A History of the Military Transactions of the British Nation in Indostan/Volume 2/Book 9

by Robert Orme

BOOK IX.

1758
January. THE new year opened in the Carnatic with as little activity as the last had closed. The French troops remained in Pondicherry waiting the arrival of their expected armament from Europe, during which, Mr. Soupire, as he says in a memoir he has published, entered into a negociation with two Jemautdars of the English Sepoys to surprize Tritchinopoly, by means of the French prisoners. Four hundred were in confinement in the city, and 50 or 60 had at various times been received into the English service, and in the end of December, soon after Calliaud returned from Madrass, two of the enlisted Frenchmen accused one De la Forge, who had been accepted as a surgeon's mate, that he had tampered with them to concur in a project, by which the foreigners in the service of the garrison were to murder the English guards in the night, then open the prisons, arm the prisoners, and with their assistance, overpower the rest of the troops. Four other Frenchmen avowed the same conversation with De la Forge, who, with much obstinacy, denied that he had ever spoken one word to any one of them: he was however hanged two days after his trial. This might have been the first opening of Mr. Soupire's scheme, although he says nothing of it; but nothing was discovered of his conspiracy with the Sepoys, which he seems to have protracted until the end of April.

Ensign Banatyne at Outramalore, receiving intelligence that 200 of the French Sepoys at Carangoly had deserted on some dispute with the renter, and that the rest were inclined to mutiny, marched on the night of the 25th of January, with 500 Sepoys, and 50 Europeans, and an hour before day-break made an assault by escalade on a part of the wall, which was in a ruinous condition; but they were repulsed with the loss of 11 Sepoys killed, and 2 Europeans wounded. Slight as this was, no action of equal enterprize passed in the contending districts until the end of April, although the mutual incursions were as frequent as before; but being always levelled at defenceless villages, they carried the reproach of robbery, more than the reputation of war; and each side losing as much as it gained by these depredations, the French officer at Vandiwash proposed a conference to put an end to them, and Banatyne was permitted to treat with him.

The reports which the French government spread with much diligence, of their approaching superiority on the coast of Coromandel, encouraged even the most insignificant chiefs, which held under the Nabob, or the company, to question or insult their authority. In the vast plain which occupies the Carnatic, from the latitude of Puliacate to the river Coleroon, are many tracts of sandy ground spread amongst the richest districts of the country. These soils having always been neglected by the labourer, and left to nature, propogate abundance of useless vegetation. In some, which with care would rear the cocoanut, the eastern palms prevail, a few of which, rising to their full growth, spread their seeds with the wind, which in a succession of time cover the whole extent with plants, that strangling one another by their multitude, remain stunted, and create the stubbornest of thickets. Others of these tracts, instead of bearing the palm kinds, will only produce a strong and spreading shrub, which rises to the height of eight or nine feet, and forms one continued coppice. Many of these wilds are from 15 to 40 miles in circumference, and all of these extents are possessed by petty Polygars, with their clans of half-savage subjects, whose occupation is to rob the neighbouring villages in the night, and in the day to take all kinds of venison and game, in which they are so expert, that they rarely fail, on the shortest notice, to produce the quantity demanded by any person in authority. By these obeisances, and sometimes a small present of money, and now and then ridding the country of a tiger, they compensate their thefts, which are rarely, attended with bloodshed or violence; when they are, troops march, their hamlets are burnt, and prisoners taken, the chief himself in preference, who atone severely for the misdeeds, whether of themselves or their fellows. Two of these Polygars, between whose woods the fort of Trepassoor is situated, ventured in the end of January to make incursions, not only into the districts dependant on this fort, but even into those of Pondamalee, within 15 miles of Madrass, and carried off large quantities of grain and cattle from the villages; on which the commandant, Jemaul Saib, who had returned from Tinivelly to Madrass, was ordered to march against them with four companies of Sepoys. The one, named Rangapah Naigue, immediately asked pardon, and made restitution and atonement: but the other, Wardapah Naigue, stood on his defence, until Jemaul Saib had penetrated into his woods, and burnt several of the hamlets concealed in them; on which, he submitted likewise, and the Sepoys were withdrawn.

The army of the Morratoes under the command of Balaventrow, which, in the preceding year, had defeated the Nabob of Cudapah, who fell in the battle, found notwithstanding this victory, that they could not easily complete the reduction of the country; for Abdull Nabey Cawn, the cousin-german and nearest relation of the deceased Nabob, threw himself with a strong force into the strongest fortress of the province called Sidout, near the town of Cudapah and the late field of battle; and others of the Pitan Captains stood on their defence in their respective holds, the sieges of which would employ more time than the extent of Balaventrow's expedition. He therefore sent agents to negotiate with Abdull Nabey; but likewise detached parties to harass the districts adjacent to the forts which held out; during which he marched himself with the main body of his army across the province of Cudapah to the eastward, and, when arrived on the confines of the Carnatic to the N. w. formed three divisions, one of which went against the Poly gar Bomrauze; the other entered the districts of Damarlah Venketappah and Bangar Yatcham-naigue; and with the third he appeared, himself before Nelore. The Nabob, in settling the treaty of tribute in the preceding year with Armetrow, the deputy of Balaventrow, gave, in the general assessment on his vassals, an order on each of these Polygars to pay him 70,000 rupees, and the pretence on which Balaventrow now commenced hostilities against them was, that the assessment meant only the rate of the actual year, whereas they owed, he said, for the six before; and the reason he gave for attacking Nelore was, to prevent Nazeabulla from marching against the Nabob, with a large body of French troops, which he heard were advancing to join him from Mr. Bussy's army; but Nazeabulla, having without hesitation paid him a sum adequate to his expectations, he a few days after wrote to the Nabob, recommending a reconciliation between them. His detachments plundered the fair towns of Venkati Gherri and Calastri; and all the three Polygars were so frightened, that, in expectation of the assistance of the English, each of them gave bonds and security for the payment of their tribute to the Nabob, which were not equal to the demands of Balaventrow; immediately after this the Morratoes left their country, as the Polygars believed, from respect to the remonstrances of the presidency, but in reality pursuant to orders received at this time from Balagerow: they returned into Cudapah, where Balaventrow concluded at Sidout a treaty with Abdul Nabey Cawn, by which it was agreed, that the country should be equally divided betwixt them: and the Morratoes were put in possession of Goramcondah, a strong fort and pass midway in the range of mountains, which bound the province of Cudapah to the west. A part of the army was left to guard the share of the Morratoes in the province, and Balaventrow, with the rest, re-crossed the western mountains, and marched towards Sirpi, ordering at the same time the detachment with Armetrow at Velore to join him there.

The Nabob's brother, Abdulwahab, having gathered 1000 horse, and 2 or 3000 foot, moved in the beginning of the year from Chitore to Chandergherri. This place was anciently the capital of the Carnatic, at present an open town in ruins. It is situated about 10 miles from the famous pagoda of Tripetti, which Abdulwahab endeavoured to persuade the company's renter to deliver up: but the renter referred him to Madrass, and he was deterred from the hostilities he intended by the march of Jemaul Saheb against the polygars of Trepassore. Not knowing therefore what to do with his troops, who clamoured for pay, he sent them under the command of his principal officer to Mortizally of Velore, who was preparing to attack the fort of Tripatore, at the bottom of the valley of Vaniambady. We are ignorant on what pretentions these hostilities were founded, but they were undertaken with much earnestness: for, besides his own, and the troops of Abdulwahab, the Phousdar likewise engaged the body of Morratoes then in his town with Armetrow. The whole force was 4000 horse and 6000 foot; but the fort of Tripatore was of difficult approach; and on the 8th of February, the day after the batteries were opened, a cannon-ball killed Armetrow; which being perceived by the garrison, they sallied, routed the besiegers, and took their cannon. The Morratoes immediately after this defeat quitted the country, and joined their main body in Mysore; and the troops of Mortizally and Abdulwahab returned to their homes.

Mr. Pocock, with the ships of war from Bengel, arrived at Madrass on the 24th of February; they had been absent 17 months on the expedition. The two frigates were immediately detached to cruize off Pondicherry. Some days after, arrived the Queensborough frigate, which Admiral Stevens had dispatched with advices to Madrass, from whence she had been sent to Bengal, and now returned from thence. On the 24th of March, Admiral Stevens himself arrived from Bombay with 4 ships of the line; and on the 17th of April the squadron sailed to the southward.

The Mysore general Hyderally, after his retreat from Madura in the end of the preceding year, continued at Dindigul, waiting the arrival of a body of French troops, with which he intended to return to the attack; and in the interval Mahomed Issoof marched with his army from Chevelpetore to the city of Madura, and set to work to repair the fortifications. As the French troops in the Pagoda of Seringham could not be diminished without danger from the garrison in Tritchinopoly, Mr. Soupire sent the force he intended for Hyderally from Pondicherry; and from the restraint laid on all his military operations, they were no more than 300 Sepoys and 75 Europeans, who arrived at Dindigul, in the end of January. They were commanded by Mr. Astrue, the same officer who had been defeated by Major Lawrence before Tritchinopoly in the year 1753, from which time he had continued a prisoner on his parole until the month of October of the preceding year, when he was exchanged. On his arrival at Dindigul. he found Hyderally pressed by urgent affairs to return to Seringapatam, the capital of Mysore, which broke the scheme of attacking Madura; soon after the interview, Hyderally departed, and Mr. Astruc returned to the pagoda of Seringham, where he arrived on the 20th of March, and, having been long ill, died on the 22nd; he was a gallant and worthy man.

The agent sent by the Nabob to Maphuze Khan arrived at Nellitangaville on the 28th of February, and found him there, encamped in paltry tents, with 50 horse, ostentatious of his poverty, pretending much discontent against his allies, and much attachment to the Nabob; but when terms of reconciliation were proposed, nothing less would satisfy him than the government of the whole country as an appanage in fee; indeed he was never master of his own opinion, and at present not of his will, for the western polygars, elated by the rising superiority of the French in the Carnatic, took the field, and obliged him, who depended upon them for his subsistence, to lend his name, and to appear with them in person as the pretension of their hostilities: the army was composed of the troops of the Pulitaver, of Vadagherri, of the three minor polygars, Cotaltava Nadacourch, and Savandah; and from the eastern side, of Etiaporum, the dependant of Catabominaigue, who himself continued firm to his new connexion with the English. The confederates had likewise persuaded the Polygar of Shatore under the hills, whose fort is only fifteen miles to the south of Chevelpetore, to enter so far into their views as to admit a body of the Pulitaver's Colleries into his fort, with whom and his own he made depredations into the adjacent adjacent country, whilst Mahomed Issoof, apprehensive of the arrival of Hyderally and the French, kept his force collected in Madura. As soon as the news of Hyderally's departure was confirmed Mahomed Issoof took the field and marched against Shatore. The Polygar on his appearance made submissions, turned out the Pulitaver's men, and paid a fine in money; but as soon as the English troops returned to Chevelpetore, he renewed his depredations; on which Mahomed Issoof attacked the fort again, which the Polygar, after a slight resistance, abandoned; and one of his relations was appointed in his stead. In the mean time, the confederates had, in various attacks from Nellitangaville, taken all the posts between this place and Tinivelly, and many of the men placed to guard them were put to the sword: at Tirancourchy, which was taken by assault in the night, 27 horsemen, and a greater number of Sepoys, were killed. The confederates, elated with these successes, threatened all who did not join them, and attacked the polygar of Outamalee, because he had refused. They likewise prepared to take possession of Tinivelly, and boasted that they would reduce the fort of Palamcotah. But the approach of Mahomed Issoof from Chevelpetore stopped their progress, nor had they courage to give him battle; but, having strengthened the posts they had taken, retreated to Nellitangaville, sending, however, detachments to harass and interrupt his operations; but without success; for all their parties which ventured to meet, or could not avoid the encounter of the Sepoys, were beaten, and by the end of April all the posts which had been taken were recovered. Mahomed Issoof then resolved to carry the war into the enemy's country, and to begin with the polygar of Vadagherri, although the most distant, because the most powerful of the alliance. His villages in the plain were in flames, and the troops had begun to penetrate into the wood which encloses his fort, when Issoof received advices and instructions from the presidency at Madrass, and from Captain Calliaud at Tritchinopoly, which called him and the troops under his command to services of much greater necessity and importance.

At day-break, on the 28th of April, a squadron of 12 sail were descried standing in from various points of the compass for the road of Fort St. David, where the English frigates, Triton and Bridgewater, chanced to be at anchor. It was soon perceived that the strangers were French; and two or three of the ships being to the north of the road, whilst the rest were advancing from the south, precluded the escape of the frigates, as the wind blew from the offing. The captains therefore, prudently resolved to run their ships ashore, in order to preserve the men, which they effected without losing any.

The French squadron was commanded by the Count D'Aché. After some change in the ships which were first appointed, he sailed from Brest on the 6th of march of the preceding year, with the Zodiac of 74 guns, the Belliqueux of 70, the Superbe of 64, belonging to the navy of France, and a 50 gun ship, with a frigate belonging to the East-India Company. On board of these ships was embarked the regiment of Lally, consisting of 1080 men, 50 of the royal artillery, a great number of officers of distinction, and the count de Lally, Colonel of the regiment of his name, lieutenant general in the French army, and now appointed Governor-general with the most extensive powers over all the French possessions and establishments in India. The ships had scarcely got clear of the land, when a squall of wind carried away the main-top-gallant and the mizen-top-mast of the Belliqueux, on which she made the signal of distress, and was obliged to anchor near the shore in bad ground. The Zodiac immediately tacked, and worked close-hauled to assist her, and the squall continuing, carried away the main and fore top-mast of this ship likewise. These accidents induced Mr. D'Aché to return immediately into the port of Brest, as affording the speediest means of repairing the damages. In the short interval between the final orders for the departure of the squadron, and the advices of its return into Brest, the French ministry at Versailles had received such sinister accounts of the French affairs in Canada, that they changed the destination of the ships Belliqueux and Superbe, and appointed them to America; and ordered Mr. D'Aché to remain at Brest, until joined by other ships of equal force; which, however, the navy of France, in this time of distress, was not able to spare from its other necessities. But the French East India Company had several ships, built expressly to serve when required, as men of war, of which four had sailed in December, with the regiment of Lorrain; and three were now added to the two Mr. D'Aché already had under his command; and he was to take the others at the Isle of France. The delays of assembling the Company's ships from Port l'Orient retarded his departure from Brest until the 4th of May. The ships carried with them a malignant fever, at that time reigning in the port. On the 23d of July they anchored at Rio de Janeiro in Brazil, having lost 300 men of all kinds by the fever, which continued even in this climate, although healthier than most in the world: having waited two months in expectations of this benefit, the squadron sailed on the 25th of September; and after a passage of 85 days, still infected with the sickness, arrived on the 18th of December at the Isle of France. Here they found the ships which had carried the regiment of Lorrain, returned from Pondicherry. Taking their crews and such of the ships as he chose, Mr. D'Aché formed the squadron, with which he now appeared on the coast. They sailed from hence on the 27th of January. It would be useful to know their route, in order to avoid it; for their passage was very long, not making the coast until the 25th of April, when the Diligent was sent forward to Karical to get intelligence of the English squadron; and returning on the 27th without any, struck on a sand-bank, which detained all the ships the rest of the day in getting her afloat. On the 28th they appeared, as we have seen, before Fort St. David.

Every success was expected to follow the arrival of this armament in India. The ships were to drive the English squadron off the coast, the troops with those already at Pondicherry were to demolish the English settlements; and such was the confidence of not meeting an enemy in the field, that the instructions formed at Versailles ordered Mr. Lally to open his operations by the siege of Fort St. David, before which the ships anchored, in order to land the troops as soon as those from Pondicherry could march to invest the place. The wreck of the two English frigates confirmed these presumptions; and Mr. Lally went away in the Count de Provence of 60 guns, attended by a frigate called the Diligente, to proclaim his commission, and give the necessary orders at Pondicherry; he landed at five in the afternoon, and was received with all the distinctions annexed to his authority. In the mean time the other ships worked in, and anchored off Cuddalore, two miles to the south of Fort St. David.

The English squadron having in ten days worked as high to windward as the head of Ceylon, stood in again for the coast, which they made on the 28th, off Negapatam, and proceeding along shore, discovered at nine the next morning the French ships riding off Cuddalore, which immediately weighed and bore down towards Pondicherry, throwing out signals to recal the Comte de Provence and the Diligente; but they not weighing in obedience to the summons, the squadron stood out to sea E. by N. the wind blowing from the S.E. Mr.Pocock, on the first sight of the French squadron, had thrown out the signal for chace, which implies, that every ship is to push with crowded sail, and without regard to each other, in pursuit of the enemy, until countermanded by a different signal. At half an hour after twelve, his ships were within a league of the enemy, who were formed, and waiting for them in a line of battle a-head; when Mr. Pocock hauled down the chacing signal, brought to on the starboard tack, hoisted his colours, and made the signal for the line a-head, and to be formed at the distance of half a cable, or 100 yards, one ship from another. The Tyger sailing ill, and the Cumberland much worse, were at this time so far a-stern of the other ships, that it was ten minutes past two before they got up to their allotted stations in the line; which being now formed, the Admiral made the signal to bear down, each ship in the exact direction to the antagonist she was intended to encounter, according to the disposition of the two lines; and this was explained by continuing the distinctive signal of the line of battle a-head, joined to that of bearing down.

