The Works of the Rev. Jonathan Swift/Volume 9/An Answer to the Craftsman
AN
ANSWER
TO
OF DEC. 12, 1730,
ON A VERY INTERESTING SUBJECT RELATIVE TO
TO WHICH IS PREFIXED
THE CRAFTSMAN ITSELF.
THE CRAFTSMAN.
THE following article, which has lately appeared in the newspapers, deserves our immediate consideration, viz.
"They write from Dublin, that an officer from every regiment in the French service is arrived there in order to raise recruits for their respective corps; which is not to be done in a clandestine manner, as formerly (when several persons suffered death for it) but publickly. These men are to disperse themselves into the several counties, where they have the best interest; and a field officer is to reside constantly at Dublin, to hear all complaints, which may be made by any of the recruits against their officers; and also to prepare for sending them off. Count Broglio has been soliciting an order to this purpose, these two years."
When I first read this account in the publick prints, I looked upon it as a common piece of false intelligence, and was in full expectation of seeing it contradicted in the next day's papers, according to frequent custom; but, having since heard it confidently affirmed to be true (although I can hardly yet believe it, especially as to every part) the duty which I owe my country, and my zeal for the present establishment, oblige me to take some notice of an affair, which I apprehend to be of very great importance to both.
It will be necessary, in the first place, to give the reader a short account of the nature of these troops, as they are now established in France.
They consist, as we have been informed, of one regiment of horse, and five regiments of foot, all doubly or trebly officered; so that they are of themselves a very considerable body of men.
But their number is the least point to be considered in this affair. There are other circumstances, which render these troops infinitely more formidable to Great Britain. They are not only all Roman catholicks, but the most dangerous of that communion with respect to us, I mean Roman catholick subjects of our dominions; many of whom have been obliged to fly their native country, on account of rebellions and conspiracies in which they have been engaged; and all of them devoted by inclination, by interest, by conscience, by every motive human and divine, to the service of the pretender, in opposition to the protestant succession in his majesty's royal family.
To this we may add, that they are generally esteemed the best forces in the French service; that they have always behaved themselves as such in the late wars; and are commanded by officers of approved courage, as well as great skill and experience in military affairs.
It is said likewise, that the serjeants, corporals, and private men are so well seasoned to danger, and expert in their duty, that, by a gradual promotion they could furnish officers for a very formidable army, in case of any sudden invasion or insurrection.
In the next place, it will not be improper to examine this affair with regard to our laws.
It is made felony, by act of parliament in Ireland, for any subject of that kingdom to enlist himself, or to enlist others, in the service of any foreign state; and it is well known that multitudes of poor wretches have suffered death upon that account.
We know it may be said, that a power is reserved to his majesty, by a clause in that act, to dispense wiih it, by granting any foreign prince a license to raise forces in his dominions, and indemnifying his subjects from the penalties of the law.
Although it is far from my intention to dispute any of his majesty's legal prerogatives, or to call the wisdom of the legislature in question, yet I must take the liberty to observe, that such powers have been sometimes granted out of complaisance to the crown, that the prince's hands may not be absolutely tied up, and in full confidence that they will never be exerted but for the benefit of this nation, or possibly of some protestant ally, upon great emergencies of state. The exercise of the prerogative, in these cases, is therefore merely a prudential part, which is left to the discretion of the prince and his ministers, who ought always to be supposed the best judges of these affairs; and therefore how ridiculous would it be to send to the attorney general for his opinion in such a case, who can be a competent judge of nothing but the legality of it, and whether the affair be actionable or not; but ministers ought to regulate their conduct, in these respects, according to the situation of airalrs, and the exigencies of government.
I must therefore beg leave to consider the present subject of the Irish forces, in this light.
It will not be denied, I presume, that a license to recruit Roman catholick regiments of English subjects, in foreign service and in the interest of a pretender to the crown (which is death by the law, without his majesty's permission) is a favour of a very extraordinary nature, and ought to be attended with some extraordinary circumstances. I confess that I can see no such extraordinary circumstances at present; unless it should be said that this favour was granted, in order to engage our good allies in the demolition of Dunkirk; but I hope they have more generosity than to insist upon such hard terms, for the effectual performance of that which they are obliged by treaty to do. I am sure, such conditions seem unreasonable on our part, after we have made them so many other concessions; particularly with relations to the flag and [w:Santa Lucia|Santa Lucia]]; which, I think, are sufficient to make them comply with all our demands, without expecting any farther favours, and even supererogation of friendship.
