacable enemies; and that we overcame such a sort of men as most unjustly made war upon them who learned to shew mercy even by the cruelty and injustice of their enemies. And hence it will follow that the Athenians shall not only undergo the censures of others, but will likewise condemn themselves, that they should endeavour by an unjust war to destroy such men. It is certainly a most commendable thing to lay the first foundation of friendship, and extinguish dissentions, by shewing of mercy. A good undersanding amongst friends, is to be everlasting, but enmity with adversaries ought to be but temporary. By this means the number of friends would increase, and enemies would be the fewer. But to continue hatred and discord for ever, and entail them to posterity, is neither just nor safe. For sometimes it falls out that they who now seem to be more potent than the other, in a moment are brought lower than those they formerly overcame: which is clearly evinced to us by the event of the present war. They who even now besieged our city, and to that purpose hemmed us in with a wall, by a turn of fortune are now become our prisoners, as you all see: it is therefore our great prudence in the miseries of others, to shew compassion, if we expect to find the same ourselves in their condition. This present life is full of paradoxes and mutations; as seditions, robberies, wars, among which human nature can scarce avoid loss and prejudice: therefore, if we shut up all bowels of mercy towards the distressed and vanquished, we establish a bloody law for ever against ourselves. For it is impossible that they who are cruel towards others, should find mercy afterwards themselves; and that they who act barbarously should be gently used; or that those who destroy so many men against the common custom of the Greeks, when a change of fortune comes, should obtain the common rights and privileges of all other men. For which of the Grecians ever put to death those that submitted and delivered up themselves upon hopes and belief of mercy from the conquerors? Or who ever preferred cruelty before mercy, or precipitation and rashness before prudence? All mankind indeed agree in this, to destroy an enemy in fight by all ways imaginable; but yet to spare those who submit and yield up themselves. For in the one case obstinacy is corrected, and in the other mercy is exercised. For our rage is naturally cooled, when we see him that was an enemy, upon change of his fortune, now lie at our foot, submitting himself to the will and pleasure of the conqueror: especially men of mild and good tempers are touched with a sense of compassion, through affection to the same common nature with themselves. Event the Athenians in the Peloponnesian war, when they took many of the Lacedæmonians in the Sphacteriæ islands, yet restored them to the Spartans upon ransom. The Lacedæmonians, likewise, when many of the Athenians and their confederates fell into their hands, used the like clemency; and it was honourably done of them both: for Grecians should lay aside their enmity after conquest, and forbear punishment after the enemy is subdued. He that revenges himself upon the conquered, after he hath submitted to mercy, punishes not an enemy, but rather wickedly insults over the weakness of mankind. Concerning this severity one made use of these sayings of the antient philosophers__O man! be not over wise; know thyself: consider fortune commands all things. What, I beseech you, was the reason that all the Grecians in former ages, after their victories, did not make their trophies of stone, but of ordinary wood? was it not, that, as they continued but a short time, so the memory of former feuds and difference should in a little time vanish? If you are resolved to perpetuate your hatred and animosities, then learn first to slight the inconsistency of human affairs. Many times a small occasion, and a little turn of fortune, has given a check to the insolencies of the proudest of men. And if you purpose at any time to put an end to the war, (which is probable), how can you have a better opportunity than this, in which, by your mercy and clemency towards the conquered, you lay the foundations of peace and amity? Do you think the Athenians, by this loss in Sicily, have no more forces left, who are lords almost of all the islands of Greece, and of the sea coasts of Europe and Asia? For not long ago, though they lost three hundred gallies in Egypt, yet they compelled the king (who seemed to be the conqueror) to make peace with them upon terms on his part dishonourable. And heretofore, though Xerxes had destroyed their city, yet not long after they overcame him, and became masters of all Greece. This noble city thrives in the midst of the greatest calamities,and nothing small or mean is the subject of any of its consultations. And therefore it is both honourable