Theses Presented to the Second World Congress of the Communist International/Chapter 1
Theses of the Executive Committee of the Commu—
nist International on the Role of the Communist
Party in the Workers' Revolution.
The first year of work of the Communist International was occupied chiefly in the propagation of Communist ideas. At present, just before the Second Congress, the International is entering upon a new phase. A period of organisation and construction lies before us. Until, now in different countries there have been only vague tendencies and ideas about Communism among the working people. But at present, in almost all the countries where there is a serious workers' movement, one may now perceive not only tendencies and influences, but Communist organizations and parties. This circumstance should persuade the Second Congress of the Communist International to take a perfectly clear and precise position on the question concerning the part to be played by the Communist Party before and after the moment when the power passes into the hands of the working class. Among some of the adherents of Communism (the "Left" party in Germany, the I. W. W. in America, several groups of revolutionary syndicalists and anarchists) there exists a certain tendency to undervalue the work of the Communist Party, as such, and even a direct denial of the necessity of any Communist Party at all. This should serve as an additional motive for the Second Congress to answer the above question precisely and definitely.
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1. The Communist Party forms part of the working class; namely, its most advanced, most intelligent and therefore most revolutionary part. The Communist Party is created by selecting the best, most intelligent, most self-sacrificing and most farseeing workers. The Communist Party has no other interests but those of the working class. It differs from the general mass of the workers in that it takes a general view of the whole historical march of the working class, and at all the turns of the road it endeavours to defend the interests, not of separate groups or professions, but those of the working class as a whole. The Communist Party is the organized political lever by means of which the more advanced part of the working class directs the whole mass of workers in the right direction.
2. As long as the governing power is not in the hands of the workers, as long as the proletariat has not consolidated its rule once for all and guaranteed the working classes from a return of the capitalist order, so long will the Communist Party as a rule have only a minority of the workmen in its ranks. Up to the time when the power will be in its grasp, and during the period of transition, the Communist Party may under favourable conditions enjoy an undisputed political influence over the working masses and the semi-proletarian class of the population; but it will not be able to organize and enroll them in its ranks. Only when the dictatorship of the workers has deprived the bourgeois elements of such powerful weapons as the press, the schools, parliament, church, the governing apparatus, etc., only when the final defeat of the capitalist order will become an evident fact—only after that will all or almost all the workers enter the ranks of the Communist Party.
3. A sharp distinction must be made between the conception of "party" and "class". The members of the "Christian" and the Liberal trade unions of Germany, England and other countries are undoubtedly part of the working class. More or less considerable circles of working people, followers of Scheidemann, Gompers & Co., are also part of the working class. Owing to certain historical conditions, the working class has numerous reactionary groups and strata. The task of Communism is not to adapt itself to such retrograde specimens of the working class, but to raise the whole of it to the level of the Communist advance guard. The confounding of these two conceptions can only lead to the greatest mistakes and confusion. Thus, for instance, it is clear that notwithstanding the frame of mind or prejudices of a certain part of the working masses during the imperialistic war, the workers' party was forced to act against such prejudices in defending the interests of the workers, which demanded from the workers’ party a declaration of war against war.
Thus in the beginning of the Imperialistic war of 1914, the social-traitor parties of all countries, while upholding the capitalists of their „own“ countries, unanimously declared that such was the will of the people. They forgot at the same time that even if this were so, the duty of the workers' party would have, been to go against such a frame of mind of the majority of the workers, and to defend the interests of the workers at whatever cost. At the very beginning of the XXth century the Russian Mensheviks (minimalists) of the time (the so-called "economists"), denied the possibility of an open political struggle against Tsarism, on the ground that the working class in general was not capable of understanding the meaning of a political struggle.
4. The Communist International is firmly convinced that the collapse of the old "Social Democratic" parties of the Second International cannot be represented as the collapse of the proletarian party organisations in general. The period of the open struggle for the dictatorship of the workers has created a new party—the Communists.