The French line consisted of nine sail, all, excepting the Zodiac, capable of carrying more guns than they mounted, and she having changed her lower battery of 32 pounders for 24 at Brest, had riot been able to replace them at the Isle of France. The Vengeur of 54 led, followed by the Bien Aimé of 58, next the Conde of 44, and next the Due of Orleans of 50: These were the van: In the centre was the Zodiac of 74, on which M. D'Aché hoisted his flag. The four ships which formed the rear, were the Saint Louis of 50, immediately after the Zodiac, then the Moras of 44, the Sylphide of 36, and the Due de Bourgogne of 60 guns closed the line.

The English line, having only seven ships to nine, were to chuse their opponents accordingly. Mr. Pocock in the Yarmouth of 64, was the centre, and steered for the Zodiac, the centre of the enemy's line. In consequence the Tyger of 60 guns which led the English van, bore down for the Vengeur; the Salisbury of 50, for the Bien Aimé; and the Elizabeth of 64, in which Admiral Stevens hoisted his flag, and was the ship a-head of Mr. Pocock, neglecting the Condé, bore down for the Duke of Orleans, which ranged immediately a-head of M. D'Aché. In consequence, likewise, the Cumberland of 66, which was to be next a-stern of Mr. Pocock, should have steered for the Saint Louis, the Newcastle of 50 for the Moras, and the Weymouth of 60; neglecting the Sylphide, for the Due de Bourgogne.

This was understood. It is likewise generally understood, that when the Admiral brings to, and throws out the signal to engage, every ship is to do so likewise, at the same distance from its respective opponent, as the admiral lies from his. But the Cumberland, from some unaccountable defect, was so unmanageable, that in bearing down, she could not be got to wear clear of the Yarmouth, that is, to keep on her left hand, but at every endeavour flew up on the Yarmouth's weather-quarter, or to the right.

But another mischance happened, which was effected by this of the Cumberland. The signal for the line of battle a-head, which was kept flying on board the admiral, whilst bearing down for the enemy, was mistaken by the Newcastle and Weymouth to mean that the ships were to go down a-stern of one another, instead of continuing on the left of each other, until they should haul the wind to present their broadsides on the signal for engagement, when this change would place them exactly right in the line of battle a-head. In consequence the Newcastle kept behind the Cumberland, and the Weymouth behind the Newcastle, and as the Cumberland had not got into the line (or into the wake of the Yarmouth) when the signal for engagement was thrown out, the other two ship? were still farther off from the enemy's, and the last the farthest.

Mr. Pocock saw the mistakes and embarrassments, and, whilst bearing down, threw out signals to rectify them, which were not understood by the Newcastle and Weymouth, and could not be obeyed by the Cumberland. Nevertheless, it was necessary to go on; for the whole of the enemy's line began to fire hotly, as soon as the English ships came within random shot, and with the chance of much advantage, as the English ships bearing down presented their heads, and were exposed to be raked fore and aft until they formed the line, and presented their broadsides for battle: but luckily the enemy's fire continued without aim. Mr. Pocock did not return a single shot until his ship hauled up with her broadside opposite to the Zodiac's, when the three ships of the van were likewise got into their proper stations: he then, at 55 minutes past three, threw out the signal, and the fire instantly became general throughout the line, for the three ships of the rear, although out of certain aim, were within reach of chance execution. In five minutes the Sylphide bore away under the lee of the Zodiac, although she had only received the distant shot of the Newcastle and Weymouth; but she had only been admitted into the line to impose by shew. In fifteen minutes the Due de Bourgogne, the last of the enemy's rear, quitted her station likewise, and went off in the same direction as the Sylphide, although she had only been exposed to the fire of the Weymouth, and was not much damaged. About the same time the Conde, the third and weakest of the enemy's van, received a shot which disabled her rudder, and obliged her likewise to quit the line. The English and French admirals, Pocock and D'Aché, as with a spirit of duel, kept close and directed their fire entirely against each other, and the engagement had likewise been fierce between the two vans, and continued so after the Conde bore away. The Cumberland still flung up so close to the quarter of the Yarmouth, that she had not room to wear, and get into her station, and at length backed her topsails to obtain it by falling astern; which succeeded, but not until she had dropt below her opponent the Saint Louis, and at a considerable distance from the Yarmouth which she was to second; during this operation, the Newcastle and Weymouth, in order to keep their proper distances, backed likewise, and both fell below the Moras, the last remaining of the enemy's rear; and were thus likewise left without any ship to fire at. But after the Cumberland had set sail, and gained her proper station, the Newcastle still kept back, and failed to close the line, on which the Weymouth hailed her to do so, which not being attended to, she hauled the wind, set sail, and, passing to windward of the Newcastle, came properly into the line, a-breast of the Moras, during which the Cumberland was well engaged with the Saint Louis, and took off the fire of her forward guns, which she had for some time employed against the quarter of the Yarmouth. Mr. Pocock had continually thrown out signals for the rear to get in order, and now continued them for the Newcastle. A great explosion of powder had blown up in the Zodiac, another in the Bien Aimé; the Moras, although by much the weakest of the enemy's ships, had fought with as much activity as any of them; and when attacked by the fresh and superior fire of the Weymouth, stood it with great loss for 10 minutes, when she quitted the line, shattered and admired. Mr. D'Aché continually made the signals of the fugitives to rejoin the line. The engagement had continued an hour and a half, when the Tyger, which led the English van, having lost her fore-top-sail-yard, could not keep her station, but fell slanting a-head of her opponent, the Vengeur, on which this ship, favoured at the same time by a small change of the wind, hauled up, and began to get to windward of the Tyger's quarter, over which she would then have had every advantage, and with sufficient resistance against the Salisbury behind; and by this time the Comte de Provence, with the Diligente, were advanced from Pondicherry within a league of the battle. Nevertheless Mr. D'Aché finding that the ships which had bore away did not return, made the general signal, and bore down towards them, intending afterwards to take up the Comte de Provence, and with her to wait the renewal of the engagement, if the English chose. But the rigging in the greatest part of their line was so excessively damaged, that the French outsailed them three feet to one; on which Mr. Pocock hauled the flag of battle down, and summoned his captains. They were Latham of the Tyger, Somerset of the Salisbury, Kempenfelt of the Elizabeth with Admiral Stevens, Harrison of the Yarmouth with Mr. Pocock, Brereton of the Cumberland, Leg of the Newcastle, and Vincent of the Weymouth.

The loss on board the English squadron was 29 killed, and 89 wounded, in all 118. In the Yarmouth 7 were killed and 32 wounded, in the Salisbury 8 and 16; the Cumberland 7 and 13; none were killed, and only 5 wounded, in the Weymouth and Newcastle together; the rest fell nearly equal in the Tyger and Elizabeth. The killed and wounded in the French squadron amounted by their own accounts to 500. In the Zodiac alone more than in all the English ships, being 35 and 115, including 60 scorched by their own gun-powder; 40 were killed in the Bien Aimé; 32 in the Moras, 13 in the Vengeur, 13 in the Saint Louis, 12 in the Due d'Orleans, 6 in the Due de Bourgogne, 3 in the Sylphide, the Conde 6 or 7: the wounded in all the ships, excepting the Zodiac, were only twice the number of the slain. The disparity of the total loss was more than four to one, and far exceeded the disproportion of the numbers on # board: the French squadron having with the troops 5000, and the English 3200. The frigates on either side suffered nothing, having been kept at a distance to repeat signals.

The Yarmouth with the ships of the van had received so much hurt in their rigging, that none could haul the wind. The immediate resource was, to have anchored; but when the engagement ended, the squadron had got out of sight of land, into 25 fathom water, and the wind blowing fresh had raised such a heavy swell, that the tumbling of the ships at anchor would have rendered the various operations of setting up masts, yards, and shrouds, always difficult at sea, almost impracticable. It was therefore resolved to repair under sail. The ships accordingly stood in for the land s. w. the wind still at s. s. E. but the current was strong and the unweildy Cumberland falling continually to leeward obliged the others to abide by her; so that, before the morning when they came to an anchor in shore, they were a league to the north of Sadrass, and 35 miles to the south of Pondicherry, off of which the engagement began. The French squadron had suffered so much less aloft, that they anchored at 10 at night in the road of Alamparva, 15 miles to windward of the English. The Bien Aimé during the fight had the slings of her sheet anchor shot away, which dropping, run out the cable, which was immediately cut; another shot unperceived had grazed the upper coil of the cable bent to the best bower, with which the ship came to anchor at Alamparva, but on the first strain this cable parted; a small anchor was immediately dropped, but would not hold; there was no other ready; and before the sails could be set, the ship was driven into the surf, and stranded without the possibility of recovery; but all the men were saved, and afterwards most of the cannon and stores.

The first hour of Mr. Lally's arrival at Pondicherry was distinguished by the excessive vivacity of his character. Before the night closed, 1000 Europeans and as many Sepoys were on their march to Fort St. David, commanded by the Count D'Estaign, who landed with him: but such was the hurry to be in motion, that they proceeded without provisions, and their guides led them astray, and brought them into the bounds over the plain to the west, where they did not arrive until seven in the morning: the guard at the redoubt of Chimundelum retreated before them to the garden-house, where was another; and both together retired to the fort, after five or six were killed. They were followed almost to the glacis with so much presumption, that seven or eight of the enemy were killed by the cannon from the ramparts, of which indeed abundance were fired on their appearance. Nevertheless, many prest by hunger remained ransacking the houses near the esplanade for immediate victuals; on which two companies of Sepoys under the command of an European officer were sent against them from the fort, who fired away all their ammunition at too great a distance to do or receive any harm. Several smaller parties of Sepoys were likewise detached to surprize straggling plunderers, and before noon brought in six Europeans, from whom an account of the enemy's force was obtained. In the afternoon was heard the first firing of the two squadrons, which were then almost out of sight, and soon after disappeared.

The next day Mr. Soupire came up with more troops, some heavy cannon, and a convoy of provisions; and on the first of May, Mr. Lally himself, escorted by two companies of Hussars, arrived at the garden-house, and immediately detached the Comte D'Estaigne across the river of Tripopalore to reconnoitre and take post near Cuddalore. This town remained in the same condition as when attacked twelve years before by the troops of Dupleix; inclosed on the three sides towards the land with rampart and small bastions, which had neither ditch or any other advanced defences; to the sea it was open, but the approach on this side was flanked by the two bastions at the extremities. M. D'Estaigne carefully reconnoitred the walls to the land, and concluded that the other side had the same defence; and not a man in the French army knew enough of the place to assert the contrary. The garrison of Cuddalore consisted of four companies of Sepoys, and a few artillery-men, under the command of a lieutenant with an ensign; who were reinforced in the evening of Mr. Lally's arrival by 30 Europeans and some Lascars from Fort St. David.

There were in the fort 150 French prisoners; and on Mr. D'Estaigne's arrival, it was demanded of him to send in provisions for their daily sustenance during the impending siege. Mr. Lally, on the day after his arrival, proposed a conference on this subject, as well as on the surrender of Cuddalore, and the commandant Major Polier went to him; after much discussion, and several messages during this and the subsequent day, it was agreed that Cuddalore should be delivered up at sun-rise on the 4th, provided a battery of heavy cannon were at that time ready to open, when the English garrison there might, with their arms and field-ammunition, retire to Fort St. David; and that the French prisoners should be released, with liberty to proceed to any of the neutral ports to the south, where they were to remain until the fate of Fort St. David should be decided; on which their own was to depend.

The impatience of Mr. Lally's temper had already spread discontent through the settlement he was sent to govern. Not finding the same means and facilities for military operations as he had been accustomed to in the armies of Europe, he resolved to create them, as it were, in spite of nature. The different casts of the Indian religion being appropriated to specific and hereditary vocations, many of them are entirely prohibited from servile offices and hard labour; and of those allotted to such occupations, each must abide by that alone to which he was born. The husbandman would be dishonoured by employing his mattock excepting in the field he is to sow; and even lower races have their distinctions, insomuch that the cooley, who carries a burden on his head, will not carry it on his shoulder: distinctions likewise prevail amongst the soldiery, for the man who rides, will not cut the grass that is to feed his horse; nor at this time would the Sepoy dig the trench which was to protect him from a cannon-ball: hence the numerous train of followers and attendants which always accompanies a camp in India. Another embarrassment likewise arises from the want of horses proper for draught, which is but ill supplied by the feeble bullocks of the country; nor are sufficient numbers even of them properly trained to be purchased on emergency. Excepting in the siege of Pondiclierry by Mr. Boscawen, these defects had not been much felt in the hostilities between the two nations, because mutual; and six field-pieces generally decided a battle; two of battering cannon, the fate of a fortress: but another warfare was now to ensue, for the reduction of Fort St. David required a regular siege. The hurry with which Mr. Lally had obliged the first division to march against Cuddalore, left no time to collect the necessary number of coolies and other attendants in Pondicherry; on which he ordered the deficiency to be supplied by the Indian inhabitants of the town, a number of whom were pressed, and employed without distinction, in carrying burthens, and other such services. The violence created terror; the disgrace, indignation. Mr. Deleyrit, and the council, who still retained their functions, but under the controul of Mr. Lally, represented the inconveniencies which might arise from alienating the attachment of the natives; but their remonstrance drew his resentment on themselves, mixed with suspicions, that they only wished to protect those who were subservient to their own emoluments and advantages in the government. The strain of this exertion only diminished the effect; and the cannon and stores followed so slowly, that as soon as the troops had taken possession of Cuddalore, Mr. Lally returned to Pondicherry, in order to accelerate their arrival by the same means which had already been employed with so little success.

The squadron with Mr. D'Aché were six days in working up from Alamparva to the road of Pondicherry, where they anchored on the sixth of May. The troops were immediately landed, and as fast as they came on shore marched off for Fort St. David; and the heavy artillery and ammunition, for want of means by land were embarked, to be landed at the mouth of the river Panar, which lies about a mile to the north of Fort St. David. The park of artillery was formed at the Garden-house. Mr. Lally returned to Cuddalore on the 14th, and in the ensuing night the engineers began to erect a battery for two 24 pounders, on the north bank of the river of Bandapollam; they were only intended to fire plunging-shot into the fort, being 1000 yards distant from the walls: nevertheless the garrison fired abundantly during this and the succeeding night to interrupt the work.

Three considerable rivers coming from the westward, gain the sea in the space of four miles within the bounds of Fort St. David; the bed of the Panar lies about 1800 yards to the north of the river of Tripapolore, and the two communicate by a canal which runs nearly parallel to, and about 1000 yards distant from, the margin of the sea. Fort St. David stands in the angle where the canal joins the river of Tripapolore; which passeth close to the south face of the fort, and there sends off to the south an arm that soon joins the river of Bandapollam, when both united in one channel continue along the eastern side of Cuddalore, separated from the sea by a mound of sand. The waters of Tripapolore and Bandapollam protected the fort from the regular approach of trenches on the south; but on the west and north the ground presented rather more advantages than obstacles to an enemy.

By many additions and improvements Fort St. David was now become a fortification armed at all points; but the original defect of want of space in the body of the place still remained; being only 140 feet from w. to E. and 390 from N. to s. The four bastions at the angles mounted each 12 guns. The curtains, as well as the bastions, were surrounded by a faussebray with a brick parapet. The outworks were, a horn-work to the north, mounting 34 guns; two large ravelins, one on the east, the other on the west; a ditch round all, which had a cuvette cut along the middle, and was supplied with water from the river of Tripapolore; the scarp and counter-scarp of the ditch faced with brick; a broad covered way excellently pallisaded, with arrows at the salient angles commanding the glacis, and the glacis itself was provided with well-constructed mines. All these works, excepting the horn-work, were planned by Mr. Robins, but the horn- work was raised before his arrival in India with much ignorance and expence, the whole being of solid masonry, and the rampart too narrow to admit the free recoil of the guns. The ground to the north of the fort, included by the sea, the rivers of Panar and Tripapolore, and the canal which joins them, is a plot of sand, rising in several parts into large hillocks, which afford good shelter against the fort. On the edge of the canal, 1300 yards to the north of the fort, stood an obsolete redoubt, called Chuckly-point. It was of masonry, square, mounted eight guns, and in the area were lodgments for the guard: the entrance was a pallisaded gate under an arch, but the redoubt was not enclosed by a ditch. About 200 yards to the right of this stood another such redoubt, on a sand-hill called Patcharee. Four hundred yards in the rear of these redoubts was another sandhill, much larger than that of Patcharee, on which the Dutch had a factory-house called Thevenapatam; but the house had lately been demolished; and a fascine battery of five guns was raised on the hill. In a line on the left of this hill, and on the brink of the canal, was a gateway, with a narrow rampart and battlements, which commanded a bridge immediately under it, leading over the canal. The garrison in Fort St. David consisted of 1600 natives, Sepoys, Lascars, and To-passes; 619 Europeans, of whom 286 were effective; 83 pensioners or infirm; and 250 were seamen, the crews of the Triton and Bridgwater, which had run ashore on the appearance of the French squadron.