Perhaps my adversaries (if they have any conceit) may take an opportunity of ridiculing me for writing in this strain; but, as it sometimes serves their turn to make me a great man, and to argue against me as such, I will for once suppose myself so; and methinks, if I had the honour of being but half an hour in that station, I could reason against such an order, for the good of my king and my country, in the following manner:
1. These troops have always been made use of, whenever there has been any attempt in favour of the pretender; and indeed they are, upon many accounts, the fittest for this purpose. They are our fellow subjects; they speak our language; are acquainted with our manners; and do not raise that aversion in the people, which they naturally conceive against other foreign troops, who understand neither. I am afraid I may add, that they are kept up, for this purpose, in entire regiments, without suffering them to be mixed with the troops of any other nation. It is well known at least, that they supplied the late king James with a nursery of soldiers, who were always ready for his service, whenever any opportunity offered itself for his restoration; and that at this time, the pretender is always the bait made use of by their officers to raise recruits. They never mention the king of France, or the king of Spain, upon these occasions; but list the poor wretches under an assurance, that they are entered into the service of him whom they call their natural and rightful king. I will not suspect the present fidelity of France, and their cordiality to the protestant establishment; yet methinks we might easily excuse ourselves from furnishing them with instruments, which they may employ against us, whenever ambition, or reasons of state, shall dissolve their present engagements, and induce them to espouse the cause of the pretender again.
2. It is very probable that his catholick majesty (who has likewise several regiments of this kind in his service) will expect the same favour of recruiting them in Ireland; and that he may, in case of refusal, make it a pretence, at any time, for quarrelling with us, interrupting our commerce, and disturbing us again in the possession of Gibraltar. And here it is proper just to take notice, that these troops did his catholick majesty the most eminent service in the last siege of that important place. He may complain, perhaps, of our partiality to France, and allege, that we do not treat Spain in the same manner we expect to be treated by them, as one of the most favoured nations.
3. The kingdom of Ireland, seems at this time, in a very ill condition to admit of any such draughts out of her dominions. She has been already so much exhausted by the voluntary transportation of multitudes of her inhabitants (who have been prevailed upon, by the calamities of their own country, to seek their bread in other parts of the world) that the interposition of parliament was found necessary to put a stop to it; and shall we suffer any foreign power to drain her still farther under such circumstances; especially in this manner, and for this purpose? I do not hear that this license is confined to any particular number of men. It is confessed, I think, that they want above two thousand men to complete their corps; and who knows but they may design to raise a great many more than they care to own; or even to form some new regiments of these troops? But supposing they are confined to a certain number of recruits, and that Ireland were in a capacity to spare them; it is well known how easily such limitations are evaded, and how difficult it is to know when people conform exactly to the terms of their commission. This was sufficiently explained in the late famous controversy, concerning Mr. Wood's patent for supplying Ireland with a particular sum of copper halfpence; and the arguments upon that subject may be applied to this, with some allowances for the difference between the two cases. It may, perhaps, be said likewise that all the vigilance of the ministry has been hitherto found ineffectual to prevent the French from clandestinely recruiting these regiments with Irish catholicks; and therefore, that we may as well allow them to do it openly; nay, that it is our interest to let them purge Ireland of her popish inhabitants as much as they please: but I deny this for several reasons, which I shall mention presently; and if it were really the case, that the French can at any time recruit these troops clandestinely, I cannot see any reason why they should solicit an order so pressingly, for two years together, to do it openly, unless they have some other design. Ought not even this consideration to put us a little upon our guard; and is it not a tacit confession, that these troops are thought to be of more importance to them than we ought to wish? Besides, are we to license and authorise a mischievous practice, because we cannot totally prevent it? Every one justly applauded his majesty's singular firmness and resolution in supporting the rights of his German subjects, when an attempt was made to seduce some of them into the king of Prussia's service, although perhaps it is impossible to prevent that practice entirely. We all remember that the enlisting of a miller's son, and a few other ordinary peasants, occasioned such a misunderstanding between the two crowns, as proceeded almost to a rupture. Nor was the zeal of the English parliament backward on this occasion; but on this consideration, among others, resolved to keep up a body of 12000 Hessian troops in our pay, which have already cost us above a million of money. I am confident, therefore, that the same paternal care will always influence his majesty to guard and protect his British subjects in the same manner; and if any measure should be taken, which savours too much of the French interest, and seems of dangerous consequence to the interest of his family, the world can impute it to nothing, but the deceitful representations of those, who lie under such particular obligations to the court of France, that they can refuse them nothing.
