Theses Presented to the Second World Congress of the Communist International/Chapter 9
Theses on the Fundamental Tasks of the Second
Congress of the Communist International.
1. A characteristic feature of the present moment in the development of the international Communist movement is the fact that in all the capitalist countries the best representatives of the revolutionary proletariat have completely understood the fundamental principles of the Communist International, namely: the dictatorship of the proletariat and the power of the Soviets; and with a loyal enthusiasm have placed themselves on the side of the Communist International. A still more important and great step forward is the unlimited sympathy with these principles manifested by the wider masses not only of the proletariat of the towns, but also by the advanced portion of the agrarian workers.
On the other hand two mistakes or weaknesses of the extraordinarily rapid increasing International Communist movement have shown themselves. One, very serious and presenting a great direct danger for the success of the cause of the liberation of the proletariat, consists in the fact that part of the old leaders and old parties of the Second International, partly half-unconsciously yielding to the wishes and pressure of the masses, partly consciously deceiving them in order to preserve their former rôle of agents and supporters of the bourgeoisie inside the Labour movement, are declaring their conditional or even unconditional joining of the Third International, while remaining in reality, in the whole practice of their party and political work, on the level of the Second International. Such a state of things is absolutely inadmissible, because it demoralises the masses, lowers their respect for the Third International by threatening a repetition of such betrayals as that of the Hungarian Social Democrats, who had rapidly assumed the disguise of Communists. The second much less important mistake, which is for the most part a malady inherent to the rapid growth of the movement, is the tendency to be extremely "left", which leads to an erroneous valuation of the rôle and duties of the Party in respect to the class and to the mass, and the obligation of the revolutionary Communists to work in the bourgeois parliaments and reactionary Labour unions.
The duty of the Communists is not to gloss over any of the weaknesses of their movement, but to criticise them openly, in order to get rid of them promptly and radically. To this end it is necessary, (1) to establish concretely, especially on the basis of the already acquired practical experience the meaning of the terms: "Dictatorship of the Proletariat" and "Soviet Power"; and (2) to point out in what could and should consist in all countries the immediate and systematic preparatory work to realising these formulas; and (3) to indicate the ways and means of freeing our movement from Its defects.
I. The Substance of the Dictatorship of the
Proletariat and of the Soviet Power.
2. The victory of Socialism (as the first step of Communism) over capitalism demands the accomplishment of the three following tasks by the proletariat, as the only really revolutionary class:
The first is to lay low the exploiters, and first of all the bourgeoisie as their chief economic and political representative, to completely defeat them, to crush their resistance, to render impossible any attempts on their part to reinstate the yoke of capitalism and wage slavery.
The second is to inspire and lead in the footsteps of the revolutionary vanguard of the proletariat, its Communist party—not only the whole proletariat or its larger majority, but the entire mass of workers and exploited by capital, to enlighten, organise, instruct, and discipline them during the course of the bold and mercilessly firm struggle against the exploiters; to wrench this enormous majority of the population in all the capitalist countries out of their state of dependence on the bourgeoisie; to instil in them, through practical experience, confidence in the leading rôle of the proletariat and its revolutionary vang uard.
The third is to neutralise or render harmless the inevitable fluctuations between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, between bourgeois democracy and Soviet Power, on the part of that rather numerous class in all advanced countries—although constituting a minority of the population—the small owners and proprietors in agriculture, industry. commerce, and the corresponding layers of intellectuals, employees, and so on.
The first and second tasks are independant ones, demanding each of them its special methods of action in respect to the exploiters and to the exploited. The third task results from the two first, demanding only a skilful, timely, supple combination of the methods of the first and second kinds, depending on the concrete circumstances of each separate case of fluctuation.