Intelligence was obtained on the 15th that the enemy intended on the ensuing night to attack all the posts on the sand; on which they were reinforced, to the number of 80 Europeans and 700 Sepoys. At sun-set, the French troops marched from Cuddalore to the gardenhouse, and at nine o'clock from thence in three divisions, which halted at some distance from the canal, waiting the signal to attack. The division on the right was to force and take possession of the gateway opposite to the hill of Thevenapatam; the center was to ford the canal, and march against Chuckley-point; and the division to the left crossing the canal where it joins the river Panar, was to come down and storm Patcharee; but the center and the left were not to begin their attack before the right was engaged. The signal was made by a rocket at ten o'clock, and at the same instant a strong fire commenced against the fort itself, from five guns on the ramparts of Cuddalore, the two on the battery on the bank of the Bandapollam river, and from two heavy mortars on the west. This annoyance was intended to distract the attention of the garrison, and succeeded, for they returned it with much violence, although with more uncertainty. The division on the right advancing to the attack of the Thevenapatam gateway, was unexpectedly stopped by the want of the bridge, which had been destroyed, and the canal hereabouts was not fordable; nor could the center division find the ford they expected. The posts on the sand were now alarmed, but the two divisions, nevertheless, stood on their ground, waiting for intelligence from the division on the left, which was led by the Count D'Estaign, who soon after sent word that he had crossed with ease at the head of the canal; on which the center moved up thither, and crossed after him, whilst the third division continued before the gateway, to keep the troops there and at Thevenapatam from reinforcing the two points. They were both attacked at the same time with numbers sufficient to assult all round at once, and in half an hour both were carried; two officers and all the Europeans were made prisoners, but most of the Sepoys ran away. The two divisions together then marched against the battery on the hill of Thevenapatam. This attack commenced at one in the morning, and was resisted with much spirit until three, when the enemy got possession of the battery; where, likewise, the Europeans were taken, and the Sepoys escaped. The fire from the fort deterred the enemy from continuing at Thevenapatam; and they retired to the two points, which they supported with 400 men, sheltered behind the hillock of Patcharee. None of the Sepoys who had fled returned into the fort, but escaped along the sea-shore across the river Panar.

At day-light a detachment from the fort took possession of the battery again; on which the enemy immediately reinforced the troops at the points with 5 or 600 men from the camp at the garden-house; which sufficiently indicated another attack on the battery, and to avoid it the detachment was prudently recalled, together with the guard at the gateway on the canal. At night the enemy broke ground, carrying on a trench of communication between Chuckley and Patcharee points; and although the excessive heat of the weather ought to have referred this service to the night, it continued through the two succeeding days, and by the night of the 19th the work was advanced to the hill of Thevenapatam, extending in the whole 800 yards. Five mortars from the west opened at the same time as the trenches were begun; but no cannon were fired excepting those on the ramparts of Cuddalore, from which one shot on the 18th killed Lieutenant Davis, two Serjeants, and five black men. On the 20th, the enemy opened another trench leading from, the west side of the hill of Thevenapatam to the gateway on the canal, and repaired the bridge there; they likewise established two twelve pounders amongst the ruins of some fishermen's huts on the beach, which commanded the entrance into the river of Tripapolore from admitting any boats from the sea. These guns were sheltered from the fort by two hillocks of sand, but had no communication with the enemy's lines, and were left to the guard of the artillerymen alone, who being few, the garrison detached 60 Sepoys and some Europeans at 11 the next day, to attack them; but the sally only produced a little skirmishing.

By this time, all the black artificers and menials had quitted the fort; and of the whole body of Sepoys, only 200 remained; the want of them laid the strain of duty much heavier on the Europeans; of whom little service was derived from the seamen, as not being subject to the same controul as the soldiery. On the 22d, an English ship anchored, and for want of boatmen to carry a letter to her, the fort warned her danger by firing shot at her, on which she sailed out of the road. The enemy continued until the 26th, employed in constructing four batteries, and in pushing on their trenches, which they carried from the hill of Thevenapatam obliquely towards the north-east angle of the glacis; during which, the five mortars to the west, and the guns from Cuddalore continued the only annoyance. The fort continued to lavish away their fire night and day on every thing they saw, heard or suspected; by which 20 carriages of their own guns were disabled, and the works themselves shaken. About midnight of the 26th, a battery of seven guns, added to that of the five mortars to the west, was opened and kept up a constant fire. The next night some of the sailors broke open the treasury, not to take the money, but some arrack, with which they got exceedingly drunk, and, according to their regulations, could only be punished by confinement.

By the 30th, the enemy had advanced their trenches to within 200 yards of the glacis; and in the same day finished and opened the three other batteries; one of three guns, with five mortars, against the angle of the north-west bastion; another of six guns and four mortars on the hill of Thevenapatam, facing the front of the hornwork; the third of four guns, about 300 yards to the south-east of Thevenapatam, and nearly opposite to the angle of the north-east bastion. The former battery to the west continued to enfilade the north face; and the defences on this side had already suffered so much, as well from the shock of their own firing, as from the shot and shells of the enemy, that they could barely return the same number of guns; and the encreasing want of powder left none to spare against the shot from Cuddalore, and the two guns on the bank of the river of Bandapollam. The enemy's bombs had likewise ruined the reservoirs and the only well of good water in the fort, and that in the ditch was too brackish to be drunk.

All hopes were now turned to the squadron; the garrison knew by letters, which had escaped the enemy, of the success of the late engagement, and no conjectures could account for the long delay of their return. Mr. Pocock, as soon as he anchored off Sadrass on the 29th of April, dispatched a boat with advices to Madrass, and requested, that all the recovered seamen in the hospital, and as may Lascars as could be spared, might be sent to restore the loss which had been sustained. About 100 of each were sent the next day, the Lascars by land, the seamen in massoolas. It was six days before they got on board; and on the 7th of May the squadron weighed; but, proving after three days trial, that they could not advance against the wind and current by working in shore, they put to sea, and in fifteen days got to the windward of Fort St. David, into the latitude of 9. 30.; but the wind at this time rose so strong from the west, that the Cumberland could not bear up against it, without encreasing her leaks so much, that it became necessary to let her drive; and as the other ships were obliged to keep her company, the squadron, instead of reaching Fort St. David, fell to leeward as far as Alamparvah, where they anchored on the 26th of May. Here they obtained no intelligence, for the place belonged to the French, who suffered no boats to go off, and those belonging to ships cannot land through the surf. The wind having abated, the squadron weighed anchor again the same day, and plied to the southward with the land and sea breezes, which were so faint, that they only gained four leagues in two days, when on the 28th they discovered the French squadron at anchor in the road of Pondicherry, which had remained there ever since their arrival, waiting the recovery of their sick and wounded, of which conditions, but principally of their sick, near a thousand were incapable of duty. The appearance of the English squadron spread no little alarm. Mr. D'Aché immediately convened a council of his captains, with the governor and council of the town, who resolved, that it was most expedient for the ships to remain moored as close as possible to the shore, that they might receive the assistance of the guns along the strand: but this resolution was not valid until approved by Mr. Lally; who instantly went from the camp to Pondichersy, ordering a detachment of 400 Europeans to follow him as fast as they could march. He arrived early in the morning of the 30th, convened the usual council, and tendered the detachment, with the same number of Sepoys and Lascars, to serve on board the ships, and protested against the disgrace of not meeting the English squadron in the open sea. This reinforcement changed the former resolution. Mr. Lally returned to the camp in the evening; and the next day Mr. D'Aché, with the eight principal ships, now manned with 3300 men, weighed anchor, but, instead of bearing down on Mr. Pocock, who could not work up to him, kept the wind, plying for Fort St. David. The besiegers during this day kept up an incessant fire from 21 pieces of cannon and 13 mortars, which every hour became superior to that of the fort; not for want of mounted artillery, but of ammunition, of which such quantities had been lavished away when no adequate effect could be expected, that the garrison was obliged to spare it now, in the hour of need and real use. On the 1st of June the fire continued with such increasing superiority, that the sailors, and even the artillery men, at times, quitted their guns. At noon, the French squadron were perceived working towards the road, and by the close of the evening, the enemy had carried on their trenches to the foot of the glacis opposite to the salient angle of the N. E. bastion, where they began to erect a battery, and all the embrasures in the fort which commanded this spot were ruined, and their guns either dismounted or withdrawn: so that the enemy might soon make a lodgement in the covered way; but could get no farther until the ditch was drained or filled up. Nevertheless, it was apprehended, that the French squadron might land a great number of men, with whom the troops on shore would make a general assault, which the garrison or defences were not deemed in a condition to resist. On which, Major Polier, and Mr. Wynch, the temporary governor, thought it necessary to hold a council of war, in which it was unanimously decided, that they ought to capitulate on the best terms they could make, and articles were prepared; however, the defence was continued through the night, and until ten the next: day, in the solicitous, but disappointed expectation of seeing the English squadron: a flag of truce was then hoisted, Major Polier and one of the company's agents went out, and returned at four in the afternoon, with the articles altered by Mr. Lally, which it was agreed to accept. At six in the evening, a company of French grenadiers were admitted into the fort, and the garrison marched with drums and colours to the foot of the glacis, where they grounded their arms, and surrendered themselves and their ensigns to the French line drawn up to receive them. They were, with all convenient speed, conducted to Pondicherry, where it was stipulated they should remain, until an equal number of French prisoners were delivered there, when the English were to be sent to Madrass, or Devi Cotah, at the option of Mr. Lally. He rejected the proposal, that Fort St. David should not be demolished during the war and, in consequence of instructions from France, immediately ordered all the fortifications to be razed to the ground. The French officers, on contemplating the works, were surprized at the facility of their conquest, not having lost twenty men by the fire of the place, although more by sickness, and strokes of the sun, in the trenches. The French squadron anchored in the road the evening after the surrender, when Mr. D'Aché landed, and having conferred with Mr. Lally, weighed anchor on the 4th, and stood to the southward, in order to cruize off Ceylon.

The army before Fort St. David consisted of 2500 Europeans, exclusive of officers, and about the same number of Sepoys. In order to complete this amount, and to leave in Pondicherry a force sufficient to make head against any motions from Madrass, Mr. Lally had drained all the out-posts and garrisons in the Carnatic, to a fourth of their ordinary guards; and had recalled the whole garrison of Seringham, having agreed to deliver over this place to the brother of Hydernaig; who arrived with a party of Mysoreans from Dindigul, and took possession of it on the 17th of May, when, the French troops marched away for Fort St. David. They consisted of 100 Europeans and 1500 Sepoys: but one half of the Sepoys deserted on the road, for fear of the unusual services to which they heard those in the camp were applied; having for the first time been employed in throwing up earth in the trenches; on which the rest, with the Europeans, were ordered to halt at Chilambarum, where they were joined during the siege by 200 Europeans from the camp. This force was intended to succour Karical, in case the English squadron should make a descent there. As soon as Fort St. David capitulated, Mr. D'Estaign was detached, with some more troops and cannon, to join, and proceed with them against Devi Cotah; but this officer, on good intelligence, left the cannon at Chilambarum, and on the 4th appeared with the troops before Devi Cotah, which the garrison abandoned on his approach. It consisted of 30 Europeans, and 600 Sepoys; they marched away through the Tanjore country to Tritchinopoly.

As soon as Devi Cotah was taken, the army returned with all expedition from Fort St. David to Pondicherry, and on the evening of the 7th, Mr. Lally made a triumphant entry, which had been concerted, into the town, and proceeded to a magnificent Te Deum, which was followed by a sumptuous entertainment; immediately after which, he renewed his bickerings with Mr. Deleyrit and the Council, because the public treasure was almost exhausted; not without accusations that they had diverted it to their own emoluments.

The English squadron saw the French set sail from the road of Pondicherry; but, kept back by the Cumberland, lost, instead of gaining ground, and fell to leeward again as far as Alamparva, off which place, Mr. Pococke received on the 5th a letter, dispatched by the English agent at Sadrass, informing him of the loss of Fort St. David. At this time the squadron had not more than five days consumption of water on board: and the only port to the southward, where it could be supplied with sufficient expedition, was the Dutch settlement of Negapatam; which, being 100 miles to windward, they were not likely to reach in less than 10 days; Mr. Pococke, therefore, bore away, and anchored the next day in the road of Madrass.

Abdulwahab, the Nabob's brother, on the return of his troops from Terpatore, where Armetrow was killed in February, had paraded them again about Chandergherry in the same hopes as before of intimidating the renter of Tripetti; but, still continuing himself afraid of the English Sepoys stationed at Trepassore, refrained from hostilities, and tried proffers of money, which the renters refused, and advised him to a reconciliation with his brother. The possession of Tripetti had always been the object of every adventurer who saw any chance of success; because its revenue, equal to 30,000 pounds a year, arising from the contributions of devotion, is always more certain than that of any harvest in the Carnatic; and the acquisition was soon after attempted with more earnestness than the schemes of Abdulwahab. Before the departure of Balaventrow from the country of Cudapah, two officers of distinction, named Ragava Cherry and Balakissen Saustry, arrived with a commission from Balagerow, to superintend the chout or tribute to the Morratoes from the Carnatic; in consequence of which they asked Balaventrow for a body of troops to proceed by military execution. He refused, alleging, that he had already settled this business with the Nabob of Arcot, who had given no new occasion of offence; and, on his departure to Sirpi, instructed his successor not to permit any hostilities. The two officers, disappointed, levied 500 horse and 1000 foot, of those who had been in the service of the late Nabob of Cudapah, but disbanded after his death; and proceeded with them to the country of the Polygar of Matlavar, which extends along the river Kandeler to the N. w. of the districts of Triretti, and a part inserts itself between the counties of Damerla Venkatipy Naigue, and Bangar Yatcham, as far as a pass in the mountains called Cava Canambaca, which is within twenty miles of the pagoda. The renter posted 7 or 800 peons in the pass, who kept the adventurers and their force at bay, although joined by the troops of Matlavar, until the beginning of May; when they forced their way through; and, on the 5th, attacked the town of Tripetti, where the renter stood his ground, with only 300 Sepoys and 500 Peons; but had secured them under the cover of garden-walls from the impression of the enemy's horse, when Ragavacherry exposing himself intemperately in endeavouring to encourage them, was shot dead, on which all his followers ran away, although only 10 men, besides himself, had been killed: he fell near the place where Mahomed Comaul was killed, five years before, in the same attempt.

This was the only event of any risque, which had happened in the Nabob's territory, since the arrival of Mr. Lally; for the great draughts of men which had been made from the French forts on the frontier to carry on the siege of St. David, had reduced their garrisons to the incapacity of attempting any thing beyond transitory excursions to plunder. But the English presidency now concluding that the French army would march against Madrass immediately after their success at St. David, delayed no longer to give their final orders for the retreat of their own garrisons with the dependant out-guards, from Carangoly, Chinglapet, Conjeveram, Covrepauk, and Arcot, which had previously sent in their artillery and stores, reserving only as much musket-ammunition as was necessary for the march. Arcot and Covrepauk were delivered to the Nabob's troops, of which a body were remaining in the city; Conjeveram and Chinglapet to the peons of the respective renters; and the partizan Murzafabeg, leaving only a few of his men in Trivatore, went with the rest into Carangoly. The English garrisons having united at Chinglapet, came in together on the 7th of June, the day after the return of the squadron: they amounted to 250 Europeans and 2000 Sepoys; but the garrisons of Pondamelee and Tripassore, consisting only of Sepoys, were not withdrawn, because they protected a valuable district from the incursions of the adjacent Polygars, and might at all times retire to Madrass, before any detachment from the French stations on the other side of the Paliar, could arrive to cut off their retreat. Frequent debates had been held in the council concerning the expediency of withdrawing the garrison of Tritchinopoly, which it was resolved to postpone until the last extremity; but in the interval the commandant Mahomed Issoof was ordered, after leaving a sufficient force in Palamcotah, to move towards Madura, and even to march to Tritchinopoly itself on the first summons from Captain Calliaud. This officer, on the 16th of May, the day after the French garrison had quitted the pagoda of Seringham to the Mysoreans, summoned them to surrender it, and detached his second, Captain Joseph Smith, with a party, to take post in Jumbakistna. The Mysoreans replied by firing cannon from Seringham against this place, which were answered the next day by a bombardment from two mortars; and in the ensuing night they abondoned Seringham, leaving a considerable quantity of military stores, and eight pieces of cannon, which the French had left to them: they returned from whence they came, to Dindigul. Calliaud immediately took possession of the pagoda, and garrisoned it with 500 Sepoys.