Such a license seems to give encouragement to the people of Ireland to continue Roman catholicks, since they are sure to meet with a provision both in the French and Spanish service; whereas we always reject them in our troops, and absolutely prohibit our officers to recruit in Ireland. Now, although it may not be safe to trust them in our armies, yet certainly we ought not to give the least encouragement to their entering into foreign service; especially into such compact bodies as these regiments. And here it will not be amiss to relate a story much more to the honour of an English nobleman, who has also one of the largest estates in Ireland of any man in the kingdom. When he went to visit the Invalides in France, a place in the nature of our Chelsea college here, all the Irish officers and soldiers of that hospital drew out in a body to do him particular honours. We can make no question that their chief view was to have some present from his lordship; but though he has a heart as well disposed to generous charity as any man, and a purse well able to answer the dictates of it; yet, out of regard to his country, for which he has likewise the most disinterested zeal, his answer to them was only this: "Gentlemen, I am very sensible of the honour you have done me, and heartily pity your misfortunes; but, as you have drawn them upon yourselves, by serving against your country, you must not expect any relief or reward from me, for having suffered in a service in which I wish you had never engaged."
5. Is there not some reason to apprehend that this license may, at one time or other, prove a snare to that country, and draw many people into their destruction; for, unless it is made perpetual, can it be supposed that all the poor ignorant wretches in the kingdom should be apprised how long this license is to be in force? or when they may list with impunity, and when they may not? Besides, as it may be presumed that these officers will never go, for the future, upon such errands, without some pretended orders, when the real one is expired; so they will find it no difficult matter to impose such a counterfeit upon illiterate people; who may thus incur the penalties of the law, without knowing any thing of the matter. Such a method of providing for persons, whose principles render them unserviceable to our army, is indeed a little more charitable than a late project for preventing Irish children from being starved, by fattening them up, and selling them to the butcher.
6. I have often heard that these troops have been made use of, in parliament, as an argument for keeping up a standing army in England; and I think we need not take any measures to render that argument stronger. God knows, there are too many arguments already upon such occasions.
I might insist upon some other points, which this affair naturally suggests to a considering mind; particularly the danger of suffering several bigotted Irish papists, in foreign service, to disperse themselves into those countries where they have the best interest, and to stroll about Ireland among their relations and old acquaintance, of the same principles with themselves. Are we sure that they will not make a bad use of this liberty, by inquiring into the strength of their party, by giving them hopes, and taking an opportunity to concert measures for the advantage of their cause? have we no reason to apprehend that they may endeavour to raise seamen as well as soldiers, under colour of this order? or engage great numbers of their countrymen to transport themselves over to the French colonies and plantations in the West Indies, which are already grown formidable to the trading interest of Great-Britain in those parts?
But whatever may be the motives to such an extraordinary favour, or the consequences of it, I am sure it is the strongest mark of our confidence in France, and such a one, as I believe they would not place in us, upon any occasion. I will illustrate this by a parallel case.
The French protestants who fled over hither from a persecution on account of religion, never discovered any principles which were incompatible with the civil government of France, nor ever set up any pretender to the present royal family of that kingdom; and yet, if we should think fit to form any considerable number of them into complete distinct regiments, to be composed of French protestants only, and commanded by French officers, without any incorporation of British soldiers, I fancy it would give our good allies some umbrage. But I am almost confident, that they would never permit us to send over a protestant French officer from every regiment to recruit their respective corps, by dispersing themselves into those provinces where they have the best interest; or suffer a field officer, in English pay, to reside constantly in Paris, and exercise a sort of martial law in the capital of their dominions; I say, they would hardly suffer this, even though our ambassador should solicit such an order, with the utmost application, for twenty years together.
And yet the case of the Irish forces is much stronger with respect to us. They do not differ with us only in matters of religion, but hold principles absolutely destructive of our civil government; and are generally looked upon abroad as a standing army, kept on foot to serve the pretender upon any occasion.
I must ask a question or two, which naturally offer themselves in this place.
What power has this field officer to exercise during his residence in Dublin? is the French martial law to take place, if any of these recruits should happen to repent of what they have done, and think fit to desert?