3. Under the circumstances which have been created in the whole world, and most of all in the most advanced, powerful, most enlightened and free capitalist countries by militarist imperialism, oppression of colonies and the weaker nations, the universal. imperialist slaughter, the "peace" of Versa1l1es, to admit the idea of a voluntary submission of the capitalists to the will of the majority of the exploited—of a peaceful, reformist passage to Socialism—is not only to give proof of an extreme petty bourgeois dull-headedness, but it is a direct deceiving of the workmen, a disguising of capitalist wage-slavery, a concealment of the truth. This truth consists in the fact that the bourgeoisie, the most enlightened and democratic bourgeoisie, is even now not stopping before deceit and crime, before the slaughter of millions of workmen and peasants, for the retainment of the right of private ownership over the means of production. Only a forcible defeat of the bourgeoisie, the confiscation of its property. the annihilation of the entire bourgeois government apparatus, from top to bottom,—parliamentary, juridical, military,—bureaucratic, administrative, municipal, etc., up to the individual exile or internment of the most stubborn and dangerous exploiters, the establishment of a strict control over them for the repressing of all inevitable attempts at resistance and restoration of capitalist slavery—only such measures will be able to guarantee the complete submission of the whole class of exploiters.
On the other hand, it is the same disguising of capitalism and bourgeois democracy, the same deceiving of the workmen, when the old parties and old leaders of the Second International admit the idea that the majority of the workers and exploited will be able to acquire a clear Socialist consciousness, firm Socialist convictions and character under the conditions of capitalist enslavement, under the yoke of the bourgeoisie, which assumes an endless variety of forms—the more refined and at the same time the more cruel and pitiless, the more cultured the given capitalist nation. In reality it is only when the vanguard of the proletariat, supported by the whole class as the only revolutionary one; or a majority of the same, will have overthrown the exploiters, crushed them, freed all the exploited from their position of slaves, improved their conditions of life immediately at the expense of the expropriated capitalists—only after that, and during the very course of the acute class struggle. will it be possible to realise the enlightenment, education and organisation of the widest masses of workers and exploited around the proletariat, under its influence and direction, to cure them of their egotism, their non-solidarity, their vices and weaknesses engendered by private ownership, and to transform them into free workers.
4. For the success of the victory over capitalism a correct correlation between the leading Communist Party—the revolutionary class, the proletariat—and the masses, i. e. the whole mass of workers and exploited, is essential. Only the Communist Party, if it Is really the vanguard of the revolutionary class, if it Includes the best representatives of the class, if it consists of perfectly conscious and loyal Communists, enlightened by the experience gained in the stubborn revolutionary struggle—only if this Party is able to become bound indissolubly with the entire life of its class, and through the latter with the whole mass of the exploited, and to inspire full confidence in this class and this mass, only such a Party is capable of leading the proletariat in the most pitiless decisive last struggle against all the forces of capitalism. On the other hand, only under the leadership of such a Party will the proletariat be able to deploy all the force of its revolutionary onslaught, nullifying the inevitable apathy and partial resistance of the insignificant minority of the demoralised labour aristocracy, the old Trade Union and guild leaders, etc. Only then will the proletariat be able to deploy its power, which is immeasurably greater than its share in the population, by reason of the economic organisation of capitalist society itself. Lastly, only when practically freed from the yoke of the bourgeoisie and the bourgeois governing apparatus, only after acquiring the possibility of freely (from all capitalist exploitation) organising into its own Soviets, will the mass—i. e. the total of all the workers and exploited—deploy for the first time in history an the initiative and energy of tens of millions of people, formerly crush ed by capitalism. Only when the Soviets will become the only State apparatus, will effectual participation in the administration be realised for the entire mass of the exploited, who even under the most cultured and free bourgeois democracy remained practically excluded from participation in the administration. Only in the Soviets does the mass really begin to study, not out of books, but out of its own practical experience, the work of Socialist construction, the creation of a new social discipline, a free union of free workers.
II. In What Should the Immediate and
Universal Preparation for a Dictatorship of
the Proletariat Consist?
5. The present moment in the development of the International Communist movement is characterised by the fact that in a great majority of capitalist countries the preparation of the proletariat to the reaiisation of its dictatorship is not yet completed—very often it has not even been begun systematically. It does not follow that the proletarian revolution is not possible in the most immediate future; it is quite possible, because the economic and political situation is extraordinarily rich in inflammable material and causes of its sudden inflammation; the other condition for a revolution, besides the preparedness of the proletariat, namely the general state of crisis in all the ruling and all the bourgeois parties, is also at hand. But it follows from the above that the duty, for the moment of the Communist Parties consists not in accelerating the revolution, but in continuing to prepare the proletariat. On the other, hand, the above instance in the history of many Socialist parties draws our attention to the fact, that the "recognition" of .the dictatorship of the proletariat should not remain only verbal.