and profitable, that we should rather (by sparing the captives) enter into a league of friendship with them, than to widen the breach, by destroying of them. For if we put them to death, we only gratify our rage with a little unprofitable pleasure for the present; but if we preserve them, they (whom we use so well) will be for ever grateful; and from all mankind we shall reap eternal praise and honour. Yea, but others may say, some of the Grecians have killed their prisoners. What then? if they have been praised and honoured for this cruelty, let us then imitate them who have been so careful to preserve their honour; but if the best and chiefest among us justly condemn them, let not us do the same thing with them, who acted apparently so wickedly. As long as these men who have yeilded up themselves to our mercy, suffer nothing sad and doleful from us, all the nations will blame the Athenians: but when they hear that you have destroyed the prisoners, against the law of nations, all the shame and disgrace will fall upon yourselves. And if there be any regard to desert, we may consider that the glory of the city of Athens is such, that all acknowledge themselves bound to be grateful for the benefits and advantages reaped from thence. These are they who first ennobled Greece with civil education; for when, by the special bounty of the gods, it was only among them, they freely imparted it to all others. These framed laws, by means whereof, men that before lived like beasts, were brought into orderly society to live together according to the rules of justice: these were they who first of all protected those in distress that fled to them, and caused the laws for the receiving and defending of suppliants in such cases to be inviolably observed amongst all other nations; and it were a most unworthy thing now to deny the benefit of those laws to them who were the authors of them. And this much in general to all. And now I shall hint something particularly to some of you, concerning the duties incumbent upon such as should have regard to the welfare and happiness of mankind. You that are the orators and men of learning of this city, you, I say, have compassion on them, whose country is the nursery of all learning and honourable education. All you who are initiated into the holy mysteries, spare and save those by whom you were instructed. You who have reaped any advantage by ingenious education, now be grateful for that advantage. You who hereafter hope for improvement thence, debar not yourselves by your cruelty now. For where shall strangers be instructed in the liberal arts, if Athens be destroyed? Some short resentment indeed they do deserve for their present offence, but their many good acts may justly challenge returns of kindness and good will. Besides this merit of the city, if any do but consider the private circumstances of the prisoners, there will be just cause and ground found to shew them mercy. For the confederates, being under the command of their superiors, are forced to be engaged in the same war with them. Wherefore, though it may be thought just to execute revenge upon them that were the chief authors of the injuries, yet certainly it is very fit and commendable to pardon such as are offenders against their wills. What shall I say of Nicias? who from the beginning (favouring the Syracusans) dissuaded the Athenians from this expedition against Sicily; and was always kind and courteous to all the Syracusans that ever came thither. How base and unworthy then would it bo to put Nicias to death, who was our advocate in the senate at Athens, and that he (finding no mercy for his kindnesses) should undergo a rigorous and implacable revenge for his obedience to his governors? So that though Alcibiades (who was the great promoter of this war) avoided, by his flight, revenge both from us and the Athenians, yet he who was the most courteous of all the Athenians, cannot be thought worthy of common favour. Considering, therefore, the catastrophe of this present life, I cannot but compassionate so unfortunate a condition. For, not long ago, he was esteemed one of the bravest men of Greece, and most applauded for the integrity of his life and conversation; and the eyes and good wishes of all the city every where followed him: but now, with his arms pinioned in the chains of captivity, of a deformed countenance, suffering under the miserable condition of a slave, as if fortune in this man's life gloried to shew the greatness of her power, under whose bountiful indulgence towards us, we ought to carry it (as becomes the state and condition of men) with humanity and moderation, and not to insult with barbarous cruelty, over them who are of the same stock and origin with ourselves. Nicholaus having thus spoken to the Syracusans, ended his oration, and much affected his auditors with pity and compasion.