Mr. Lally, notwithstanding his wrangles, consulted Mr. Deleyrit and the jesuit Lavaur concerning the future operations of the field. Madrass seemed the immediate and most important temptation; for, notwithstanding the utmost exertions, many of the essential parts of its fortifications still remained incomplete; and the defence of Fort St. David had raised in Mr. Lally a contemptible opinion of the English troops in India: but Pondicherry could not immediately furnish money to support the campaign, nor means to transport by land the vast quantity of artillery and stores necessary for the siege, which could not be conveyed with any certainty in the ships of the French squadron, whilst the English kept the sea. The Nabob's country to the north of Chittapett and Vandiwash, by the retreat of the English garrisons, presented a much easier conquest, and the chance of no inconsiderable revenue, with the advantage of pressing Madrass itself by a variety of distresses; but Mr. Lally could not brook the slow, although certain means of collecting money, which would have arisen from this expedition. Yielding therefore to the advice of father Lavaur, he preferred another, from which they expected to get more, with equal ease, in a much shorter time.

The king of Tanjore, when besieged by the army of Murzafajing and Chundasaheb with the French troops in 1751, had compounded the arrears of his tribute, and had given Chundasaheb a bond for 5,600,000 rupees, before the approach of Nazirjing's army obliged them to retreat out of his country; the bond was in the possession of the government of Pondicherry; and an incident in the capture of Fort St. David concurred to suggest the expediency of marching into the Tanjore country, and demanding this money sword in hand. The French had found in Fort St. David a prisoner of grater consequence than they expected: his name was Gatica: he was uncle to the deposed king of Tanjore, whose pretensions the English asserted in 1749, when they entered the country, and took Devi Cotah. The king then and now reigning, when he ceded this place to them in propriety, stipulated by a secret article, that they should prevent this pretender from giving him any molestation in future; to ensure which, it was necessary to secure his person; but he withdrew himself out of their reach; however, being in possession of his uncle, who was the leading man of the party, and had entirely managed his nephew, they detained him a prisoner, but under an easy confinement, within the Fort, where he remained until fated by the fall of the place to be employed by the French, with the same views as nine years before by the English: and Gatica was now produced at Pondicherry with much ostentation and ceremony, in order to excite the apprehensions of the king, that the pretender himself would appear and accompany the French army, whom nevertheless they did not proclaim in his stead.

How much soever Mr. Lally agreed in the preference of this expedition, he differed even to animosity both with Mr. Deleyrit and the Jesuit in another measure of still greater importance. He had brought from France the strongest prejudices against the character of Mr. Bussy, whom he believed to have continually amused his nation with phantoms of public utility and danger, in order to secure the continuance of his station, in which he was supposed to have already ready gained an immense fortune: a few days after he landed, he had sent the Marquis of Conflans to act as second in the army of the Decan; but now, thinking that the capture of Fort St. David had established his own, reputation beyond the imputation of jealousy, he dispatched a letter to Mr. Bussy, to come without delay to Pondicherry, pretending that he wanted his advice; and, suspicious of the intimacy which had always subsisted between Moracin and Mr. Bussy, he likewise, and on the same pretence, recalled Moracin from the government of Masulipatam.

Six hundred men of Mr. Lally's regiment, with 200 Sepoys, under the command of Mr. Soupire, formed a camp of observation, between Alamparva and Pondicherry: only 50 able, with the invalids of the army, were to be left in the town; and, to calm the apprehensions which were entertained by the inhabitants, of a sudden descent from the English squadron, it was resolved to recall their own under the walls. The injunction reached Mr. D'Aché off Karical on the 16th; and he anchored the next day in the road of Pondicherry. On the 18th Mr. Lally took the field; but, as before, unprovided with the necessary attendants, bullock-men, and market-people; for the unusual compulsions, which had been practised during the siege of Fort St. David, deterred the natives of such occupations from engaging in the services of the camp; and the inhabitants of the country removed their cattle, from dread of the hussars, who had been permitted to drive in what were necessary for the victualling of the army, without paying the value. The march between Pondicherry and Karical, where the troops were to rendezvous, is intersected by no less than sixteen rivers; six before you arrive at the Coleroon, which are generally fordable, excepting in the rains, but the Coleroon is never so; the others, as all in the kingdom of Tanjore, are arms of the Caveri, most of which near the sea change their extensive surfaces on beds of sand into deep channels of mud, which, even when fordable, cannot be entered without much toil and trouble; to avoid which, such of the heavy artillery, and cumbrous stores as were not to be supplied at Karical, were sent in two vessels by sea. Notwithstanding this relief, the troops gained their way with much inconvenience. The regiment of Lorrain left their tents at Cuddalore, for want of bullocks and coolies to carry them. The whole army had been 12 hours without food when they arrived at Devi Cotah, and contrary to their expectation, found none there excepting paddy, which is the grain of rice before it is divested of the husk, in which state it is only fit for the food of cattle; but the operation is tedious, and requires the implements used by the natives; and the soldiers, hungry and fatigued, having searched the huts in the fort for other victuals without finding any, set fire to them, which was with much difficulty prevented from catching two magazines of gunpowder.

The troops, after seven days march, arrived at Karical on the 25th. The distance from Pondicherry, although only 75 miles in the direct line, is 100 by the road; and here, for the first time during the march, they got a regular meal. Here a bramin, sent by the king of Tanjore with proposals, was waiting for Mr. Lally, who sent him back with his own, demanding immediate payment of the five millions and six hundred thousand rupees, with all the interest: and, to convince the king that he would derive no benefit from the usual delays and prevarications of Indian negotiations, he immediately sent forward a detachment to take possession of the opulent town of Nagore.

This place is situated on a river about four miles to the north of Negapatam, and carries on a very considerable commerce; but the merchants had removed their money and jewels, and offered little for the redemption of their warehouses; on which Mr. Lally farmed out the plunder and ransom of the town for 200,000 rupees to Fischer, the commander of the French hussars; stipulating, that if the profit exceeded 100,000 rupees, a proportional addition was to be made to the public fund. Hitherto the conduct of Mr. Lally had been free from the reproach of those pecuniary views, which he continually imputed without distinction to every one in the service of the French company; but this agreement gave them no slight pretence to retort peculation on himself, as going shares with Fischer in the profits of Nagore. Whilst this business was transacting, he applied to the Dutch government at Negapatam to supply his wants of money, ammunition, and provisions; who, awed by his force, furnished him with 20,000 pounds weight of gunpowder, and promised to assist his commissaries in purchasing whatsoever their territory could supply, but declared themselves unable to lend any money, not having enough for their own use. The Danish settlement of Tranquebar, from the same dread of his violences, promised the same assistances, and furnished six small field-pieces, with 10,000 weight of gunpowder.

The army marched from Nagore on the 28th, and, having proceeded six miles, halted at a considerable pagoda called Kiveloor; where Mr. Lally, believing the report of those who meant only to please him, imagined the bramins to be very rich, and that the images they worshipped were of gold; in this persuasion, he ransacked and dug the houses, dragged the tanks, and took the idols out of the chapels, but no treasures were found; and the idols proved to be only of brass. The bramin returning from the king met Mr. Lally at Kiveloor, and offered the usual complimentary presents, but no terms of accommodation adequate to Mr. Lally's expectations, who therefore dismissed him without accepting the presents, and the next day marched ten miles farther to Trivalore, where stands the most famous pagoda in the country. Here the army found as much paddy laid up in granaries as would have supplied them with rice for three months, but for want of the means to beat it out, could scarcely procure from it sufficient for the meal of the day. All the bramins had abandoned the pagoda, but some were afterwards discovered prying and asking questions in the camp, probably from anxiety concerning their temples and divinities; but Mr. Lally judged them to be spies employed by the king, and rashly ordered six of them to be executed, who were blown off from the muzzles of the field-pieces.

As soon as the French troops arrived at Karikal, the general Monacjee advanced from the city of Tanjore and encamped within ten miles of Trivalore, with 2500 horse and 5000 Sepoys, disciplined as well as they could be without the direction of Europeans. This was half the force of the kingdom. The king on the first alarm had solicited aid from the Nabob, the English presidency, Tritchinopoly, from Tondiman, and even from the two Moravars, although he was at this very time in enmity with all the three Polygars. The presidency and the Nabob were in no condition to send any assistance from the Carnatic, but they authorized Capt. Calliaud to act as occasion might require from Tritchinopoly, where the commandant Mahomed Issoof, in obedience to the orders sent to him on the first appearance of the French squadron, arrived on the 16th of June with 2000 Sepoys from the Tinivelly country. This reinforcement enabled Calliaud to succour the king without too much impairing his own garrison; but the continual and authentic intelligence which he obtained of the duplicity of the king's councils, created no little perplexity in the option between sending succours which might be betrayed to the enemy; or by withholding them, give the king a pretext to make terms with them, which in this conjuncture must be dangerous to the English affairs: he however, at all risques, as soon as he heard the French army were in motion from Nagore, detached 500 Sepoys with 10 European artillery-men, and 300 Colleries collected from the neighbouring Polygars dependant on Tritchinopoly, deeming this reinforcement in the present instant sufficient to keep up the king's hope of more; and waiting to assist him hereafter, according to his conduct with the enemy, which he caused to be narrowly watched. The exhortations of the presidency had likewise induced Tondiman and the two Moravars to suspend their, resentments so far as to let their Colleries also take service with the king, who hired 4000 of them; and they were sent, as they arrived, to Monacjee's camp, as were afterwards those supplied by Calliaud. The French army remained at Trivalore until the 12th of July, during which their cavalry swept the country round of all the cattle, of which Mr. Lally sent large droves to be sold at the towns on the sea-coast; which precaution was imputed to him as a project of private gain; but not much was got by it, for Monacjee had detached his Colleries to maraud in the rear of the French army, who cut off every thing which moved to and from the camp with slender escorts, and recovered great numbers of the cattle, which they too drove away, and sold for the lowest prices to any who would buy them. However, some of the Colleries were killed, and all who were taken prisoners Mr. Lally ordered to be linked to draw the guns, which did not deter the others from repeating their attacks, wherever booty appeared, or even from insulting the camp itself every night with their rockets. On the 24th, the army came in sight of Monacjee's, drawn up in good order behind a water-course, from which the Tanjorines were soon driven by the fire of the French artillery, and retreated towards the city, but still continued without the walls.

The French army arrived within six miles of the city on the 18th in the morning, when a message was received from the king, desiring a conference with persons authorized to treat; on which Mr. Lally halted the army, and sent in a Captain, Maudave, and a Jesuit, St. Estevan. They insisted on the first demand of 5,600,000 rupees, with the interest; the king offered 300,000: the deputies returned, and were sent back again with the demand of one million in money, 600 bullocks for the carriage of the artillery and stores, and, 10,000 pounds weight of gun-powder; but this article the deputies wisely agreed to suppress, as exposing the distress of the army: the king seemed inclined to add something to his first offer of money, but said, that the supply or sale of beeves to those of a different religion was contrary to his own; the deputies returned again to the camp, and the next morning to the city, with positive orders to insist on the gun-powder, which when they proposed to Monacjee in a conference before they were to visit the king, he exclaimed with indignation, that all negotiation was at an end, and that he should not introduce to his master men who were only sent to insult him. The deputies returned without delay to the camp, which immediately moved, and in the evening took possession of the pettah, or suburbs, which at this time extended along the eastern side of the city; the artillery, of which only two were battering cannon, and the cohorns and howitzes, for the army had brought no mortars, fired during the night at the pagodas and other edifices which arose above the walls; and this was all the annoyance they could use at present, since the two pieces of battering cannon could not be exposed against the superior fire of the town, without more to cover them; a detachment was therefore sent to bring up three twenty-four-pounders from Karical, which were all that this place could spare, and the two vessels laden with the cannon and mortars from Pondicherry were still far to leeward: several other detachments, which all together employed half the infantry and all the cavalry of the army, were at the same time sent abroad to bring in the cattle of the adjacent country; and a body of Colleries, who had probably deserted from the Tanjorines, were likewise hired for the same employment. The abundance was much greater than the consumption; and the surplus were driven away as before to be sold on the sea-coast. The vast detriment which the country was likely to suffer by the continuance of these desolations induced the king to renew the negociation on the 22d, and the next day he paid 50,000 rupees; and the Jesuit St. Estevan, with Kenedy a lieutenant-colonel, were sent to remain as hostages for the re-payment of the money, in case a treaty should not be concluded, and hostilities be renewed. But the Colleries in the French army could not be restrained from continuing their depredations, which the Tanjorine horse revenged, by giving no quarter to any they fell in with: quarrels likewise ensued with the market people and dealers, who, with the king's permission, came from the city to sell provisions and other necessaries in the camp; and the discussion of these broils and violences interrupted the more important negotiation until the arrival of the three pieces of cannon from Karical, which came up on the 29th; and Mr. Lally, having at this time received intelligence, that the king was pressing the English at Tritchinopoly to send another and stronger reinforcement, resolved to renew hostilities, although his hostages still remained in the power of the king, who, frightened by the arrival of the cannon, conferred in earnest, and concluded the treaty, of which the terms were founded on Mr. Lally's declarations, that he intended to march immediately from Tanjore against Tritchinopoly, for which service the king agreed to lend 300 of his best horse, to furnish 1000 coolies and mattock-men, and to supply the army with provisions during the siege; to deliver two respectable hostages, and to give in money 500,000 rupees, of which 200,000 were to be paid as soon as the army removed ten miles from Tanjore, 150,000 were to be sent with the two French hostages as soon as it arrived before Tritchinopoly, and the remaining 150,000 were to be paid after the siege, when the king's hostages were to be surrendered, and the cavalry returned. The contingencies involved in these terms shewed, that neither side had much expectation they would be completely executed, and Mr. Lally seems to have accepted them, only because he should get some money in hand; the king because some chance might save the rest. Two hundred of the coolies were sent to the camp during the discussion of the articles which were not intirely adjusted until late in the evening of the 31st, when Mr. Dubois the commissary of the army, who had conducted the negotiation in the city, returned to the camp, accompanied by the two Tanjorine hostages, and 40 of the cavalry, being all, it was said, who were immediately ready; the delay of the rest confirmed Mr. Lally in his suspicions that the king meant only to amuse him, and induced him to shut up those who were come in a pagoda near the encampment: they not knowing what to suspect from this treatment, dreaded the worst, and sent information to the city, in consequence of which the king stopped the rest of the cavalry; and his coolies in the camp being frightened by the rumours concerning the horsemen in the pagoda, run away in the night. The next morning Mr. Lally sent Dubois to reproach the king and Monacjee for their supposed breach of faith, who retorted their own suspicions, and this altercation producing the real state of the mistakes, Dubois proffered to bring back one of the Tanjorine hostages as a conviction of security to the cavalry which had remained behind, who were then to proceed to the camp. But Mr. Lally regarded this stipulation as an indignity, and a confirmation of the king's insincerity, and summoned his council of war, who conformably to his exposition were unanimously of opinion that no reliance could be had on any professions of peace, and that it was necessary to attack the city without delay, and with the utmost vigour. In consequence of this resolution, Mr. Lally wrote a letter to colonel Kenedy, ordering him to denounce the utmost vengeance not only on the country and city of Tanjore, but likewise on the king and his whole family, whom he threatened to carry as slaves to the island of Mauritius. In the evening the army moved from the suburbs, and formed a regular camp about a mile and a half to the south-east of the town.

The expressions in Mr. Lally's letter to Kenedy, determined the king, who had hitherto fluctuated, in irresolution, to defend himself to extremity, and he now repeated his solicitations with the utmost earnestness for assistance from Tritchinopoly. Captain Calliaud, by the accounts he continually received of the king's negotiations, had hitherto thought it unsafe to trust any more troops in his power, whilst making engagements to assist the French in the reduction of Tritchinopoly: but, being convinced by this last rupture, that he had renounced all designs of accord or reconciliation with them, detached on the 6th of August 500 of his best Sepoys, with two excellent Serjeants and 27 cannoneers, who in order to avoid the encounter of the French troops, proceeded in a round-about road along the bank of the Coleroon.

A deep water-course, running within 400 yards parallel to the south side of the city, furnished a much more commodious trench than any which are opened in sieges, determined Mr. Lally to make the attack under the advantage of this cover. The south face of the city is much the narrowest aspect, extending only 480 yards. Two batteries were erected on the nether edge of the water-course, the one of three guns opposite to the middle of the face, but turned to breach between the cavalier of the eastern angle and the next tower. The other, of two guns, was 200 yards to the right.