Therefore the principal duty of the Communist Parties, from the point of view of an international proletarian movement, is at the present moment the uniting of the dispersed Communist forces, the formation in each country of a single Communist party (or the strengthening and renovation of the already existing one) in order to multiply the work of preparing the proletariat for the conquest of the governing power, and especially for the acquisition of the power in the form of a dictatorship of the groups and parties recognising the dictatorship of the proletariat, has not been sufficiently subject to the radical reformation, the radical renovation which are necessary for it to be recognised as Communist work, and corresponding to the tasks of the eve of proletarian dictatorship.
6. The conquest of political power by the proletariat does not put a stop to its class struggle against the bourgeoisie; on the contrary it makes the struggle especially broad, acute and pitiless. All the groups, parties, leaders of the Labour movement, fully or partially on the side of reformism, the "centre" and so on, turn inevitably, during the most acute moments of the struggle, either to the side of the bourgeoisie or to that of the fluctuating ones, or the most dangerous add to the number of the unreliable friends of the vanquished proletariat. Therefore the preparation of the dictatorship of the proletariat demands not only an increased struggle against all reformist and "centrist" tendencies, but a modification of the nature of this struggle.
The struggle should not be limited by an explanation of the erroneousness of such tendencies, but it should stubbornly and mercilessly denounce any leader in the Labour movement who may be manifesting such tendencies, otherwise the proletariat will not know whom it must trust in the most decisive struggle against the bourgeoisie. This struggle is such, that at any moment it may replace and has replaced, as experience has proved, the weapon of criticism by the criticism of the weapon. The least non-consecutiveness or weakness in the denunciation of those who show themselves to be reformists or "centrists", means a direct increase of the danger of the power of the proletariat being overthrown by the bourgeoisie, which will on the morrow utilise in favour of the counter-revolution all that which to short-sighted people appears only as a "theoretical difference of opinion" to-day.
7. In particular one cannot stop at the usual doctrinary refutation of all "collaboration" between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie.
The simple defense of "liberty and equality" under the condition of preserving the right of private ownership of the means of production, becomes transformed under the conditions of the dictatorship of the proletariat—which will never be able to suppress completely all private ownership—into a "collaboration" with the bourgeoisie, which undermines directly the power of the working class. The dictatorship of the proletariat means the strengthening and defense, by means of the ruling power of the State, of the "non-liberty" of the exploiter to continue his work of oppressio n and exploitation, of the "inequality" of the proprietor (i. e. of the person who has taken for himself personally the means of production created by public labour) and the proletariat. That which before the victory of the proletariat seems but a theoretical difference of opinion on the question of "democracy", becomes inevitably on the morrow, after the victory, a question which can only be decided by force of arms. Consequently, without a radical modification of the whole nature of the struggle against the "centrists" and "defenders of democracy", even a preliminary preparation of the mass for the realisation of a dictatorship of the proletariat is impossible.
8. The dictatorship of the proletariat Is the most decisive and revolutionary form of class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. Such a struggle can be successful only when the most revolutionary vanguard of the proletariat will lead the greatest majority of it. The preparation of the dictatorship of the proletariat demands therefore not only the elucidation of the bourgeois nature of all reformism, all defense of "democracy", with the preservation of the right to the ownership of the means of production; not only the denunciation of such tendencies, which in practice mean the defense of the bourgeoisie inside the Labour movement—but it demands also the replacing of the old leaders by Communists in all kinds of proletarian organizations, not only political, but industrial, cooperative, educational, etc. The more lasting, complete and solid has the rule of the bourgeois democracy been in any country, the more has it been possible for the bourgeoisie to appoint as labour leaders men who have been educated by it, imbued with its views and prejudices and very frequently directly or indirectly bribed by it. It is necessary to remove a hundred times more boldly all these representatives of the Labour aristocracy, or such "bourgeois" workmen, from their posts and replace them by even inexperienced workers, so long as these are in unity with the exploited masses, and enjoy the latter's confidence in the struggle against the exploiters. The dictatorship of the proletariat will demand the appointment of such inexperienced workmen to the most responsible State functions, otherwise the rule of the Labour government will be powerless and it will not have the support of the masses.