But Gylippus, the Laconian, burning with implacable hatred against the Athenians, ascends the tribual, and speaks thus__I am in great admiration, O ye Syracusans, to see you led aside by enticing words, even while you are under the smart of the miserable butcheries you really groan under. If in the very height of danger you are so cool in your revenge towards them who came hither on purpose to ruin your country, why do we contend if we are not at all injured? I entreat you by the gods, O ye Syracusans, to give me leave, while I freely declare unto you my opinion; for being a Spartan, I must he forced to speak after the manner of the Spartans: and in the first place, some may inquire, how comes it to pass, that Nicholaus professes himself to bear so much compassion towards the Athenians, who have made his old age the more miserable by the loss of his sons? and now appears in the assembly in a mournful habit, and with the shedding of many tears, pleads for mercy for them who have murdered his own children? Certainly he is no good man, that so far forgets the death of his nearest relations, as to judge it fit and just to spare them who were their most bitter and implacable enemies. How many are here present now in this great assembly, who are lamenting for the death of their children? At which words, when many of the assembly sent forth loud groans, he added__I discern (says he) that those sighs are the witnesses of the miseries suffered. How many brothers, kindred, and friends, lost in this war, do ye now in vain desire? At which, when many more manifested their sorrow__Seest thou not, (says Gylippus), O Nicholaus! how many the Athenians have made miserable? All these, without any cause, have they deprived of their dearest and nearest relations, who ought so much the more to hate the name of the Athenians, by how much they bore the greater love to their relations, kindred, and friends. How adsurd and unjust a thing is it, O ye Syracusans, for men voluntarily to sacrifice their lives for you, and you not to revenge their blood upon their inveterate enemies? nay, being so far from praising those who have lost their lives in defence of the common liberty, as to prefer the safety of the enemies, before the honour of those that have deserved so well. You have made a law, that the sepulchres of your countrymen shall be adorned and beautified: what greater ornament can you invent, than to destroy their murderers? unless it be (if the gods permit) that by making these enemies freemen of the city, you determine to set them up as living trophies for the remembrance of your dead friends. But now the denomination of enemies is changed into that of suppliants. From whence arises this tenderness? For they who first compiled laws concerning these matters, decreed mercy to the distressed, but punishment to them that acted wickedly. And now under which of these denominations shall we account the prisoners; as distressed and afflicted? But what evil spirit was it that compelled them to make war against the Syracusans without any provocation; and, breaking all the bonds of peace, (which is so desirable amongst all), to plot and contrive the destruction of your city? Therefore, as they began an unjust war, let them with courage, or without, suffer and undergo the events of war: for if they had been conquerors, we should have felt their most inexorable cruelty; but now, being subdued, they seek to avoid the punishment in the most low and humble posture of distressed suppliants. What if they should be answered, that their covetousness and wicked ambition has hurled them into these calamities? Let them not therefore accuse fortune, nor challenge to themselves the name of suppliants; for this is only due to them who are fallen into misfortunes, and yet have preserved their innocency and integrity: but they who make it the business of their lives to act all manner of injustice, shut up all the doors and passages of mercy against themselves. What is it that is most base will they not devise; what wickedness will they not commit? It is the special property of covetousness not to be content with its present condition, but violently to lust after things remote, and what is not our own; which is most notoriously done by these men: for though they were the most happy and prosperous of all the Grecians, yet not being able to bear the weight of their own greatness, they thirsted after Sicily, (though separated from them by so large a sea), to divide it by lot amongst themselves. A most horrid and wicked thing it is to make war upon them, who never gave any occasion or provocation: and this these men have done. These are they who not long ago entered into a league of peace and friendship with us, and then on a sudden, begirt our city with their forces. Certainly it is a great piece of pride and presumption to forejudge the events of a war, and to order and determine the punishment of an enemy before the conquest: and this they did not omit; for before they came into Sicily, it was enacted in their common assemblies__That the Syracusans and Selinuntines should be made slaves, and all the rest be brought under tribute. And now, when so many complicated vices center in these men, as insatiable covetousness, fraud, and treachery, insufferable pride and insolency, what man in his wits can shew them mercy? especially when it is so well known how they dealt with them of Mitylene. For after they had subdued them, although they had committed no offence, but only desired to preserve their liberty, yet they commanded them all to be put to the sword; a most cruel and barbarous act; and this against Grecians, against confederates, and against those that had merited better things at their hands. And therefore let them not think it grievous to suffer that themselves, which they have executed upon others: for it is but just that he who makes a law to bind others, should be subject to the same himself. But why do I speak of this? When they took Melos, they most miserably destroyed all the youth of the city. And the Scioneans of the colony of the Meleans underwent the same fate. So that these two sorts of people, when they