Troops are generally armed as soon as they are listed. Is this rule to be observed in the present case? If so, another question occurs. It has been found necessary, for the security of Ireland, to restrain all Roman catholicks from wearing, or keeping any arms in their houses. I ask, therefore, whether the authority of this license is to supersede the laws of the land; I may go farther.
The garrison of Dublin seldom consists of above 800 men for the duty of the place. Supposing double that number of popish recruits should be brought thither, in order to be viewed by their field officer, will it be said there is no just apprehension of danger? But as these suggestions may appear to be founded on the infidelity of France (a case not to be supposed at present) I press them no farther.
I must however repeat it, that this order is the fullest demonstration of the confidence we repose in them; and I hope they will scorn to make any bad use of it: but, if it were possible to suspect that they could have any design to play the knave with us, they could not wish for a better opportunity to promote it, than by such a power as is now said to be put into their hands.
I hope my remarks on this article of news will not be construed in a jacobite sense, even by the most prostitute scribblers of the present times; but I must beg leave to expostulate a little with the publick on that mean infamous practice, which these writers have lately used, in explaining some of my papers into treasonable libels; taking an occasion from hence to appear formally in defence of the throne, and laying it down as a point granted, that there is an actual, concerted design of setting aside the present establishment. This is a practice which may be of great service to the real enemies of the present government; and every jacobite in the kingdom may make use of it to publish the most explicit invectives on the king and his government, under the pretence of interpreting the implicit design of other writings. It is a practice which was never allowed till now, and ought never to be allowed; for whatever may be the secret meaning of any author, such explanations are certainly libels, which may have a very bad effect upon weak minds, and are punishable by the laws, without any extraordinary methods of construction. These writers ought to remember the case of sir Richard Steele, who published the pretender's declaration at the beginning of the late reign, with an answer annexed; and although he did it with a very good design, yet it was universally allowed to be contrary to law; and if his principles of loyalty had not been very well known, might have involved him in a severe prosecution. I shall make no reflections on those who encouraged such explanations; and those who are hired to do it, are beneath my notice. Let them empty all the trite common places of servile, injudicious flattery, and endeavour to make their court by such nauseous, dishonest adulation, as, I am sure, gives the most offence to those persons to whom it is paid. Let them throw as much foul dirt at me as they please. Let them charge me with designs which never entered into my thoughts, and cannot justly be imputed to me from any part of my conduct. God knows my heart, I am as zealous for the welfare of the present royal family as the most sordid of these sycophants. I am sensible, that our happiness depends on the security of his majesty's title, and the preservation of the present government upon those principles which established them at the late glorious revolution; and which, I hope, will continue to actuate the conduct of Britons to the latest generations. These have always been my principles; and whoever will give himself the trouble of looking over the course of these papers, will be convinced that they have been my guide: but I am a blunt plaindealing old man, who am not afraid to speak the truth; and as I have no relish for flattery myself, I scorn to bestow it on others. I have not, however, been sparing of just praise, nor slipped any seasonable opportunity to distinguish the royal virtues of their present majesties[1]. More than this I cannot do; and more than this, I hope, will not be expected. Some of my expressions, perhaps, may have been thought too rough and unpolished for the climate of a court; but they flowed purely from the sincerity of my heart; and the freedom of my writings has proceeded from my zeal for the interest of my king and country.
With regard to my adversaries, I will leave every impartial reader to judge, whether, even in private life, that man is not most to be depended upon, who, being inwardly convinced of the great and good qualities of his friend, never loads him with fulsome flatteries, but takes the honest liberty of warning him against the measures of those who are endeavouring to mislead him. The case is much stronger in publick life; and a crown is beset with so many difficulties, that even a prince of the most consummate wisdom, is not always sufficiently guarded against the dangers which surround him, from the stratagems of artful ministers, or the blunders of weak ones. Both of them may be equally bad ministers, and pursue the same methods of supporting themselves, by flattering him into measures which tend to his destruction.
But it is time to draw to a conclusion; and I can only add, that if I were really engaged in any design contrary to the interests of the present establishment, I should have sat down contented, and secretly rejoiced at the affair which occasioned this paper, instead of giving myself and the reader so much trouble.