9. The dictatorship of the proletariat is the most complete realisation of a leadership over all workers and exploited, who have been oppressed, beaten down, crushed, frightened, dispersed, deceived by the class of capitalists, on the part pf the only class prepared for such a leading rôle by the whole history of capitalism. Therefore the preparation of the dictatorship of the proletariat must be begun immediately and in all places by means of the following method, among others:
In every organization, union, association—beginning with the proletarian ones at first. and afterwards in all those of the non-proletarian workers and exploited masses (political, professional, military, cooperative, educational, sporting, etc.) must be formed groups or nucleii of Communists—mostly open ones, but also secret ones which become obligatory in each case when their closure may be expected, or the arrest or exile of their members on the part of the bourgeoisie; and these nucleii, in close contact with one another and with the central Party, exchanging experiences, carrying on the work of propaganda, campaign, organization, adapting themselves to all the branches of social life, to all the various forms and subdivisions of the worker masses, must systematically train themselves, the Party, the class and the masses by such multiform work.
At the same time it is most important to elaborate practically the necessary development of the methods of the whole work, on the one hand in respect to the "leaders" or responsible representatives, who are very frequently hopelessly infected with petty bourgeois and imperialist prejudices; on the other hand in respect to the masses, who, especially after the imperialist slaughter, are mostly inclined to listen to and accept the doctrine of the necessity of leadership of the proletariat as the only way out of capitalistic enslavement. The masses must be approached with patience and caution, in order to understand the peculiarities, the special psychology of each layer, profession; and so on, of these masses.
10. In particular one of the groups or nuclei; of the Communists deserves the exclusive attention and care of the party, namely, the parliamentary faction, i. e. the group of members of the Party who are members of bourgeois representative institutions (first of all a governmental one, then local, municipal and others). On the one hand, such a tribune has a special importance in the eyes of the wider circles of the backward or prejudiced working masses, therefore from this very tribune the Communists must carry on their work of propaganda, agitation, organization, explaining to the masses why the dissolution of the bourgeois parliament (Constituent Assembly) by the national Congress of Soviets was a legitimate proceeding at the time in Russia (as it will be in all countries in due time). On the other hand, the whole history of the bourgeois democracy has made out of the parliamentary tribune, especially in the more advanced countries, the chief, or one of the chief, means of unbelievable financial and political swindles, the possibility of making a career, hypocrisy, oppression of the workers. Therefore, the deep hatred against all parliaments on the part of the best representatives of the revolutionary proletariat is perfectly lawful. Therefore, on the part of the Communist Parties, and all parties adhering to the Third International, especially in cases when such parties have become formed not by means of a division in the old parties and after a lasting stubborn struggle against them, but by means of the old parties passing over (often nominally) to a new position, it is necessary to be very strict in their attitude towards their parliamentary factions, demanding their complete subordination to the control and the directions of the Central Committee of the party; to include in them mostly revolutionary workmen; to carry out at Party meetings a most attentive analysis of the Party press and of the parliamentary speeches, from the point of view of their Communist integrity: to detail the parliament members for propaganda among the masses; to exclude from such factions all those who show a tendency towards the Second International, and so forth.
11. One of the chief causes of difficulty in the revolutionary Labour movement in the advanced capitalist countries lies in the fact that owing to colonial dominions and super-dividends of financial capital, etc., capital has been able to separate a comparatively more solid and broader group of a small minority of the labour aristocracy. The latter enjoys better conditions of pay and is most of all impregnated with the spirit of professional narrow-mindedness, bourgeois and imperialist prejudices. This is the true social "support" of the Second International reformists and centrists, and at the present moment almost the chief social support of the bourgeoisie.