fell into the cruel hands of the Athenians, were so totally destroyed, that there was none left to bury the dead. They who acted these things, are not Scythians, but a people who boast of humanity and mercy above all others. These are they, that, by public edict, utterly destroyed these cities. Now, can you imagine how they would have dealt with the city of Syracuse, if they had taken it? Certainly, they who are so cruel towards their own confederates, would have invented something more vile and horrid to have executed upon strangers. By all the rules of law and justice, therefore, there is no mercy remains for these men, who have debarred themselves of all pity and compassion in their present calamities. For whether can they fly? To the gods; whose worship according to the laws of the country they endeavoured to root up? To men, whom with all their might they were studying aad contriving to make slaves? Will they make their addresses to Ceres and Proserpina, when they came hither to spoil and lay waste the island dedicated to them? So it is. But say some, the people of Athens are in no fault, but Alcibiades, who advised and persuaded them to this war. What then? we know that they who advise, for the most part frame their speeches that way which they conceive is most agreeable to the humour of their auditors; and he that is to give his vote, often suggests to the orator what he would have to be urged. For the orator commands not the people, but the people order the orator to propose what is advisable, and, then determine what they think fit. Besides, if we pardon the malefactors upon their casting the fault upon their advisers, we furnish every wicked fellow with a ready excuse for clearing himself. To speak plainly, it would be the most unjust thing in the world, to give thanks to the people for all the good and advantage we at any time reap, and execute revenge upon the orators for all the injuries we suffer. It is admirable to see some so far besotted, as to judge it fit Alcibiades, now out of our reach, should be punished, and yet the prisoners now justly brought to judgment should be discharged; that thereby it might be evident to all, that the Syracusans are so sottish, as not to have any sense of what is ill: but admit the truth to be so, that the advisers were the cause of the war, then let the people accuse them because they have led them into such a disaster. In the mean time do you, (as in justice you ought), revenge yourselves upon the multitude, by whom you have most injuriously suffered. The sum of all is this, if knowingly and advisedly they have thus wronged you, they deserve to suffer upon that account; if they came upon you rashly and inconsiderately, they are not to be spared for that reason, lest they make it a practice to injure others, under pretence of unadvisedness and inconsideration. For it is not just the Syracusans should he ruined by the rashness and ignorance of the Athenians, nor, where the damage is irreparable, to admit of an excuse for the offenders. Yea, by Jupiter! But Nicias (say some) pleaded the cause of the Syracusans, and was the only person who dissuaded the people from the war. What he said there, indeed we heard, and what he has acted here, we have now seen. For he who there argued against the expedition, was here general of an army against us; and he who was then the Syracusan advocate, but even now besieged and walled in their city. He who was then so well affected towards you, lately commanded the continuance both of the war and the siege, when Demosthenes and all the rest would have drawn off and returned. I judge, therefore, you will not have more regard to words than things, to promises than experiences, to things dark and uncertain, than to those that are seen and apparent. Yet by Jupiter, I confess, it is a very wicked thing to perpetuate enmities and differences: but is not the due punishment of those that violate the peace, the most natural way to put an end to hostilities? It is certainly most unjust, when it is apparent, if they had been conquerors, they would have made the conquered all slaves, to spare them now they are conquered, as if they had done nothing amiss: for thus getting their necks out of the halter, they will speak you fair for a time, and perhaps remember the kindness so long as it is for their advantage, but no longer. One thing more I have to say, if you follow this advice, besides many other mischiefs, you disoblige the Lacedæmonians, who readily undertook this war for your sakes, and sent hither aids and supplies as your confederates, when they might have been quiet, and suffered Sicily to have been wasted and destroyed. And therefore, if you release the prisoners, and enter into a new league with the Athenians, it will evidently appear that you betray your confederates; and whereas it is now in your power to ruin and destroy the common enemies, by discharging of those who are the best of their soldiers you put them in a better condition for a second encounter. I can never be persuaded that the Athenians, who bear such an inveterate hatred, will ever continue long to be your friends. Whilst they cannot hurt you, so long they will make a shew of kindness; but they think they have power enough, then they will execute what before they long designed. To conclude, I earnestly beseech thee, O Jupiter! and all the gods, that the enemies be not spared, that the confederacy be not deserted, and that another danger of ruin be not brought upon the country. And to you, O ye Syracusans, I say if any mischief happen to you by releasing the enemy, you leave no colour of excuse for yourselves.
Thus spoke the Laconian; upon which the people changed their minds, and confirmed the advice of Diocles, and without delay the generals with all their confederates were put to death. But the citizens of Athens were adjudged, and thrust down into the quarries. But some of them that had been well bred and instructed in several useful arts, were by the young men loosed from their fetters and discharged. All the rest almost died miserably through ill usage in their imprisonment.
- ↑ Messapia, an island near Sicily, called Calabria.