SIR,
I detest reading your papers, because I am not of your principles, and because I cannot endure to be convinced. Yet I was prevailed on to peruse your Craftsman of December the 12th, wherein I discover you to be as great an enemy of this country, as you are of your own. You are pleased to reflect on a project I proposed of making the children of Irish parents to be useful to the publick instead of being burdensome; and you venture to assert, that your own scheme is more charitable, of not permitting our popish natives to be listed in the service of any foreign prince.
Perhaps, sir, you may not have heard of any kingdom so unhappy as this, both in their imports and exports. We import a sort of goods, of no intrinsick value, which it costs us above forty thousand pounds a year to dress, and scour, and polish, which altogether do not yield one penny advantage; and we annually export above seven hundred thousand pounds a year in another kind of goods, for which we receive not one single farthing in return; even the money paid for letters sent in transacting this commerce being all returned to England, But now, when there is a most lucky opportunity offered to begin a trade, whereby this nation will save many thousand pounds a year, and England be a prodigious gainer, you are pleased without a call, officiously and maliciously to interpose with very frivolous arguments.
It is well known that about sixty years ago, the exportation of live cattle from hence to England was of great benefit to both kingdoms, until that branch of traffick was stopped by an act of parliament on your side, whereof you have sufficient reason to repent. Upon which account, when another act passed your parliament, forbidding the exportation of live men to any foreign country, you were so wise to put in a clause, allowing it to be done by his majesty's permission, under his sign manual, for which, among other great benefits granted to Ireland, we are infinitely obliged to the British legislature. Yet this very grace and favour you, Mr. D'Anvers, whom we never disobliged, are endeavouring to prevent; which, I will take upon me to say; is a manifest mark of your disaffection to his majesty, a want of duty to the ministry, and a wicked design of oppressing this kingdom, and a traitorous attempt to lessen the trade and manufactures of England.
Our truest and best ally, the most Christian king, has obtained his majesty's license, pursuant to law, to export from hence some thousand bodies of healthy, young, living men, to supply his Irish regiments. The king of Spain, as you assert yourself, has desired the same civility, and seems to have at least as good a claim; supposing then that these two potentates will only desire leave to carry off six thousand men between them to France and Spain, then by computing the maintenance of a tall, hungry, Irishman, in food and clothes, to be only at five pounds a head, here will be thirty thousand pounds per annum saved clear to the nation; for they can find no other employment at home, beside begging, robbing, or stealing. But, if thirty, forty, or fifty thousand (which we would gladly spare) were sent on the same errand, what an immense benefit it must be to us! and if the two princes, in whose service they were, should happen to be at war with each other, how soon would those recruits be destroyed! then what a number of friends would the pretender lose, and what a number of popish enemies all true protestants get rid of! Add to this, that then, by such a practice, the lands of Ireland, that want hands for tillage, must be employed in grazing, which would sink the price of wool, raw hides, butter, and tallow, so that the English might have them at their own rates; and in return send us wheat to make our bread, barley to brew our drink, and oats for our horses, without any labour of our own.
Upon this occasion, I desire humbly to offer a scheme, which, in my opinion, would best answer the true interests of both kingdoms: For, although I bear a most tender filial affection for England, my dear native country; yet, I cannot deny but this noble island has a great share in my love and esteem; nor can I express how much I desire to see it flourish in trade and opulence, even beyond its present happy condition.
The profitable land of this kingdom is, I think, usually computed at seventeen millions of acres, all of which I propose to be wholly turned to grazing. Now, it is found by experience, that one grazier and his family can manage two thousand acres. Thus, sixteen millions eight hundred thousand acres may be managed by eight thousand four hundred families; and the fraction of two hundred thousand acres will be more than sufficient for cabins, outhouses, and potatoe gardens; because it is to be understood that corn of all sorts must be sent to us from England.
These eight thousand four hundred families may be divided among the four provinces, according to the number of houses in each province; and making the equal allowance of eight to a family, the number of inhabitants will amount to sixty-seven thousand two hundred souls; to these we are to add a standing army of twenty thousand English; which, together with their trulls, their bastards, and their horseboys, will, by a gross computation, very near double the count, and be very sufficient for the defence and grazing of the kingdom, as well as to enrich our neighbours, expel popery, and keep out the pretender. And lest the army should be at a loss for business, I think it would be very prudent to employ them in collecting the publick taxes for paying themselves and the civil list.