Not even preliminary preparation of the proletariat for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie is possible without an immediate, systematic, widely organized and open struggle against this group which undoubtedly—as experience has already proved—will furnish plenty of men for the White Guards of the bourgeoisie after the victory of the proletariat. All the parties adhering to the Third International must at all costs put into practice the mottoes: "Deeper into the masses", "In closer contact with the masses". understanding by the word "masses" the entire mass of workers and those exploited by capitalism, especially the less organized and enlightened, the most oppressed and less adaptable to organisation.
The proletariat becomes revolutionary in so far as it is not enclosed within narrow guild limits, in so far as it participates in all the events and branches of public life, as a leader of the whole working and exploited mass; and it is completely impossible for it to realise its dictatorship unless it is ready for and capable of everything for the victory over the bourgeoisie. The experience of Russia in this respect has a theoretical and practical importance; where the proletariat could not have realised its dictatorship, nor acquired the respect and confidence of whole working mass. if it had not borne most of the sacrifices and had not suffered fro m hunger more than all the other groups in this mass, during the most difficult moments of the onslaught, war and blockade on the part of the universal bourgeoisie.
In particular it is necessary for the Communist Party and the whole advanced proletariat to give the most absolute and self-denying support to all the masses of a larger general strike movement, which is alone able under the yoke of capitalism to awaken properly, arouse, enlighten and organize the masses, and develop in them a full confidence in the leading rôle of the revolutionary proletariat. Without such a preparation no dictatorship of the proletariat will be possible, and those who are capable of preaching against strikes, like Kautsky in Germany, Turatti in Italy, are not to be suffered in the ranks of parties adhering to the Third International. This concerns still more, naturally, such trade union and parliamentary leaders, who often betray the workmen by teaching them reformism by means of strikes, not revolution (for instance, in England and France during the last years).
12. For all countries, even for the most free "legal" and "peaceful" ones in the sense of a lesser acuteness in the class struggle the period has arrived when it has become absolutely necessary for every Communist party to join systematically all lawful and illegal work, lawful and illegal organization.
In the most enlightened and free countries, with a most "solid" bourgeois-democratic régime, the governments are systematically recurring, in spite of their false and hypocritical assurances, to the method of keeping secret lists of Communists, to endless violations of their constitutions for the semi-secret support of White Guards and the murder of Communists in all countries, to secret preparations for the arrest of Communists, the introduction of provocators among the Communists, etc. Only the most reactionary petty bourgeoisie, by whatever high-sounding "democratic" or pacifist phrases it might disguise its ideas can dispute this fact or the necessary conclusion; an immediate formation by all lawful Communist Parties of illegal organisations for systematic illegal work, for their complete preparation at any moment against any active steps on the part of the bourgeoisie. It is especially necessary to carry on illegal work in the army, navy and police, as after the imperialist slaughter all the governments in the world are becoming afraid of the national armies, open to all peasants and workmen, and they are setting up in secret all kinds of select military organizations recruited from the bourgeoisie and specially provided with improved technical equipment.
On the other hand, it is also necessary in all cases without exception not to limit oneself to illegal work, but to carry on also lawful work overcoming all difficulties, founding a lawful press and lawful organisations under the most various, and in case of need, frequently changing names. This is now being done by the illegal Communist parties in Finland, Hungary, partly In Germany, Poland, Latvia, etc. It is thus that the I. W. W. in America should act, as well as all the lawful Communist Parties at present, In case prosecutors start prosecutions on the basis of resolutions of the congresses of the Communist International, etc.
The absolute necessity principle of illegal and lawful work is determined not only by the total aggregate of all the peculiarites of the given moment, on the very eve of a proletarian dictatorship, but by the necessity of proving to the bourgeoisie. that there is not and cannot be any branch of the work, which the Communists have not possessed themselves of—and still more by the fact that everywhere there are still wide circles of the proletariat and greater ones, of the non-proletarian workers and exploited masses, which still trust in the bourgeois democracy, and the dissuasion from which is our most important duty.