Both opened on the 2d of August. It was the 7th in the evening, after five days firing, before the batteries had produced a breach six feet wide: but by this time there remained only 150 charges of powder for the cannon, and not 20 cartouches a man for the troops; and, notwithstanding the numbers of cattle which had been seized, there were not provisions for two days remaining in the camp, and the great distance from which any could be procured through the perpetual interruptions of the Tanjorine cavalry and Colleries, precluded the hopes of any immediate supplies. On the 8th in the morning advices were received, that another engagement had passed between the two squadrons, immediately after which, the English anchored before Karical, where they were threatening a descent; but that no tidings had been obtained concerning the French squadron since the fight. This intelligence aggravated the general anxiety, as the distresses of the army in their present situation, could only be relieved from Karical; and Mr.Lally despairing of succeeding in the assault of the breach, summoned his council of war, in which, of 12 officers 10 were of opinion to raise the siege; but two, Saubinet, and Mr. D'Estaigne, advised the immediate assault, the success of which appeared to D'Estaigne indubitable; who added, that the city would furnish more ammunition than would be expended in the storm, and that he had no apprehensions the English would make a descent upon Karical, whilst the French squadron kept the sea. Doubtless both D'Estaigne and Saubinet knew the ditch was fordable, when they advised the assault; otherwise, in the state we have known it since, the approach would have been utterly impracticable. In consequence of the resolution to retreat, the sick and wounded were sent away on the same day under the escort of 150 Europeans, and dispositions were made to decamp on the night of the ensuing day, which was the 10th of the month; in the mean time the guns in the batteries were fired every now and then in order to keep the garrison in awe.

Monacjee soon received intelligence of the resolution to raise the siege, and imputed it to despondency; the detachment from Tritchinopoly arrived in the middle of the same night, and he proposed that they should march immediately with his own troops to attack the French camp by surprize, conformably to a scheme for which he had taken measures; but they were so much fatigued, that he deferred the interprize for 24 hours, until the morning of the 10th, during which the camp received no intelligence of this design, but remained in negligence and security, as before an enemy they despised, and supposed wishing their retreat too much to interrupt it. After midnight 4000 cavalry, led by Monacjee himself, the two detachments from Tritchinopoly, consisting of 1000 Sepoys and 50 Europeans, with 5000 of the king's Sepoys, and all the Colleries, marched out of the city, and keeping at a sufficient distance, arrived at the different posts from which they were to make their attacks and remained in them, undiscovered. At the first dawn of day, 50 horsemen appeared advancing, as from the city, at a leisurely pace, towards the camp they were challenged by the advanced guard, and said they were come to offer their service to the French general, to whom they requested to be conducted; and no danger being apprehended from their number, a party from the guard accompanied them towards Mr. Lally's quarters who slept in a choultry about half a mile in the rear, but to the left of the camp. When within 100 yards, the troop halted and their leader went forward, and Mr. Lally having perceived their arrival, arose and came out of the choultry to speak to him; but before they met, one of the horsemen, who it is supposed was intoxicated with opium, left his rank, and galloped up to a tumbril at some distance, into which he fired his pistol, and a spark of the wad blew it up and the man; the explosion gave the alarm through the camp; and the guard at the choultry, which consisted of 50 men, immediately advanced to protect Mr. Lally. In the same instant the captain of the troop, who had not dismounted, pushed forward towards him, and made a cut at his head with his seymetar, which Mr. Lally parried with his stick, and a Coffree servant who attended him shot the Tanjorine dead with a pistol; the whole troop had now set off at full-gallop to charge the guard, who received them in regular order, and with a fire of such execution as stopt all except two or three from breaking through them; those, however, who remained, on horseback, joined again and endeavoured to make a second charge, but in so much confusion, that the second fire of the guard put them to flight with the utmost precipitation; and most of them galloped into a tank, which they did not perceive time enough to avoid; but twenty-eight were left dead in the space of thirty yards; Mr. Lally himself was trampled down and stunned in the scuffle, but only two of his guard were killed. Whilst the troops in the camp were getting under arms and expecting a general attack from the quarter where the first alarm had been given, the great body of Colleries were discovered advancing with their lances and rockets in the rear 3000 horse at the same time in the front, and the whole body of Sepoys, with 1000 more horse on the right: much confusion and trepidation prevailed in every part of the camp for near an hour, but the troops were recalled to their wonted steadiness and discipline, by the example and activity of Saubinet and the Count D'Estaigne: the English Sepoys penetrated amongst the tents, and had seized three field-pieces, which they were obliged to abandon, after having 75 of their body killed and wounded in endeavouring to carry them off; they, however, brought away an elephant and two camels. The French suppose that 400 of the enemy were killed, and allow their own loss to be no more than 10, which is improbable. It does not appear that any attack was made on the two batteries in the water- course, although it should seem that the troops on duty there were the most exposed.

As soon as the Tanjorines had retired, the French army continued their preparations to decamp during the ensuing night; and, for want of draft and carriage bullocks, spiked and dismounted the five pieces of battering cannon, threw the shot into wells, and destroyed as much of the baggage as time and means permitted. At midnight the whole were in motion, marching in two lines, with an interval between, which was occupied by palanquins, baggage, tumbrills, and other carriages; two field-pieces were in the front, rear, and on each side of the lines. Monacjee, with all his cavalry and a large body of Sepoys, was abroad, and several times obliged the march to halt, and recur to their field-pieces; the Colleries threw rockets, but disappeared at the approach of day. But the rest of the Tanjorine army continued, as during the night, to follow and hover round until noon; when the French troops arrived and halted at Covilonil, 15 miles from Tanjore: the road was without a single pond or stream until they came to the town; when nothing could withhold the troops and animals of the army from breaking their ranks and restraints to gain the first water they saw. The next day they reached Trivalore; this march was 20 miles, and more fatiguing than the former, having two rivers to pass, over which the artillery and carriages were transported with much difficulty; but the enemy, instead of taking the advantage, discontinued the pursuit before they arrived at the first: during the whole march the troops had no other food than the cocoa-nuts they gathered on the way, of which many got none; however, they found at Trivalore some provisions sent from Karical; but all were so exhausted and fatigued, that they could not proceed any farther until they had been allowed three days refreshment and repose. On the road Mr. Lally received information that the French squadron was at Pondicherry, and that Mr. D'Aché had signified to the council there his determination to return without delay to the Isle of France; on which he immediately dispatched the Count D'Estaigne with the strongest remonstrances to stop him. On the 18th the army arrived at Karical, and saw the English squadron at anchor off the mouth of the river.

Many wants and insufficient means had detained the squadron near eight weeks in the road of Madrass after their unsuccessful endeavours to reach Fort St. David during the siege. On the third of July, three of the company's ships arrived in the road; they had left England in the preceding year, but not arriving in the bay, until the northern monsoon was setting in, proceeded to Bengal; from whence they were dispatched in April with money, merchandize, and stores, but without any of the recruits they brought from England, or any troops in return for those which had been sent with Clive. The southern monsoon, which had begun when they sailed, obliged them to make the outward passage towards Achin, and they came in from the southward to Negapatam: in consequence of the intelligence they received at this place, they put out again to sea and kept out of sight of land until they stood in for Madrass. Chance always maintains its share in all events. Had not the unnecessary anxiety of the council at Pondicherry recalled Mr. D'Aché's squadron from Karical in the middle of June, but permitted him to have continued the cruize he intended, these ships would have been taken, and would have supplied the want of money, which had been the principal cause of the fruitless and disgraceful expedition to Tanjore. It was the 25th of July before the English squadron was sufficiently equipped to sail, and on the 27th they appeared in sight of Pondicherry, where the French squadron lay at anchor, and with much hurry got under sail before night. The next morning the two squadrons were out of sight of each other: on the 29th, the French anchored at Karical; on the 31st, at day-break, they sailed for Negapatam, and at nine again saw the English squadron; but the wind blowing fresh, the three smaller of the French ships could not work their lower tier, on which Mr. D'Aché tacked and stood away, and the next day again saw nothing of the English. The day after, the 2d of August, they anchored again at Karical, where Mr. D'Aché received intelligence, which was not true, that Mr. Lally had been defeated before Tanjore; and, what was much less probable, that the English squadron intended to disembark a great part of their men, in order to cut off the retreat of the French army to Pondicherry. At two in the morning lights appeared in the offing, on which the French squadron got under way, and plying to windward perceived the English at day-break out at sea, about four miles to leeward of them. Both squadrons immediately formed their lines; and Mr. Pococke perceiving the ship which led the enemy's van (it was the Count de Provence) to be the stoutest next their Admiral, ordered the Elizabeth, Admiral Stevens, to take the same station in his own line, instead of the Tyger, to which, as in the last engagement, it had been allotted. The land-wind blowing from the s. w. the English line stretched with their heads to the S. S. E. At eleven o'clock the wind where they were, died away, and left them quite becalmed. But the enemy continued to have a light breeze from the land, with which they stood on, their line extending east and west, and passed the rear of the English line nearly at right angles, without filing a single shot, although they had the fairest opportunity of raking and disabling the Cumberland and Newcastle, which were the two sternmost ships, and, as all the others, lay helpless in the calm with their sterns towards the enemy. At, noon the sea-breeze sprung up from the s. w. which gave the wind to the English ships. Both squadrons formed their lines anew to the wind, with their heads w. N. w. and as soon as this was done in the English line, Mr. Pococke at 20 minutes past 12 made the signal to bear down.

The enemy's line consisted of eight sail; the Sylphide, which appeared in it in the last engagement, was kept out to repeat signals: the Comte de Provence, which had not been in it, supplied the place of the Bienaime, which was stranded in the surf. The Elizabeth stood for the Comte de Provence, and hauled up abreast of her before the rest of the line were in their proper form; for it is impossible that several ships can correspond instantaneously in the same operations. Mr. D'Aché immediately made the signal for engagement, and the Comte de Provence had given her broadside upon the Elizabeth before Mr. Pococke threw out his signal, at twenty minutes past one, when his whole line was completely formed in closed order at the proper distance from each other, and as the line admitted, from the enemy, who were not so regularly drawn up, curving inwards from the extremities: the two admirals, as in the former engagement, were in the center of their respective lines. The fire was in both as hot as possible: but the French fired high, the English only at the hulls, and both with much certainty, for they were near, the sea smooth, and the breeze light. In ten minutes the mizen of the Comte de Povence took fire, which obliged her to bear away, and cut away the mast. The Due de Bourgogne took her place against the Elizabeth. A little after the wheel of the Zodiac's rudder was carried away by a shot from the Yarmouth, to repair which she passed under the lee of the Due D'Orleans, and no sooner returned again into the line, than one of her lower-deck guns in the gun-room burst, and beat through the deck above. This mischance was soon followed by a greater, for the bulk-head of her powder-room took fire; whilst extinguishing it, the rudder gave way again, and the ship fell foul of the Due d'Orleans, her second ahead; and both, whilst disentangling, were exposed almost defenceless, to the hottest fire from their opponents the Yarmouth and Tyger: the Condé and the Moras were by this time beaten out of the line, and at eight minutes after two, the Zodiaque, as soon as disengaged, bore away, as in fifteen minutes more did the other five ships not yet gone, all crowding all the sail they could carry, and even cutting their boats adrift, to make more way. Mr. Pococke then threw out the signal for a general chace; but in less than ten minutes all the enemy's ships were got out of certain shot; and at six o'clock their hindmost were five miles from the foremost of the English ships, which then ceased the chace, and after getting together again hauled the wind, and at eight anchored off Karical, about three miles from the shore. Mr. D'Aché steered for Pondicherry. Notwithstanding the irregularity and short continuance of this fight, the French suffered as much in it as in the former engagement, although they had then 1200 more men on board; for their killed and wounded amounted to few less than 600, of whom 33 were killed, and 151 dangerously wounded in the Zodiaque alone. In the whole of the English squadron only 31 were killed, and 166 wounded; both squadrons suffered in proportion to the manner in which the enemy fought; the French lost in men and slaughter, and all the English ships were so much damaged in their rigging, that, if a fresh wind had arisen during the engagement, several of their masts must have gone by the board, for want of the shrouds, stays, and other securities, which the enemy's shot and langrain had cut away. Both Mr. Pococke and D'Aché were wounded by splinters, and Commodore Stevens received a musket-ball, which lodged in his shoulder, and was seen to be shot with aim by a French officer.

Three days after the engagement, a snow called the Rubys, from the island of Mauritius, anchored in the road of Negapatam, of which, as soon as Mr. Pococke received information, he detached one of the ships of his squadron, whose boats cut the snow out of the road, within gun-shot of the Dutch flag, and the font did not fire to protect her, but afterwards remonstrated against the offence. A few days after a Dutch ship of 500 tons from Batavia, with 30,000 pounds in dollars on board, anchored in the road of Pondicherry, which Mr. D'Aché immediately seized as reprisal for the supposed connivance of the government of Negapatam, in not protecting the Rubys according to the rights of a neutral port.

The retreat of the English garrisons into Madrass, and the insubordination of the Nabob's troops at Arcot, left the country to the south of the Paliar without any other protection excepting from the troops maintained by Murzafabeg; who endeavouring to cover a greater extent than his force was adequate to, was no where strong enough to oppose the enemy; and, in the end of June, a French officer returning with his escort of Sepoys, and a party of horsemen, which he had levied at Velore, surprized the fort of Trivatore, in which he left his Sepoys, who being joined by the peons from the French districts, all together made incursions on the harvests of Conjeveram and Salawauk; to repress which, the presidency sent out again four companies of Sepoys, two to Conjeveram, and two to Chinglapet; which were not sufficient to repress half the mischief. However, an advantage was soon after gained by other means, which more than retaliated the loss of Trivatore. Mr. Lally, on his arrival at Pondicherry, had given the fort of Trinomalee with its dependencies, which Mr. Soupires had reduced in the preceding year, to Rajahsaheb, the long-neglected son of Chundasaheb, who to prove himself worthy of this change in his fortunes, levied a body of 300 good horse and 300 Sepoys, and proceeded with them in the beginning of August, escorting a convoy of provisions to the French army in the Tanjore country; but this expence and subtraction obliged him to leave Trinomalee ill-guarded. Kistnarow, the Kellidar of Thiagar, which had been attacked without success by the French troops, and whose districts were still continually harassed by them, took the opportunity, and assaulting Trinomalee in the night, carried it, and put all the garrison to the sword. It was taken on the 10th of August, and it was not until the 14th that the presidency received intelligence of the agreement which the king of Tanjore had made on the 1st of the month, to assist the French army in the attack they intended against Tritchinopoly; on which they resolved to take the field, but with no other views or hopes than that the rumour might recall the king, or at least stop the defection of other allies, the usual tardiness of preparations detained the troops in the town until the 18th; when Colonel Lawrence marched with eight field-pieces, 620 Europeans, and 1200 Sepoys. On the 24th, they encamped on the other side of the Paliar, about eight miles beyond Chinglapet, when having received intelligence of the retreat of the French army from Tanjore, they returned themselves to Madrass, where they arrived on the last day of the month. Whilst abroad, a party of the Nabob's troops from Arcot, encouraged by their march, joined those of Abdul Hay, the renter of Salawauk, and, after an aukward attack, which lasted eight days, retook the fort of Trivatore by assault, and put many of the garrison, which consisted of 500 men, to the sword.

Mr. D'Aché retired from the last engagement with a conviction that the English remained to windward with the intention of falling suddenly upon his ships, whilst moored and repairing in the road of Pondicherry; and it was supposed that they had two fire-ships, although they had only one, which had been of no service in the last engagement: however, these notions determined him to anchor opposite to the town, as near the shore as possible, under the protection of the line of guns to the sea; and the council, in complacence, it is said, to his ideas, recalled the detachment of 600 Europeans encamped with Mr. Soupires at Gingee, who came in on the 14th, on the same day that the troops from Madrass took the field. Neither the remonstrances of the Count D'Estaigne, sent forward by Mr. Lally, to protest against the disrepute which would follow this apprehensive conduct, nor Mr. D'Estaigne's offers of embarking any number of troops on the squadron, and of accompanying them himself, as a proof of his confidence of success, availed to induce Mr. D'Aché to sail, and try the risque of another engagement. Mr. Lally moved with the army from Karical on the 24th: they were two days in passing the Coleroon at Devi Cotah, and obliged at last to leave their artillery and carriages there: when Mr. Lally went forward with a small detachment, and arrived on the 28th at Pondicherry, where he immediately summoned a mixt council of the administration and the army, who concurred in remonstrating to Mr. D'Aché the necessity of meeting the English squadron again, or at least of deferring the departure of his own whilst they remained on the coast. Mr. D'Aché returned the unanimous opinion of all his captains that the one was impracticable, and the other too dangerous to be risqued: however, after some mediations, he consented to leave 500 of his sailors and marines to serve on shore; and on the 3d of September sailed with all the ships for the Isle of Mauritius.