I advise, that all our owners of these lands should live constantly in England, in order to learn politeness, and qualify themselves for employments; but, for fear of increasing the natives in this island, that an annual draught, according to the number born every year, be exported to whatever place will bear the carriage, or transplanted to the English dominions on the American continent, as a screen between his majesty's English subjects and the savage Indians.
I advise likewise, that no commodity whatsoever, of this nation's growth, should be sent to any other country, except England, under the penalty of high treason; and that all the said commodities shall be sent in their natural state, the hides raw, the wool uncombed, the flax in the stub; excepting only fish, butter, tallow, and whatever else will be spoiled in the carriage. On the contrary, that no goods whatsoever shall be imported hither, except from England, under the same penalty: That England should be forced, at their own rates, to send us over clothes ready made, as well as shirts and smocks, to the soldiers and their trulls; all iron, wooden, and earthen ware; and whatever furniture may be necessary for the cabins of graziers, with a sufficient quantity of gin, and other spirits, for those who can afford to get drunk on holidays.
As to the civil and ecclesiastical administration, which I have not yet fully considered, I can say little; only with regard to the latter, it is plain, that the article of paying tithe for supporting speculative opinions in religion, which is so insupportable a burden to all true protestants, and to most churchmen, will be very much lessened by this expedient; because dry cattle pay nothing to the spiritual hireling, any more than imported corn; so that the industrious shepherd and cowherd may sit every man under his own blackberry bush, and on his own potatoe bed, whereby this happy island will become a new Arcadia.
I do likewise propose, that no money shall be used in Ireland, except what is made of leather, which likewise shall be coined in England, and imported; and that the taxes shall be levied out of the commodities we export for England, and there turned into money for his majesty's use; and the rents to landlords discharged in the same manner. This will be no manner of grievance, for we already see it very practicable to live without money, and shall be more convinced of it every day. But whether paper shall continue to supply that defect, or whether we shall hang up all those who profess the trade of bankers (which latter I am rather inclined to) must be left to the consideration of wiser politicians.
That which makes me more zealously bent upon this scheme, is, my desire of living in amity with our neighbouring brethren; for we have already tried all other means, without effect, to that blessed end: and, by the course of measures taken for some years past, it should seem that we are all agreed in the point.
This expedient will be of great advantage to both kingdoms, upon several accounts: For, as to England, they have a just claim to the balance of trade on their side with the whole world: and therefore our ancestors and we, who conquered this kingdom for them, ought, in duty and gratitude, to let them have the whole benefit of that conquest to themselves; especially, when the conquest was amicably made without bloodshed, by stipulation between the Irish princes and Henry II; by which they paid him, indeed, not equal homage with what the electors of Germany do to the emperor, but very near the same that he did to the king of France, for his French dominions.
In consequence of this claim from England, that kingdom may very reasonably demand the benefit of all our commodities in their natural growth, to be manufactured by their people, and a sufficient quantity of them for our use to be returned hither fully manufactured.
This, on the other side, will be of great benefit to our inhabitants the graziers; when time and labour will be too much taken up in manuring their ground, feeding their cattle, sheering their sheep, and sending over their oxen fit for slaughter; to which employments they are turned by nature, as descended from the Scythians, whose diet they are still so fond of. So Virgil describes it;
Et lac concretum cum sanguine bibet equino.
Which in English, is bonnyclabber[3], mingled with the blood of horses, as they formerly did, until about the beginning of the last century; when luxury, under the form of politeness, began to creep in, they changed the blood of horses for that of their black cattle; and, by consequence, became less warlike than their ancestors.
Although I proposed that the army should be collectors of the publick revenues, yet I did not thereby intend that those taxes should be paid in gold or silver; but in kind, as all other rent: For, the custom of tenants making their payments in money, is a new thing in the world, little known in former ages, nor generally practised in any nation at present, except this island and the southern parts of Britain. But, to my great satisfaction, I foresee better times; the ancient manner begins to be now practised in many parts of Connaught, as well as in the county of Corke; where the squires turn tenants to themselves, divide so many cattle to their slaves, who are to provide such a quantity of butter, hides, or tallow, still keeping up their number of cattle; and carry the goods to Corke, or other port towns, and then sell them to merchants. By which invention there is no such thing as a ruined farmer to be seen; but the people live with comfort on potatoes and bonnyclabber, neither of which are vendible commodities abroad.
- ↑ King George II, and queen Caroline his consort.
- ↑ This Answer is a masterpiece, in the dean's usual comical manner.
- ↑ Thick, sour milk.