13. In particular, the situation of the Labour press in the more advanced capitalist countries shows with special evidence both the falseness of liberty and equality under the bourgeois democracy, and the necessity of a systematic blending of the lawful and illegal work. Both in vanquished Germany and in victorious America all the power of the governmental apparatus of the bourgeoisie, and all the tricks of its financial kings are being set in motion in order to deprive the workmen of their press; prosecutions and arrests (or murder by means of hired murderers) of the editors, prohibition of sending by mail, depriving of paper, etc. Moreover, the information necessary for a dally paper is in the hands of bourgeois telegraph agencies, and the advertisements, without which a large paper cannot pay its way, are at the "free" disposal of capitalists. On the whole, by means of deceit, the pressure of capital and the bourgeois government, the bourgeoisie deprives the revolutionary proletariat of its press.
For the struggle against this state of things the Communist parties must create a new type of periodical press for extensive circulation among the workmen: (1) Lawful publications, in which the Communists, without calling themselves such and without mentioning their connection with the party, would learn to utilise the slightest possibility allowed by the laws, as the Bolsheviki did at the time of the Tsar, after 1905. (2) Illegal sheets, although of the smallest dimensions and irregularly published, but reproduced in most of the printing offices by the workmen (in secret, or if the movement has grown stronger, by means of a revolutionary seizure of the printing offices) and giving the proletariat undiluted revolutionary information and the revolutionary mottoes.
Without Communist press the preparation for the dictatorship of the proletariat is impossible.
III. The Amendment of the Policy—Partly
Also of the Make-up—of the Parties Adhering
or Willing to Adhere to the Communist
International.
14. The degree of preparedness of the proletariat to carry out its dictatorship, in the countries most important from the View-point of world economics and world politics, is manifested mos objectively and precisely by the fact that the most influential parties of the Second International, the French Socialist Party, the independent Social Democratic Party of Germany, the Independent Labour Party of England, the American Socialist Party, have gone out of this yellow International and have passed resolutions to join the Third International, the first three conditionally, the latter unconditionally, This proves that not only the vanguard but the majority of the proletariat has begun to pass over to our side, persuaded thereto by the whole course of events. The chief thing now is to know how to complete this passage and solidly, structurally strengthen it, so as to be able to advance along the whole line, without the slightest hesitation.
15. The whole activity of the above-mentioned parties (to which must be added the Swiss Socialist Party if the telegraphic reports regarding its resolution to join the Third International are correct) proves—and any given periodical paper of these parties confirms it—that they are not Communist as yet, and frequently even are in direct opposition to the fundamental principles of the Third International, namely: the recognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and of Soviet power instead of the bourgeois democracy.
Therefore the Second Congress of the Communist International should announce that it does not consider it possible to receive these parties immediately; that it confirms the answer of the Executive Committee of the Third International to the German Independents; that it confirms its readiness to carry on negotiations with any party leaving the Second International and desiring to join the Third; that it reserves the right of a consultative vote to the delegate of such parties at all its congresses and conferences, and that it proposes the following conditions for a complete union of these (and similar) parties with the Communist International:
1. The publishing of all the resolutions passed by all the congresses of the Communist International and by the Executive Committee, in all the periodical publications of the party.
2. Their discussion at the special meetings of all sections and local organizations of the party.
3. The convocation, after such a discussion, of a special congress of the party for the summarising of the results, etc.
4. The weeding out from the party of all elements which continue to act in the spirit of the Second International.
5. The transfer of all periodical papers of the party into the hands of Communist editors. The Second Congress of the Third International must charge its Executive Committee to receive formally the above-named and similar parties into the Third International after a preliminary verification that all these conditions have been fulfilled, and that the nature of the activity of the party has become Communist.
16. In regard to the question as to what must be the line of conduct of the Communists at present constituting the minority at the responsible posts of the above-named and similar parties, the Second Congress of the Third International should establish, that in view of the evident growth of the sincerest sympathies for Communism among the workmen belonging to these parties, it would be undesirable for the Communists to leave the parties, so long as they are able to carry on their work within the parties in the spirit of a recognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat and of the criticism of all opportunists and centrists still remaining in these parties.