The detachments which had been sent from Tritchinopoly to assist Tanjore, and the attack impending on Tritchinopoly itself, if Mr. Lally should succeed in his views at Tanjore, had obliged Captain Calliaud not only to withdraw the guards of Sepoys stationed in the distant villages, but even to call in the garrison he had placed in the pagoda of Seringham, although under the guns of the city. The brother of Hydernaig, with the party of Mysoreans who had lately been driven out of it, had returned from Dindigul, reinforced with more, and were waiting at some distance to the west; and as soon as Seringham was evacuated by the English troops, they came on, and took possession of it again: but Calliaud, as soon as the French army retreated from before Tanjore, sent out parties to attack them, who with little effort dispossessed and drove them away. No probability then remaining of any intermediate danger, Calliaud resolved, as soon as his detachments returned from Tanjore, to dispossess the reigning Rheddy of Terriore, and to restore his cousin, the expelled Rheddy, who had long solicited this assistance, which could not with prudence be afforded, whilst the Erench garrison were remaining at Seringham. The vicissitudes of these two competitors had been peculiar. The French found the Rheddy, now expelled, in possession when they overrun Terriore in 1753; and then deposing him, appointed the Rheddy now reigning, whom they removed in 1755, and reinstated the first: but, being afterwards dissatisfied with his conduct, expelled him in 1756, and again reinstated his rival; who, from this last appointment had kept possession. The plunder of the adjacent villages between Terriore, and the streights of Utatoor, was the only detriment to be apprehended from him; but the expelled Rheddy was much befriended by the Polygars of Arielore and Woriorepollam, whose long aversion to the French it was at this time more especially expedient to encourage, by indulging their solicitude for the reinstatement of their friend.

Accordingly Captain Joseph Smith marched, with his company of 70 Europeans, the company of 50 Coffres, two field-pieces, with their artillery-men, and ten companies of Sepoys, commanded by Mahomed Issoof. The deposed Rheddy, with some of the Colleries, or natives of Terriore, who abided by his fortunes, accompanied the detachment, and, if nothing more, were to serve as guides through the wood. Messengers were sent forward with a letter, ordering the Rheddy within to come out, and meet Captain Smith; and they were instructed to take notice of every thing that occurred in the path through which they should be led; but the guards at the barrier stopped them, and sent on the letter by men of their own, who returned with a letter from the Rheddy, which they delivered to the messengers, who brought it to Captain Smith on the march. It contained vague apologies for his not coming out of the wood, and endeavoured to gain time, which Captain Smith resolved not to lose. The troops arrived in sight of the barrier at four in the afternoon of the day after they had crossed the Coleroon, and immediately formed for the attack.

The wood of Terriore stretcheth 20 miles along the foot of the western mountains, and extends from them 10 miles into the plain; the wood is in most parts seven miles through, and encloses an open ground about three miles square, of which the farther side, as of the wood itself, adjoins to the hills: and in this area are the habitation of the Rheddi, which is a spacious building, a town, gardens, arable lands, and immediately under the hills a very large tank, computed seven miles in circumference. It was known, that the path before them had defences in various parts, and that the whole of the fighting men would be in these stations. Captain Smith therefore sent off four companies of Sepoys, with Ramanaig, a Jemautdar, on whom Mahomed Issoof had reliance, to enter the wood at a considerable distance on the right, under the conduct of the guides, who undertook to lead them to the town, through a secret path, of which there are several in the wood, known only to the inhabitants, who call them the rogues' path-way. The first barrier was a winding passage between two thick-set hedges of thorn, leading into the straiter path of the wood; but choaked at both ends with brambles laid for the occasion. Nevertheless the enemy abandoned this post, although very defensible, without resistance.

The Coffres led, followed by the Europeans; they by one of the six-pounders, with limber-boxes only; and the Sepoys marched in the rear, excepting a few who remained to guard the other six-pounder, the spare ammunition, and the baggage, which were left at the skirt of the wood; the line proceeded more than a mile in the path without interruption, but at length was fired upon from a breast-work of brick on the right; from which the enemy were soon dislodged, and retired through the bushes to the next; but as they were intent in carrying off their wounded, the musketry galled them a good deal as they were going away. Moving onward, the line soon received a smart fire from a second breast-work like the first; but the Coffres soon obliged the enemy to quit this station likewise, when they retired to their main body; a few of the line were wounded in driving them from these defences. The Coffres continued to move on in front, and had out-marched the rest of the line, when by a sudden turning in the road, they came unexpectedly at once within pistol-shot of the enemy's principal post. This was a strong wall of brick, fourteen feet high, divided into a rampart and parapet, and in the parapet were several tiers of loop-holes; it stretched across the path, and some yards beyond it on each hand, and had a return of the same construction at each extremity, but falling back, instead of projecting to flank the main wall, and in the return on the left stood the gateway; this work was surrounded by a strong hedge of thorn, which continuing on the sides, joined the main wood to some distance in the rear. As soon as the Coffres appeared at the turning, the enemy testified their numbers, and their courage, by shouting, the din of instruments, and a strong fire of their matchlocks, which, with the surprize, panic-struck the Coffres: they ran back in the path, and were immediately followed by numbers of the enemy issuing from the thickets on the left. There was no time to enquire the cause. Captain Smith immediately led on the Europeans, who soon drove the enemy back into the wood, who did not escape through the barrier of thorns before the wall. Both were now attentively examined; and, whilst some endeavoured to tear up the hedge in front, others tried to get round the flanks of it into the wood; but none succeeded, and several were wounded. The fieldpiece was then advanced, and fired until all its ammunition was expended, without taking any effect on the parapet, or intimidating the enemy, whose matchlocks had wounded five of the six artillery-men serving the gun, and more of the other Europeans, who likewise had expended most of their cartridges. It was now seven o'clock, and began to grow dark, when all the blacks, whether Coffres, Sepoys, or Lascars, took advantage of this protection, and slunk away back into the path, out of the reach of danger, excepting Mahomed Issoof, one servant of Captain Smith's, and one Tindal, or Corporal of the Lascars. A supply of ammunition had been sent for from the skirt of the wood as soon as the troops came to the wall; but from the distance it could not be expected for some time. During which, Captain Smith ordered the Europeans to fire their muskets now and then against the parapet, as well to convince the enemy that they were determined not to relinquish the attack, as to divert the chance of their discovering the party with Ramanaig, whose arrival, too long delayed, had for some time created much doubt and anxiety. At eight o'clock more ammunition came up, when the firing of the field-piece and musketry renewed again with great vivacity, and was equally returned by the enemy. Soon after, firing was heard in the rear of the wall, and the sound of Ding Mahomed echoed from every part of the wood; this is the successful shout of the Sepoys, and signifies the faith of their Prophet. They were already in the path, advancing at full pace; the troops of the rampart were flying, and met their fire; after which all resistance ceased; and Ramnarain, breaking down the gate, let in his friends without. There remained three miles of the path to the town, but impeded with no more defences, nor were the thickets on either hand so close. The troops were gathered, the Sepoys and Coffres who had kept back came on, and all proceeded to the town; which they found abandoned. The reigning Rheddy, and all his people, had escaped into the hills, excepting a few men who could not remove, having been blown up with gunpowder intended to load a field-piece, which they were dragging to the wall in the pass. The delay of Ramanaig's party had been caused by the timidity of his guides, who, on some fright, left them soon after they entered the wood, to find their way as they could. Of 70 Europeans 4 were killed and 28 wounded in the attack; Mahomed Issoof was shot through the arm, but, binding up his wound, continued on the ground until all was over. A great number of scaling ladders were found at the Rheddy's house, which had been prepared, and were lying in readiness for the French to escalade Tritchinopoly, when they should see the opportunity. The natives of this district have little resemblance with any others in the Carnatic; they have large bloated heads, pot bellies, and small limbs. The climate is very unhealthy to strangers, imputed to the nature of the water. The detachment continued in the town a week; and during this short stay Captain Smith, all his officers, and most of the other Europeans, fell ill. Three companies of Sepoys, with three good Serjeants, were left to protect the reinstated Rheddy; and the main body of the detachment returned to Tritchinopoly.

Mr. Lally felt severely, although he did not acknowledge, the disgrace of his retreat from Tanjore. It exasperated the natural asperity of his disposition, and inflamed all his prejudices and animosities, which, continually expressed in the keenest sarcasms his redundant wit could suggest, had rendered him odious to all ranks of men, to the natives as to the colony, to the squadron as to his own army, in which he seems to have allowed capacity with zeal to no one, excepting the Count d'Estaigne. On the other hand, no imputations were spared by the wounded, or their friends, which could aggravate his mortifications; not even cowardice itself, although the supposition arose only from the stun which he received in the onset of the Tanjorine horsemen. Being naturally suspicious, and equally inquisitive, he did not remain ignorant of these reports and opinions; but for the present stifled his resentment, in hopes of tracing them to principals worthy of notice, whom he suspected to be the first in the government, from their adherence to Mr. Bussy. These reproaches, however, stimulated his activity to enter immediately into action; and, on his arrival at Pondicherry, whilst arranging with Mr. D'Aché, he ordered Saubinet to march with the 600 Europeans who had encamped with Soupire's, and were fresh men, and retake Trinomalee. But before we open this new campaign, it is necessary to review the events of Mr. Bussy in the Decan; and continue the affairs of Bengal to this period; as each were at this time approaching to an immediate relation with the operations of both nations in the Carnatic.

The force with which Mr. Bussy marched from Rajahmundrum in the beginning of the year, to rejoin Salabadjing at Aurengabad, consisted of 500 Europeans, infantry and artillery, 200 Europeans mounted as Hussars and dragoons, 5000 Sepoys, and 10 field-pieces. They struck directly across the country, passing through Elore, and proceeded in a high road, which had never before been marched by a body of European troops. The distance by the perambulator is nearly 400 miles; which it is said they accomplished in 21 days. On their arrival at Aurengabad, they encamped on the western side of the city, and in the midst of four armies: Nizamally's from Berar; the army of the Subahship, of which Nizamally had likewise assumed the command; of Bassaulet Jung from Adoni; and the Morattoes, now commanded by Balagerow in person, who had come as usual to take advantage of the confusions in the government, but had suspended hostilities.

The approach of Mr. Bussy and his force, which was equal in efficacy to any of the armies, suspended all intrigues in attention to his conduct. He immediately visited Salabadjing with much ceremony, and treated him with every mark of respect and allegiance; the next day he went to Balagerow, who met him half-way in a tent pitched on purpose, and then conducted him to his camp, where they had a long conference. Shanavaze Khan had already asked permission to exculpate himself in person; but Mr. Bussy commissioned Hyderjung his principal agent to receive his communications, in order, if possible, to discover his real practices or intentions. The father of Hyderjung was governor of Masulipatam when the French factory in that city was confiscated in 1750 by the orders of Nazirjing, of which he evaded the rigour; and afterwards, when the city itself was surprized by the armament sent from Pondicherry by Mr. Dupleix, is supposed to have connived at their success. With these pretensions, his son came, and tendered his service to Mr. Bussy at Golcondah on his first arrival there with Salabadjing from the Carnatic, when Hyderjung received a command in the French Sepoys, in which he distinguished himself; but still more by his sagacity and address, until by degrees he became the principal confident of Mr. Bussy, who, to give him weight and dignity, obtained for him high titles from Salabadjing, and even a patent of nobility from Delhi. From this time, his retinue and household were established with sumptuousness; and he was allowed to keep a constant court or durbar in order to extend his informations; and Jaghires with other emoluments, sufficient not only to defray his expences, but to establish his fortune, were likewise conferred on him, as well by Salabadjing as Mr. Bussy: his penetration soon perceived that Shanavaze Khan, naturally timid, was frightened by the arrival of the French army; but that he had been the secret spring of all the mischief, in which he had engaged, from a persuasion that the operations of the war declared between the two European nations would have confined Mr. Bussy to the protection of the ceded provinces until its conclusion; before which he had no doubt of establishing his own arrangements in the government of the Decan, too firmly to be shaken. But, as more danger in the present circumstances was to be apprehended from the more audacious character of Nizamally, who, besides the respect which was paid to his birth, had acquired some reputation amongst the troops, Mr. Bussy resolved tor the present to take Shanavaze Khan in his hand as far as he would go, by which he would at least be more narrowly watched, if not prevented from suggesting resources to Nizamally, and abetting them with his public influence. which, from his long services, and a persuasion of his attachment to the family of Nizamalmuluc was considerable. In conformity to this conduct, Mr. Bussy, by appointment, visited Nizamally, but with a very strong escort, which, when he entered the tent, was so disposed, as to be certain of avenging any attempt on his person. The interview continued with calmness until Mr. Bussy advised Nizamally to deliver back the great seal of the government to Salabadjing; when Nizamally answered with much heat, "that he with his brother Bassaulet Jung had been obliged to take it from him by the clamours of his own troops, who having been long disappointed of their pay, with an army of Morratoes in sight, could not have been restrained from open revolt, if he and his brother had not immediately furnished a part of their arrears, and given their own obligations to pay the rest: it was therefore unjust to deprive them of the means of reimbursing the money they had advanced, and still more, to disable them from providing for the discharge of their future engagements, the failure of which would, from the same cause, expose them to the very dangers which they had averted from Salabadjing." The next day Salabadjing visited Nizamally in his camp, and demanded the seal in form, but received the same answer. Whether from real or pretended indignation, Nizamally the day after sent for Shanavaze Khan, and reproached him publicly as the author of this advice: the next day, which was the 14th of February, as Bassaulet Jung was passing on his elephant near the palace of Salabadjing, a musket in the crowd went off, and the ball passed through the housings on which he was sitting: the man was immediately seized, and being questioned, said, he had been hired by Shanavaze Khan and Hyder Jung, with the promise of 5000 rupees, to shoot Bassaulet Jung. The story was carried, with as much incoherence as it was passing in the city, to the camp of Nizamally, who, pretending to believe the life of his brother in danger, mounted his elephant, and advanced with what troops were ready to the nearest gate; but after several messages which assured him that Bassaulet jung was safe, he returned in the evening. The day after Bassaulet jung went to the durbar of Salabadjing, spoke standing, and with expressions of unusual disrespect flung down the seal. It is so rare in the manners of Indostan that any indecorum of words or gesture passes amongst equals, and still more from an inferior, that the officers present in the durbar formed sinister conjectures of these animosities amongst the brothers; and although the few, who reason before they believe, imputed the musket-ball to chance, and the confession of the man to subornation, yet the troops even in Salabadjing's camp were persuaded that he had been employed, if not by Shanavaze Khan, at least by Hyder Jung. Mr. Bussy saw the general odium to which this prejudice, if not removed, would expose himself and all his nation, and suggested a means of reconciliation. The seal was sent back to Bassaulet Jung, but an officer, who was a dependant on Hyder Jung, was appointed to keep it in a sealed bag, and to be present whenever it was used. This compliment, such as it was, satisfied the officers of Bassaulet Jung's court, and appeased the puplic; and other advantages were gained by it; for Bassaulet Jung consenting, it placed him in such a relation with the administration of Salabadjing, that he was either likely to relinquish, or would not be able to conceal his intrigues with his brother Nizamally. A few days after this reconciliation, Salabadjing sent a deputation of his principal officers to Nizamally, requesting him to relinquish the government of Berar, and to accept as a compensation a monthly allowance of 20,000 rupees. Nizamally rejected the proposal with disdain, and published it amongst the troops, who with equal indignation cried out, that "Nizamally was a son of Nizamalmuluck as well as Salabadjing." This expression of their attachment precluded the employment of force, and, as the only means left to reduce him to compliance, the principal officers of his army were tampered with, and several of them were gained by promises and money to give assurances that they would not support him in asserting the government of Berar against the will of Soubab, provided he received some other dignity which he might accept without dishonour; but by this time Nizamally himself was content to dissemble, and remain quiet, waiting for events. Such was the state of affairs in the city and camps of Aurungabad towards the end of March, when the various agitations, which had hitherto kept every interest in constant vibration, began to subside: and this temporary tranquillity had been much wished for by Mr. Bussy, in order to accomplish another scheme he had for some time been preparing.

No reliance could be placed on the integrity of Shanavaze Khan's conduct, whilst in possession of such a refuge and resource as the fortress of Doltabad; but no offers were likely to induce him to relinquish it, for Balagerow had in vain attempted to purchase it from him: and the direct proposal from Mr. Bussy to Shanavaze Khan himself, would reveal the secret, and defeat the intention. Mr. Bussy therefore employed Hyder Jung to treat with the governor of the fort, who, after a variety of arguments and overtures, at length consented to betray his trust on the receipt of a sum of money in hand, and the promise of a more profitable employment: but to save the appearance of his honour, dictated the manner. A day or two before the execution of the scheme, Mr. Bussy, as if having leisure to take some amusement, sent his compliments to the governor, requesting his permission to pass an hour in the upper fort, from which the prospect is extensive and magnificent: and the governor invited him to dinner. Mr. Bussy arrived, escorted 300 Europeans, who were admitted into the second fort, to which the governor, under pretence of respect, sent down all the garrison of the upper, excepting fifty men, with whom he remained himself above to receive the guests. Mr. Bussy went up, accompanied by forty men, many of whom were officers. The dinner was served in the hall of the Killidar's house, and when ready, Mr. Bussy, with the officers, went into the hall, and his body guard remained at the door: but the Killidar, as if from politeness, admitted none of his own officers or soldiers, and from the menial servants who waited, little resistance was to be apprehended. On the invitation to sit down, Mr. Bussy told the Killidar, that he could not partake of his hospitality, being obliged by the necessity of his affairs, to make him a prisoner, and take possession of the fort; but that no violence was intended against his person, provided neither he nor his garrison attempted any resistance. The Killidar, as if surprized, surrendered his poignard; he was then conducted into the area, and signified his condition and the risque to his soldiers, who in deference to his danger gave up their arms. On the signal, the French troops below got under arms; by which time messengers sent by the killidar came down and informed the garrison there of what had happened above; and such was the military reputation of the French troops drawn up before them, that the few whose indignation exhorted their comrades to revenge their lord and defend themselves, found fewer to second their resistance. Nevertheless, some, skirmishing ensued, but subsided on the death of two or three of these leaders; immediately after which, the garrisons were turned out of both the forts; and the defences of the town below were too weak to require heed.