5. The Communist International emphatically rejects the opinion that the workers could carry out a revolution without having an independent political party of their own. All class. struggles are political ones. The object of such a struggle, which inevitably turns into a civil war, is the obtaining of political power. However, such a power cannot be acquired, organised and directed otherwise than by means of some political party. Only in case the workers have for their leader an organized and experienced party, with strictly defined objects, and a practically drawn up program of immediate action, both in internal and foreign policy—then only will the acquisition of political power cease to be a casual episode, but it will serve as starting point for a lasting Communist organisation of the workers.
The same class struggle demands that the general guidance of the various forms of the workers' movement be united in one central organisation. (Labour unions, cooperative associations, cultural-educational work, elections, etc.). Only a political party can be such a unifying and guiding centre. To refuse to create and strengthen such a party and submit to its dictates, would mean to abandon the idea of unity in the guidance of the separate proletarian groups operating on the different arenas of the fight. Lastly, the class struggle of the proletariat demands a concentrated propaganda, throwing light on the various stages of the fight from the same point of view, and directing the attention of the proletariat at each given moment to the definite tasks to be accomplished by the whole class. This cannot be done without the help of a centralised political apparatus, i. e., without a political party. Therefore the doctrine of the revolutionary syndicalists, and the partisans of the Industrial Workers of the World (I. W: W.), against the necessity of an independent Workers' Party, as a matter of fact has only served and continues to serve the interests of the bourgeoisie and the counter-revolutionary „Social Democrats“. In their propaganda against the Communist Party, which the syndicalists and industrialists desire to replace by the labour unions alone, or by shapeless indefinite „general“ workers' unions, they approach the opportunists. After the defeat of the revolution in 1905, during the course of several years the Russian Mensheviks proclaimed the necessity of a so-called Labour Congress, which was to replace the revolutionary party of the working class: all kinds of "Labourists" of England and America, while consciously carrying on a bourgeois policy, are propagating among the workers the idea of creating indefinite shapeless workers' unions instead of a political party. The revolutionary Syndicalists and Industrialists desire to fight against the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, but they do not know how to do it. They do not see that the working class without an independent political party is like a body without a head.
Revolutionary Syndicalism and Industrialism are a step forward only in comparison with the old, musty counter-revolutionary ideology of the Second International. But in comparison with the revolutionary Marxian doctrine, i. e., with Communism, they are a step backwards. The declaration of the "Left" Communists of Germany (in the program-declaration of their Constituent Congress in April) to the effect that they are forming a party but not one in the traditional sense of the word ("Keine Partei im überlieferten Sinne")—is a capitulation before the views of Syndicalism and Industrialism, which are reactionary ones.
6. The Communists fully approve of the formation of the most widely various workers' organisations, not belonging to any particular political party. They consider it their most important task to carry on the work of organisation and instruction within such organisations. But in order that their efforts should bring forth the desired results, and that such organisations should not become the prey of opponents of the revolutionary proletariat, the most advanced Communist workers should always have their own independent closely united Communist Party, working in an organised manner, and standing up for the general interests of Communism at each turn of events and under every form of the movement.
7. The Communists have no fear of the largest workers' organisations which belong to no party, even when they are of a decidedly reactionary nature (yellow unions, Christian Associations, etc.). The Communist Party carries on its work inside such organisations, and untiringly instructs the workers, and proves to them that the idea of no political party as a principle is consciously cultivated among the workers by the bourgeoisie and its adherents, with the object of keeping the proletariat from an organised struggle for Socialism.
8. The old classical division of the labour movement into three forms (party, labour unions and cooperatives) has evidently served its time. The proletarian revolution in Russia has brought forward the fundamental form of the workers' dictatorship—the Soviets. But the party of the proletariat, that is to say, the Communist Party, must constantly and systematically direct the work of the Soviets as well as of the revolutionised industrial unions.
Those who propose to the Communist Party to "conform" to the Soviets, those who perceive in such "conformation" a strengthening of the "proletarian nature" of the Party, are rendering a bad service both to the Party and to the Soviets, and do not understand the importance of the Party, nor that of the Soviets. The stronger the Communist Party in each country, the sooner will the Soviet idea triumph. Many „independent“ and even „right“ Socialists profess to believe in the Soviet idea. But we can prevent such elements from distorting this idea, only if there exists a strong Communist Party capable of determining the policy of the Soviets and making them follow it.