At the same time the Second Congress of the Third International must declare itself in favour of the Communist Party, and the groups and organizations sympathising with Communism in England, joining the Labour Party, nothwithstanding the circumstance that this party is a member of the Second International. The reason for this is that so long as this party will allow all constituent organisations their present freedom of criticism and freedom of propaganda, and organizational activity in favour of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the power of Soviets, so long as this party preserves its principle of uniting all the industrial organizations of the working class, the Communists ought to take all measures and even consent to certain compromises, in order to be able to exercise an influence over the wider circles of workmen and the masses, to denounce their opportunist leaders from a higher tribune, to accelerate the transfer of the political power from the direct representatives of the bourgeoisie to the "Labour lieutenants of the capitalist class", so that the masses may be more rapidly cured of all Illusions on this subject.
17. In regard to the Italian Socialist Party, the Second Congress of the Third International considers as perfectly correct the criticism of this Party and the practical propositions which are stated, as propositions to the Regional Council of the Italian Socialist Party on behalf of the Turin section of this Party in the paper "New Order" (L'Ordine Nuovo) dated May 8th, 1920, and which completely correspond with the fundamental principles of the Third International.
Therefore the Second Congress of the Third International requests the Italian Socialist Party to convene an extraordinary congress of the party for the discussion of these propositions and the resolutions of both congresses of the Communist International, for the amendment of the line of conduct of the party and its cleansing of all non-Communist elements, in particular in its parliamentary faction.
18. The Second Congress of the Third International considers as not correct the views regarding the relations of the Party to the class and to the masses, and the non-participation of the Communist Parties in the bourgeois parliaments and reactionary Labour unions, which have been precisely refuted in the special resolutions of the present congress, and defended in full by the "Communist Labour Party of Germany" and also partially by the "Communist Party of Switzerland", by the organ of the West European secretariat of the Communist International "Communismus" in Amsterdam, and by several of our Dutch comrades; further by certain Communist organisations in England, as for instance "The Workers' Socialist Federation". Also by the "I. W. W." in America, the "Shop Steward Committees" in England, and so forth.
Nevertheless, the Second Congress of the Third International considers possible and desirable the immediate affiliation of such of these organizations which have not already done so officially, because in the given case, especially as regards the I. W. W. of America and Australia, and the "Shop Steward Committees" of England, we have to deal with a deeply proletarian mass movement, which practically shares the principles of the Communist International. In such organizations any mistaken views on the question of participation in the bourgeois parliaments, are to be explained not so much by the rôle of members of the bourgeoisie advocating their own petty bourgeois views, as the views of the Anarchists frequently are, but by the political inexperience of proletarians who are, nevertheless, completely revolutionary and in contact with the masses.
The Second Congress of the Third International requests therefore all the Communist organizations and groups in the Anglo-Saxon countries, even in case immediate union between the Third International and the "Industrial Workers of the World" and the "Shop Steward Committees" does not take place, to carry on a policy of the most friendly attitude toward these organizations, to enter into closer connection with them and the masses sympathising with them, to explain to them in a friendly way, from the point pf view of all revolutions and the three Russian revolutions in the Twentieth Century especially, the erroneousness of their above-stated views, and not to desist from repeated attempts to become united with these organizations so as to form one Communist Party.
19. In connection with this the Congress draws the attention of all comrades, especially in the Latin and Anglo-Saxon countries, to the fact that among the Anarchists since the war all over the world a deep ideological scission is taking place upon the question of their attitude towards the dictatorship of the proletariat and the power of Soviets. And it is just among the proletarian elements, which were frequently led into Anarchism by their perfectly justified hatred of the opportunism and reformism of the parties of the Second International, that there is to be noticed a perfectly correct understanding of these principles, especially among those who are more nearly acquainted with the experience of Russia, Finland, Hungary, Lettland, Poland and Germany.
The Congress considers it the duty of all comrades to support by all measures all the masses of proletarian elements passing from Anarchism to the Third International. The Congress points out that the success of the work of the truly Communist Parties ought to be measured, among other things, by how far they have been able to attract to their party all the uneducated, not petty-bourgeois, but proletarian masses from Anarchism.