No reconciliation, and every mischief, was to be expected from Shanavaze Khan after this provocation, and Mr. Bussy had taken measures to prevent the effects of his revenge: a party of Salabad jing's troops surrounded his tent in the camp in the very hour that the governor of Doltabad was arrested; and as the connexion between him and Mahomed Hussein the king's duan had lately grown into strict intimacy, another detachment at the same time secured his person likewise; they were both made prisoners before they knew why, or the loss of Doltabad. The news excited universal astonishment, and terrified those in whom it raised the most resentment: for Nizamally recovering from his first emotions, pretended that the possession of Doltabad was a matter in which his interests were not concerned.

Balagerow was halting about 50 miles from the city, towards his own country, and immediately returned and encamped again near the army of Salabadjing; not with any intentions of hostility, but with the hopes of obtaining the fort of Doltabad from Mr. Bussy; with whom, after several complimentary messages, he had an interview: "What advantage, he said, can you Europeans derive from the possession of this post, situated in the center of Indostan? If you hold it with your own troops, it will only serve to weaken your army every time you quit the neighbourhood of Aurungabad. If you leave it to the care of Salabadjing's, his enemies, who are yours, will find means to get it, as Shanavaze Khan lately did. Would it not be better to give it me? If I obtain it by your means, you have too much experience of my character to doubt of my gratitude; and the confusions which reign in the court of Salabadjing, the situation of your northern provinces, and the war in which you are engaged with the English in the Carnatic, may soon give me opportunities of rendering important services to your nation." Mr. Bussy replied, that his principal motive for taking possession of Doltabad had been to secure a certain refuge for the personal safety of Salabadjing against all the accidents of war, and all the convulsions of his Government. Balagerow, although disappointed, manifested no umbrage, but continued in his camp, waiting from events some better opportunity of renewing his plea.

Many had conjectured the motives of his return, and the enemies of Salabadjing expected an immediate rupture between them; and Nizamally, encouraged by this hope, solicited his alliance, promising to give him Doltabad if ever in his power. But Balagerow gave no encouragement to his proposals; on which, he with much hypocrisy pretended to be at length convinced of the misdemeanors of his late conduct, and assured Salabadjing and Mr. Bussy that he should cheerfully accept and abide by their determination of his fortune. His professions, although doubted, were accepted; because the seduction of some of his connexions, and the imprisonment of the most dangerous, had greatly weakened his means of mischief; but, not to shock by too sudden an humiliation the public respect to his birth, it was agreed to give him the government of Hydrabad, which, although much abridged of its ancient domain, still remained a very considerable province of the Decan. Nizamally affecting to be perfectly satisfied with the lot, visited Salabadjing, received the investiture in public, and made ostentatious preparations to proceed to the capital of his government. The day of his departure was fixed for the 11th of May; and Salabadjing, having no suspicion that he had any other intentions, went two days before to pay his devotions at the tomb of his father Nizamalmuluck, which stands somewhere about 20 miles from Aurengabad.

In the morning of Nizamally's departure, he held a public durbar to receive the compliments of taking leave from the principal officers of the government: amongst them went Hyder Jung, whom he received with marked distinction: and, when he dismissed the assembly, beckoned him, with several of his own officers, to follow to an inward tent, where they again sat down, and discoursed a while with much seeming confidence on public affairs, until Nizamally rose suddenly, as if urged by some sudden necessity; but made a motion with his hand to Hyder Jung not to move, signifying that he should return immediately, and in the instant disappeared behind a curtain which opened to other apartments. Hyder Jung, notwithstanding the injunction, was rising to make his obeisance; when two officers, who were sitting one on each hand of him, pressed him down by the shoulders, and a domestic, who stood ready behind, plunged a dagger into his heart: the struggle was heard, but it was some time before the attendants of Hyder Jung were apprised of his death; for no servants are admitted within the centries who guard the tent of audience, and the greatest part of the retinue remain at a still greater distance, in the place where their master has alighted. Letters all of the same tenor to Salabadjing, Balajerow, Bassaulet Jung, and even to Mr. Bussy, had been prepared previous to the assassination, describing it as the unfortunate consequence of high words and affront, which had risen between Hyder Jung and some officers in the durbar, after Nizamally had retired: the letter to Mr. Bussy brought the first intelligence which he received of the event, and was interpreted to him by Zulfacar Khan, the very brother of Hyder Jung. The general was immediately beaten, and in a few minutes the whole French army were in battle array, with Mr. Bussy at their head, mounted on his elephant, uncertain what to expect, and surmising a combination against himself of all the powers by which he was surrounded; but Jaffier Ally Khan, who at this time had the principal command in Salabadjing's army, immediately sent him assurances of his attachment, and soon after came up with a large body of troops, who ranged with the French, and others were following: the first care was to send a detachment to strengthen the escort of Salabadjing, and protect his return from his father's tomb: Mr. Bussy had no doubt that Shanavaze Khan and the emperor's Duan Mahomed Hussein had abetted, if not advised, the assassination of Hyder Jung: their confinement had hitherto been gentle, having only centinels round the enclosures of their tents, in which they resided with their families; but Mr. Bussy now supposed, that they would endeavour to escape to, or might be rescued by, Nizimally; to prevent which, as well as to have sureties against the assassination of his own person, he sent a strong detachment to bring them immediately to his own camp, intending to confine them in the fortress of Doltabad, until more certain information was acquired, or tranquillity restored. The detachment consisted of Salabadjing's troops, and French Sepoys. They found a multitude of armed men at the tents, who refused them admission, which they immediately attempted by violence, and were resisted with great resolution, animated by the principals, who supposing their deaths determined, joined and encouraged their adherents; after which no quarter was given; neither did the conflict cease, until Shanavaze Khan with one of his sons, Mahomed Hussein, and most of those who defended them, were killed on the spot. Before the evening closed, an officer deputed by Balajerow came to Mr. Bussy, with assurances of his detestation of the murder of Hyder Jung.

Nizamally had been waiting in the utmost agitation the consequences of his deed, and seems to have expected a very different result; for the news of Shanavaze Khan's and Mahomed Hussein's death was observed to strike him with dismay. At midnight he quitted the camp, accompanied by the choice of his cavalry: and fled with the utmost speed and perseverance that their horses could endure to gain Brampour, which his one hundred and fifty miles N. of Aurungabad. It is said they reached it in 26 hours, which is impossible. Respect to Salabadjing had withheld Mr. Bussy from attacking Nizamally in his camp, which his force would have easily beaten up and dispersed.

The next day Salabadjing returned, and immediately held a general council of his principal officers, at which Mr. Bussy was likewise present: after many opinions all insensibly joined in the necessity of punishing Nizamally; and this led to a general resolution of marching directly with the whole army to Brampour. Mr. Bussy, who knew the characters and connexions of those who composed the council, suspected the sincerity of several in this advice, foreseeing that nothing would render him more unpopular in the Decan than the imputation of engaging the Soubah in a war with his brother, to avenge an offence more particularly committed against himself; he had, moreover, at this time received intelligence from Pondicherry that Mr. Lally was daily expected to arrive there, whose orders might not be consonant to the difficulties or importance of his own situation: he therefore endeavoured to revoke the resolution; but Salabadjing himself insisted, and rested the necessity on the assertion of his own authority. The whole army was in motion the next morning, and advanced with diligence for three days towards Brampour, during which Mr. Bussy convinced Salabadjing, naturally averse to endeavour, of the inutility of the pursuit, since it was evident that Nizamally with the insufficient force he commanded would be continually removing out of his reach. The army having halted a day began their march back, thinking that they were returning to Aurungabad; but it was the intention of Mr. Bussy to lead them by degrees to Golcondah; and in this view he suggested the expediency of moving towards the frontiers of Berar, in order to suppress any commotions which might be attempted in that province by the adherents of Nizamally. The army thus proceeded to the south, leaving the city of Aurungabad at a distance to the west: but, halting continually to support the regulations of the government, advanced so slowly, that they did not reach the banks of the Gunga, which passeth about midway between Golcondah and Aurungabad, until the 11th of June, in which interval Mr, Conflans arrived with his commission to act as second in the command of the French army and brought a letter from Mr. Lally to Mr. Bussy, dated the 10th of May, which announced, although it did not order, his recall. The passage of the Gunga would decide the continuance of the march to Golcondah, of which the army still remained uncertain; but by this time Mr. Bussy had gained the concurrence of Bassaulet Jung by promising him the government of Hydrabad, which had been intended for his brother Nizamally, together with the office of Duan to the soubahship: his approbation silenced the discontent of many others, and the army shewed no aversion to go on: and as it was daily expected that the river would begin to rise, Mr. Bussy making use of this pretence, arranged, that the tents, family, and domestic retinue of Salabadjing, should pass the first, and then immediately followed himself with the whole body of the French troops, in the midst of whom he ordered the tents of Salabadjing to be pitched. Having thus secured possession of this important pledge, he gave out his intentions, which he had hitherto concealed, of not advancing any farther towards Golcondah, before he was joined by the troops he had left to garrison the fortress of Doltabad; they were 150 Europeans, and 400 Sepoys, to whom Mr. Bussy, on his return from the pursuit of Nizamally, had sent orders to come away, leaving the fortress to an officer nominated by Salabadjing, and to join him where he now was, on the Gunga; his dread of some evil chance befalling them, if left far behind, was the cause of this precaution; they were already on the way, marching expeditiously, and a few days after arrived safe at the camp; which then moved forward, and the whole passed the river just before the rains set in, which, as usual, fell and continued with great violence, and rendered the transport of the artillery so difficult, that the army did not arrive at Hydrabad until the 15th of July; on which day Mr. Bussy received a letter written by Mr. Lally on the 13th of June, ordering him to repair to Pondicherry without delay, with all the troops which could be spared from the defence of Masulipatam and the northern provinces, and to take up Mr. Moracin in the way, who had received the same orders. In this letter no respect was preserved to the convenience or inclination of Salabadjing, whose connexions in the present conjuncture Mr. Lally considered as a chimera of no effect, and who was thus deprived, even without apology, of the only support in his government, on which he had been accustomed to rely with confidence. He took leave of Mr. Bussy with the utmost despondency, called him the guardian angel of his life and fortune, and foreboded the unhappy fate to which he should be exposed by his departure. Mr. Bussy assured him, that he should soon return; and such was his wish and expectation; for although he knew the prejudices which Mr. Lally entertained against himself, his conduct, and the whole connexion of the French nation with the Subah of the Decan; he imagined, that his representations in personal conference would convince Mr. Lally, that this alliance, and the assistances which might be derived from it, would be the surest means of acquiring and maintaining the superiority of the French nation over the English on the coast of Coromandel. The whole French army, for none were left with Salabadjing, marched from Aurungabad on the 18th of July, the third day after they arrived there. On the third of August they reached Reyoor on the left bank of the Kristna, about 20 miles from Masulipatam, where Mr. Moracin joined them. Here Mr. Bussy delivered over the command of the army and the government of all the ceded provinces to Mr. Conflans, taking with him 250 of the best of the Europeans, of which 100 were cavaly, and 500 Sepoys. They proceeded through Ongole to Nelore, where they arrived on the 4th of September, and were received by Nazeabullah as friends and allies. We shall now return to the affairs of Bengal.

COLONEL CLIVE on the day he arrived at Muxadavad from Patna, which was the 15th of May, received advices from the coast of Coromandel of the arrival of the French squadron, and of the engagement between them and the English on the 29th of April. The confusion with which the city of Muxadavad was at this time agitated by the conduct of Meerum, required that the superiority which the French were acquiring on shore should not be publickly known, and to counteract such opinion, Clive spread the news he received as a complete naval victory; two of the French ships sunk in the fight, instead of one stranded afterwards by a mischance; the rest put to flight, with no likelihood of being able to land the troops which they had brought for Pondicherry.

The Nabob had transmitted to his son Meerum his own vexation at the attention which Olive had shewn to the preservation of Roydoolub, by taking him with him to Muxadavad, when the campaign broke up at Bar. Meerum had not been able to suppress some expressions of indignation, which were reported to Conjebeharry, the brother of Roydoolub, who acted in the city as his deputy in the office of duan; the brother, too solicitous for Roydoolub's satiety, and his own, had tampered with a considerable Jemautdar in the Nabob's service, who gave his oath to act, whenever danger should require, in defence of Roydoolub's house. Meerum obtained knowledge of this agreement just as Clive and Roydoolub were approaching the city, which he immediately quitted with much appearance of fear, and went to Mootagil, one of the palaces in the neighbourhood, where he summoned all the troops and artillery of the government, giving out that he intended to march away to his father, who had not yet passed the straight of Tacriagully. The more obscure the cause, the greater was the terror raised by this abrupt resolution. The markets were deserted, the shops were shut, the bankers, even the Seats, would do no business, and many principal families prepared to send away their effects. The city had been for two days in this trepidation, when Clive arrived, and on enquiry, found that Meerum affected to suspect even him of joining with Roydoolub in evil intentions against his life. He immediately wrote to the Nabob, complaining of Meerum in the sharpest terms, and said, that he would no longer remain in Bengal, sacrificing zeal to distrust; he, however, sagaciously refrained from making any mention in this letter of the late news from Coromandel, foreseeing, that it would make a stronger impression on the Nabob's mind, when received, magnified as it would come with advantageous circumstances by the report of others. The Nabob answered with much contrition; but before his letter arrived, Meerum had been convinced by Mr. Scrafton, who was intimate with him, of the meanness of his suspicions, and the rashness of his conduct, and had asked pardon of Clive in the most submissive terms. Nevertheless, the news of his agitations had induced the Nabob to desist from his huntings, and his intention of passing the remainder of the Mahomedan lent at a famous durgar, or tomb, near Rajahmahal. He arrived in the city on the 30th of May; but Clive, little solicitous of an interview with him, had gone away on the 24th to Calcutta. Two thousand of the English Sepoys were sent thither, and the rest, with all the Europeans, remained at Cossimbuzar.

On the 20th of June arrived the Hardwick, one of the company's ships from England, with the arrangements that had been made in consequence of the news of the loss of Calcutta. The first advices of this event were received in London in the month of August of the preceding year, when the company appointed a temporary committee of five persons (in which Clive was to preside) to manage their affairs in Bengal; but in November they resolved to dismiss Mr. Drake from the government, and nominated a council of ten, in which the four senior members were to preside alternately, each for three months: in this succession of the four Mr. Watts stood the first; the others were Mr. Manningham, Mr. Beecher, and Mr. Holwell, who was not yet returned from England. The first resolution of August had been sent in another ship, which although dispatched before was not yet arrived; so that the first intelligence of it came in the Hardwick, with that of November. The novelty of this resolution subjected it to the imputation of absurdity: it was said that the powers of the country, accustomed to treat with one chief, would regard the alternate presidents of Calcutta with mockery instead of respect; but another cause operated on opinions more strongly. Colonel Clive had felt and expressed resentment at the neglect of himself in the company's orders, for no station was marked for him in the new establishment: much money remained due on the claims of the treaties; the Nabob might prove refractory if Clive should depart; and all concurred in thinking he would best defend what he had won, in case the French should make any attempt in the province. The three leading members of the council were more impressed than any with these apprehensions, and proposed to the rest that Clive should be requested to accept of the government under the usual modes; the vote was unanimous, and the tender was made and accepted on the 26th of June.

Intelligence of the fall of Fort St. David had arrived on the 20th and left no doubt of Mr. Lally's intention of besieging Madrass as soon as the English squadron should be obliged by the monsoon to quit the coast in October, unless he should prefer to detach a part of his force to Bengal.

On the 4th of July, letters were received from Anunderauze-Gauzepetty, who had succeeded the Rajah Vizeramrauze, in his power and territory in the provinces of Rajahmundrum and Chicacole. Anunderauze, dissatisfied with the arrangements made by Mr. Bussy on the death of his predecessor, had waited an opportunity to take his revenge; which occurred soon after Mr. Bussy's departure, by the embarrassments in which he was involved at Aurengabad by the animosity of Nizamally, and the orders of Mr. Lally for his return into the Carnatic. Anunderauze, on this intelligence, marched from his residence of Vizianagarum, and retook Vizagapatam from the French garrison, of which he sent advices, offering to surrender the place, to the Presidency of Madrass; and requesting them to send a large detachment, which he intended to join with his own forces, and take the four provinces, which the French had obtained from the Subah of the Decan; but finding that no troops could be spared from the Carnatic, he now made the same proposals to the presidency of Bengal, where the project seemed delusive or chimerical to all but Clive. However, nothing could be determined before the month of September, when ships might quit the river, and the intentions of Mr. Lally would probably be ascertained.