9. The Communist Party is necessary to the working class not only before it has acquired power, not only while it is acquiring such power, but also after the power has passed into the hands of the working class. The history of the Russian Communist Party, for three years at the head of such a vast country, shows that the rôle of the party after the acquisition of power by the working class has not only not diminished, but on the contrary, has greatly increased.
10. On the morrow of the acquisition of power by the proletariat, its party still remained, as formerly, a part of the working class. But it was just that part of the class which organised the victory. During twenty years in Russia—thirteen years in Germany—the Communist Party, in its struggle not only against the bourgeoisie, but also against those Socialists who are the transmitters of bourgeois ideas among the proletariat, has enrolled in its ranks the staunchest, most farseeing and most advanced fighters of the working class. Only by having such a closely united organisation of the best part of the working class was it possible for the party to overcome all the difficulties which arose before the proletarian dictatorship in the days following the victory. The organisation of a new proletarian Red Army, the practical abolition of the bourgeois governing apparatus, and the building in its place of the framework of a new proletarian state apparatus, the struggle against the narrow craft tendencies of certain separate groups of workers, the struggle: against local and provincial "patriotism", clearing the way for the creation of a new labour discipline—in all these undertakings the final decisive word was said by the Communist Party, whose members are a living example for the majority of the workers of the way they should go.
11. The necessity of a political party for the proletariat can cease only with a complete suppression of classes. On the way to this final victory of Communism it is possible that the relative importance of the three fundamental proletarian organisations of modern times (party, soviets and industrial unions), shall undergo some changes, and that gradually a single type of workers' organisation will be formed. The Communist Party, however, will become absorbed in the working class only when Communism ceases to be the object of struggle, and the whole working class shall be Communists.
12. The Second Congress of the Communist International must not only serve to affirm the historical mission of the Communist Party in general, but it must indicate to the international proletariat, in rough draft, what kind of a Communist Party is needed.
13. The Communist International assumes that especially during the period of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the Communist Party should be organised on the basis of a severe proletarian centralism. In order to direct the working class successfully during the long, stubborn civil war, the Communist Party must establish the strictest military discipline within its own ranks. The experience of the Russian Communist Party in its successful leadership of the civil war of the working class during three years, has proved that the victory of the workers is impossible without a severe discipline, a perfected centralisation and the fullest confidence of all the organisations of the party in the leading organ of the party.
14. The Communist Party should be based on the principle of democratic centralisation. The chief principle of the latter is the elective nature of the lowest unit, the absolute authority of all the decisions of a higher unit upon the one immediately beneath, and a strong party central organ, whose decrees are binding upon all the leaders of party life between party conventions.
15. In view of the state of siege introduced by the bourgeoisie against the Communists, a whole series of Communist Parties in Europe and America are compelled to exist illegally. It must be remembered that under such conditions it may become necessary sometimes temporarily to deviate from the strict observance of the elective principle, and to delegate to the leading party organisations the right of cooptation, as was done in Russia at one time. Under the state of siege the Communist Party cannot have recourse to a democratic referendum among all the members of the Party (as was proposed by part of the American Communists) but on the contrary it should empower its leading central organ to make important decisions in emergencies on behalf of all the members of the party.
16. The doctrine of a wide "autonomy" for the separate local organisations of the party at the present moment only weakens the ranks of the Communist Party, undermines its working capacity and aids the development of petty-bourgeois, anarchistic, centrifugal tendencies.
17. In countries where the power is in the hands of the bourgeoisie or the counter-revolutionary Social Democrats, the Communist Party must learn to unite systematically the legal with the illegal work; but all legal work must be carried on under the practical control of the illegal party. The parliamentary groups of Communists, both in the central as well as in the local government institutions, must be fully and absolutely subject to the Communist Party in general, irrespective of whether the party on the whole be a legal or an illegal organisation at the time. Any delegate who in one form or another does not submit absolutely to the party shall be expelled from the ranks of Communism.
The legal press (newspapers, publications) must be unconditionally and fully subject to the party in general and to its Central Committee. No concessions are admissible in this respect.
18. The fundamental principle of all organisation work of the Communist Party and individual Communists must be the creation of a Communist nucleus everywhere they find proletarians and semi-proletarians—although even in small numbers. In every Soviet of Workers' Deputies, in every labour union, every cooperative institution, workshop, house committee, in every government institution, everywhere, even though there may be only three people sympathising with Communism, a Communist nucleus must be immediately organised. It is only the power of organisation of the Communists that enables the advance guard of the working class to be the leader of the whole class. Communist nucleii working in organisations adhering to no political party must be subject to the party organisations in general, whether the party itself is working legally or illegally at the given moment. Communist nuclei! of all kinds must be subordinate one to another in a strictly hierarchical order and system.
19. The Communist Party almost always begins its work as a party of theory among the industrial workers residing for the most part in cities. For the easier and more rapid victory of the working class it is necessary that the party should also work in the country, in the villages. The Communist Party must carry out its propaganda and organisation work among the agricultural labourers and the poorer farmers. It must especially endeavour to organise Communist nucleii in the rural districts.
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The international organisation of the proletariat will be strong only if in all the countries where the Communists are living and working these conditions of party organisation and activity are accepted. The Communist International invites to its Congress all labour unions which recognise the principles of the Third International and are ready to break with the yellow International. The Communist International intends to organise an international section composed of the red labour unions which recognise the principles of Communism. The Communist International will not refuse to cooperate with purely nonpolitical workers' organisations desirous of carrying on a serious revolutionary struggle against the bourgeoisie. But at the same time the Communist International will never cease to repeat to the workers of all the world:
1. The Communist International is the chief and essential instrument for the liberation of the working class. In each country there must now be not only Communist groups, or tendencies, but—a Communist Party.
2. In every country there must be only one Communist Party.
3. The Communist Party must be founded on the principle of the strictest centralisation, and during the period of civil war it must introduce military discipline in its ranks.
4. In every place where there are a dozen proletarians or semi-proletarians, the Communist Party must have an organised nucleus.
5. In each nonpolitical organisation there must be a Communist nucleus strictly subordinate to the Party in general.
6. While firmly and faithfully supporting the program and revolutionary tactics of Communism, the Communist Party must always be closely united with the most widely spreading workers' organisations and beware of sectarianism as much as of lack of principle.
The work in the Soviets as well as in the revolutionary industrial unions must invariably and systematically be guided by the party of the proletariat, i. e., the Communist Party. The organised advance guard of the working class, the Communist Party, serves in the same degree the interests of the economic, political and industrial struggle of the working class as a whole. The Communist Party must be the soul of all industrial unions and Soviets of Workers' Deputies, and all other forms of workers' organisations.
The formation of the Soviets as the chief historically-created form of proletarian dictatorship, does not diminish in the least the leading rôle of the Communist Party in the proletarian revolution. When the German "Left" Communists (see the address of their party to the "German Proletariat", April 14th, 1920, signed "Communist Labour Party of Germany") declared that "the Communist Party must also adapt itself more and more to the idea of Soviets and acquire a proletarian aspect" ("Wird gefordert, dass auch die Partei sich immer mehr dem Rätegedanken anpasst und proletarischen Charakter annimmt"—Kommunistische Arbeiterzeitung, № 54)—this is only an obscure expression of the idea that the Communist Party must become dissolved in the Soviets and that the latter may be the substitute for the party.
Such an idea is deeply erroneous and reactionary.
In the history of the Russian revolution we have seen a whole period of time, during which the Soviets went against the workers' party and supported the policy of the agents of the bourgeoisie. The same is to be noticed in Germany, and may be the case in other countries also. On the contrary, in order that the Soviets may accomplish their historic mission, the existence of a powerful Communist Party is absolutely necessary, so that it should be able not to „adapt itself“ simply to the Soviets, but to exercise an influence on their policy in a decisive manner, to compel them to refuse to "conform" to the bourgeoisie and White Guard Social Democrats.