The real state of the English affairs in the Carnatic could be no longer concealed in Bengal, and required more complacency than the government of Calcutta had hitherto shewn to the inclinations of Meer Jaffier, who regarded the encrease of their distresses with secret joy as the redemption of his own liberty. He would immediately have gratified his favourite vengeance against Roydoolub, if the discontent of his troops for want of pay had not rendered it dangerous to give them such a pretence of tumult, before they were satisfied. In other points of the government he was observed to assume a sterner air of authority, and told one of his favourites, who betrayed the conversation, that if a French force should come into the province he would assist them, unless the English released him from all their claims of money, territory, and exemptions.

Clive had expected this change in the Nabob's conduct, because he knew it to be none in his mind; and, in order to prevent him, at least for a while, from committing any excesses in his capital, as well as to exhibit the appearance of union and cordiality to the public, the presidency invited him, as on a visit of pleasure, and, as a compliment to Clive on his acceptance of the government, to pass some days at Calcutta. Mr. Watts was deputed to give the invitation. The Nabob saw the drift, and hesitated, but at length consented as soon as his boats should come from Dacca. They are a magnificent fleet kept at a great expence for pomp and amusement, and the Nabob, with his family and women, every year pass a month in them at this season, when the Cossimbuzar river is highest. They come from Dacca, decked and adorned, and return thither as soon as the festival is over, to remain useless until wanted for the same occasion in the next year.

Scrafton, after Clive left Muxadavad, had attended to the preservation of Roydoolub in his office; but the English themselves had unwittingly planted an engine, which was unsuspectedly undermining all his protections. Nuncomar had accompanied the army to Patna, and as a Gentoo very conversant in the revenues, was employed with confidence by Roydoolub. When the payment of the tuncaws given by the Nabob at Rajamahal began to fail, he expounded to Colonel Clive the fallacy of the excuses, and proffered, if he were empowered to act as the agent of the English, supported by the authority of the Nabob's government, to find summary means of recovering the amount, or of substituting equivalent payments. Colonel Clive not foreseeing the end, employed him as he had proposed, and without the repugnance of Roydoolub, Nuncomar, as his first measure, threatened the Rajah of Nuddeah with imprisonment, who, frightened, fled to Calcutta, preferring to trust himself to the clemency of the English. This exercise of authority, neither disavowed nor disapproved, immediately placed Nuncomar in that conspicuous station of terror, which is the object of ambition in India, as the certain means of wealth: but knowing that the practices by which he was to make his fortune could not escape the sagacity and experience of Roydoolub, he now became as apprehensive of his cotroul, as he had been hitherto solicitous of his favour, and cast about to second the Nabob's intention of removing him from the duanny. Scrafton suspected the views of Nuncomar, which deterred him from conferring either with the Nabob or his son, but he held nightly meetings with the emissary in whom they most confided, and represented that the English would no longer interfere in any arrangements which the Nabob might think proper to make in his government, provided they received the balances of the treaty monies, which he undertook to see regularly paid. His arguments were at this juncture the more welcome, because Roydoolub continued to evade the furnishing of money for the demands of the army, whose impatience had obliged the Nabob to disburse a part of his gold, which was, as usual, treasured up against extremity. The scheme would not have been void of risque, if Nuncomar and others had not estranged the powerful house of the Seats from the interests of Roydoolub, by representations, that they would be called on for money to supply the Nabob's exigencies, if Roydoolub continued to delay the supplies from the revenues. On the 24th Rajahbullub, formerly mentioned in the reign of Allaverdy, as father of Kissendass, and duan to Nowagis Mahomed, who had held in appanage the government of the province of Dacca, was appointed duan to Meerum, and on the 26th Roydoolub was ordered to deliver over to Rajahbullub the accounts and superintendance of that province, Roydoolub saw the whole extent of his danger unexpectedly and at once, and immediately requested leave to retire with his family and effects to Calcutta. The Nabob consented, but Meerum refused, until he had furnished a sum sufficient to satisfy the troops. Matters were in this state, when Mr. Watts arrived on the 4th of August, with the invitation of the council to the Nabob, who desirous of appearing unconcerned in what follow, consented to proceed with him to Calcutta. The boats, which were now arrived from Dacca, were ordered to proceed and wait at Augadeep, where the Nabob intended to join them, after he had taken the diversion of hunting in the island of Cossimbuzar, which in the middle is covered with jungles, the repair of many deer and tigers; but this amusement was only a pretext to remain within call of the city, which he left on the 6th, accompanied by Mr. Watts. Two days after his departure his son Meerum ordered a body of troops, who were clamouring for their pay, to go and demand it of Roydoolub. They surrounded and beset the enclosures of his house, which were spacious; and Roydoolub had gathered a considerable number of his own troops, amongst whom were some European deserters. Mr. Scrafton arrived at Roydoolub's house before any blood was shed, and prevailed on both sides to remain quiet, until he could inform Mr. Watts, who was then halting with the Nabob at Moncarrah, 14 miles to the south of the city. The Nabob pretended to know nothing of what was passing, and authorised Mr. Watts to bring away Roydoolub. He arrived in the city just in time to save his life; for Meerum, apprehensive of prevention, had ordered the troops to seize his person at any risque; and Roydoolub had prepared a dose of poison to prevent the indignity. Mr. Watts and Mr. Scrafton immediately put him, with a few attendants, into his boats, and accompanied him with a party of Sepoys in others: they arrived at Calcutta before the Nabob, who waited at Hughley until Clive and most of the council paid their respects to him there. He then proceeded with them to Calcutta, where he was entertained for several days with pomp and festivity. He set out on his return to Muxadavad on the 21st of August, and arrived there on the first of September. During his absence, Meerum had continued guards over the house of Roydoolub and of his three brothers, all of whom had employments in the revenue. Mr. Hastings, who had succeeded Mr. Scrafton as the agent of the presidency at the city, was afraid of giving offence to the Nabob, if he should employ the English troops at Cossimbuzar to protect them, and was equally unwilling to advise Roydoolub's family to remove without this aid, lest the women should be stopped, and the insult produce a fray between their retinues, and the troops by which they were beset; but the repeated requests of Clive at length prevailed on the Nabob to permit their departure, and they set out for Calcutta on the 12th, escorted by a guard of English soldiers. The next night but one the city was alarmed by a new tumult.

On the 4th of September in this year, began the Moharram, or first month of the Mahomedan year, of which the first ten days are especially consecrated to devotion. The palaces of the Nabob and his son Meerum stood on the western bank of the Cossimbuzar river, but at some distance from each other. On the night of the 13th of September, which was the 9th of the Moharram, the Nabob went to his sons in a boat, and observed the shore crowded with a much greater number of people than usual. Returning in his palankin, he stopped to pay his devotions at the principal mosque of the city, and had previously ordered his general, Coja Haddee, to station a sufficient number of troops to keep off the populace; but, on entering the enclosure of the mosque, found it filled and surrounded by Sepoys, amongst whom were several Jemautdars belonging to Coja Haddee, who, instead of the usual respect, kept their seats within, whilst their soldiery thronged tumultuously about the Nabob, and prevented his passage. He, nevertheless, suspecting no danger, was endeavouring to get through them, until one of the spies, who, as usual, attended his person, returned out of the crowd, and told him, that Coja Haddee had armed all his own troops with some bad intention; on which the Nabob waited until all his own retinue had gathered about him, and in the mean time many more were coming from the palaces. The Jemautdars of Coja Haddee then rose and went away hastily, and their soldiers likewise dispersed.

The next morning a Jemautdar of another division of the army informed the Nabob that Coja Haddee had armed his soldiery, and assembled them at the pavilion, with the intention of killing him in the tumult of a fray, which, in the night, might appear accidental, between them and the Nabob's guard: presently after, another officer, who had served in the division of troops commanded by Roydoolub, came in, and said that Roydoolub had sent a bill of exchange from Calcutta for two lacks of rupees, which was to be paid by Meer Allee, one of his dependants, to Coja Haddee, who was to distribute this money amongst the troops, to induce them to rise under pretence of demanding their arrears, when they were to surround and cut off the Nabob. The Nabob, without farther examination, dismissed Coja Haddee from his service, with orders to leave the city, and appointed Mahmdee Cawn, a Pitan, to the post of Buxey, or captain general of his forces.

In this manner was the story related on the second day after the tumult at the pavilion by the Nabob himself to Mr. Hastings; and the very day after it happened, Rajah Binderbund, one of Roydoolub's brothers, in a private conference on this subject, told Mr. Hastings, that the troops then assembled were at his devotion. This suggestion induced Mr. Hastings to believe the accusation against Roydoolub; but Colonel Clive suspected, and ordered stricter enquiry. In the mean time, the Nabob had informed Mr. Hastings, that he had got possession of a letter written by Roydoolub to Coja Haddee, in which Mr. Watts and Mr. Scrafton were mentioned as having consented to their projoct of destroying him; but he refused to give a copy of the letter until he saw Mr. Watts and Mr. Scrafton. Mr. Hastings represented the implication and indignity of their coming to be confronted with such an accusation; on which the Nabob requested him to write, and sent one of his own officers to Calcutta, to request that they might be sent, in order to settle a new scheme he had projected for discharging the monies for which be had given tuncaws on the provinces. Before this he had paid the arrears due to the troops under the immediate command of Coja Haddee, which were 1200 horse, and had obliged them to quit the province in different bands by different routs; but Coja Haddee himself was suffered to remain in the city until the 11th of October, when he was permitted to depart, accompanied by 30 horsemen, and with assurances that he should receive no injury, provided he raised no disturbance. turbance. A few days after, the Nabob was informed that Mr. Watts and Mr. Scrafton were not likely to come to him, on which he delivered a copy of the letter imputed to Roydoolub; and, although he had before said it had been intercepted, he now confessed that his son Meerum had obtained it from Coja Haddee, on a promise of reconciliation. The letter "exhorts Coja Haddee to carry the affair in which he is engaged into immediate execution. Roydoolub will be with him in time; has written to Meer Alii to supply the expences; has half engaged Seid Cossim Ally Khan, and leaves it to the discretion of Coja Haddee to bring him over entirely; will assuredly comply with what was agreed upon between himself and Coja Haddee; has gained the concurrence of Colonel Clive by the means of Mr. Watts and Mr. Scrafton, and has taken the discharge of the tuncaws, and the arrears of the Nabob's army upon himself." The caution of Roydoolub during the confederacy against Surajah Dowlah, in which he never ventured to write, or even to send a message, rendered it scarcely probable that he should thus throw himself into the power of Coja Haddee, on pretences he knew to be fictitious; and it was still more absurd to suppose, that, living in Calcutta without means of escape, he should dare so heinous a falsity against Clive, whose severity he had learned to dread as much as he respected his protection. Clive regarded the letter as a forgery of the Nabob's and his son in order to exasperate him against Roydoolub, whom, if he should not punish more severely, they expected at least he would turn out of Calcutta, when they might plunder him, without controul, of his wealth, as the ransom of his life. But on the other hand it appeared strange that they should produce a letter, which, if not true, might be easily disproved by a strict examination of Coja Haddee on the whole series of his connexion with Roydoolub. Their permission of Coja Haddee's departure was already a strong indication of their apprehension of this test, and a few days after came news, that he and several of his followers had been killed in a fray with the troops stationed at Rajahmahal, under the command of Daud Khan, who was the Nabob's brother. His head was brought to Muxadavad and viewed with much complacence by the Nabob and his son. Still it remained to examine Seid Cossim Ally Khan, and Meer Alli; but at this time the forces of the English presidency were so much diminished by an armament sent out of the river to the province of Chicacole, that it became necessary not to provoke the Nabob, by probing the ignominy of his conduct; of which Clive had acquired a sufficient proof, by a letter written in his own hand to Nuncomar at Hughley, offering him a title and jaghire, if he would bring the affair of Roydoolub's letter to a good end: it was therefore deemed imprudent to inflict the reproach he deserved: but Clive told him, that if he gave ear to such tales, there would be an end to all confidence between him and the English nation.

Farther letters had been received in August, from the Rajah Anunderauze; and other advices, which were not very correct, gave some account of the discords between Mr. Bussy and Nizamally at Aurengabad. Anunderauze repeated more earnestly, and with greater confidence, his request of a body of troops to drive the French out of the ceded provinces, and now proposed, as equally feasible, the reduction of Masulipatam. Letters of the same purport came at the same time from Mr. Bristol, who had been the agent at Cutteck, and had proceeded from thence to Ingeram; had visited Anunderauze on the way, and was received by him with much good-will. A few days after arrived advices from the presidency at Madrass of the second engagement between the squadrons on the 3d of August, with their opinion, that the French ships were so much disabled that they must return to their islands to refit before they ventured another; that the French army was before Tanjore, and that Mr. Bussy was on his march from Hyderabad to Masulipatam, from whence he was to join Mr. Lally with the greatest part of the force under his command: that this measure indicated Mr. Lally's intention of exerting his whole strength in the Carnatic, and left no apprehensions of his making any attempt against Bengal; for which reason they expected the presidency in this province would immediately send a considerable part of their force to enable Madrass to stand the brunt of the arduous conflict which must soon ensue.

No one doubted that Madrass would be besieged as soon as the monsoon had sent the squadrons off the coast, if reinforcements should not arrive before; but Clive did not entertain the surmise that it could be taken whilst it had provisions: and as troops were known to be on the way from England, if the ships in which they were embarked should lose their passage in this year, they would probably arrive in the first months of the next. Nevertheless it was necessary, if possible, to alleviate the inequality between the English and French force in Coromandel.

But the preference which each of the Company's presidencies was naturally inclined to give to its own safety, as the only ground on which the property and fortunes of the whole community were established, suggested apprehensions, that Madrass, in the same manner as it had been treated by. the presidency of Calcutta, would, whatsoever might be the necessity of Bengal, detain, on their own service, whatsoever troops might be sent to their assistance; and, although little was to be immediately apprehended in Bengal from the French, yet the intire estrangement of the Nabob, and the hazard of all that remained due from him, were to be expected, if he saw the English force too considerably diminished, without the immediate power of recall, to oppose either his own attempts against them, or to afford the assistance he might want, whether in the maintenance of his authority against his own subjects, or the defence of his territory against foreign enemies.

In consequence of these conclusions, it was determined not to send a body of troops to Madrass, but to employ all that could with prudence be spared, in concert with Anunderauze, against the French in the ceded provinces; which would either occasion a diversion of their troops in the Carnatic, or, if they neglected this assistance, would deprive them at once of all they had acquired by their long connexion with the Subah of the Decan: and, lest any danger during the expedition should threaten Bengal, the troops were only to obey the immediate orders of Calcutta.

The conduct of the expedition was committed to Lieutenant-Colonel Forde, who, on the invitation of the presidency to take the command of the army in case of the departure of Colonel Clive, had quitted the king's service in Adlercron's regiment, and arrived from the coast in the month of April. Mr. George Grey was sent to continue the course of intelligence at Cutteck, and Mr. John Johnstone was dispatched in the Mermaid sloop to make the necessary preparations in concert with Anunderauze at Vizagapatam. The force allotted for the expedition was 500 Europeans, including the artillery-men, 2000 Sepoys, and 100 Lascars: the artillery were six field-pieces, the best brass six-pounders, six 24-pounders for battery, a howitz, and an eight-inch mortar. Eighty thousand rupees, and 4000 gold mohurs, equivalent to 60,000 rupees, were the military chest for immediate expences. The embarkation was made on three of the Company's ships lately arrived from Europe, on the Thames, a private ship of 700 tons, with two of the pilot sloops of the river. The Thames likewise carried a great quantity of provisions intended for Madrass, whither she was to proceed as soon as the present service would permit. By altercations in the council, for the measure was too vigorous to be acceptable to all of them, and by delays in the equipment, the vessels were detained in the river until the end of September. Their departure left the English force in the province barely equal to what they carried away.

The progress of this expedition after the departure of the armament bears more relation to the affairs of Coromandel than of Bengal. The events which immediately ensued in the provinces of Behar and Bengal, originated in the distractions which had for many years prevailed at Delhi, the capital of the empire, and from the views and operations of a variety of great interests and powers acting in the center of Indostan. The developement of these causes, and their effects, require an uninterrupted investigation of no little complication and extent. But the important and nearer contest already opened between the English and French nations in the Carnatic, continues from this time forth with such incessant energy, that our narrative, once engaged, cannot quit their operations without impairing the perspicuity necessary to explain the strict succession of influences, by which preceding events were continually producing those which immediately followed. We have therefore determined to continue this portion of our story without interruption, until the events themselves begin to take respite; when we shall return to the affairs of Bengal.

End of the Ninth Book.