American History Told by Contemporaries/Volume 2/Chapter 16
CHAPTER XVI — SLAVERY AND SERVITUDE
102. The First Vote against Slavery (1688)
The agitation against slavery was at this period confined chiefly to the Quakers. The minute was sent to the Yearly Meeting at Burlington, which declined to confirm it. — Bibliography : Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, V, 243-245 ; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 148. — On slavery, see also Contemporaries, I, No. 86, and III; and Nos. 103-108 below. On the Quakers, see Nos. 98 above and 106 below.
THIS is to the monthly meeting held at Richard Worrell's :
These are the reasons why we are against the traffic of men-body, as followeth : Is there any that would be done or handled at this manner? viz., to be sold or made a slave for all the time of his life? How fearful and faint-hearted are many at sea, when they see a strange vessel, being afraid it should be a Turk, and they should be taken, and sold for slaves into Turkey. Now, what is this better done, than Turks do? Yea, rather it is worse for them, which say they are Christians ; for we hear that the most part of such negers are brought hither against their will and consent, and that many of them are stolen. Now, though they are black, we cannot conceive there is more liberty to have them slaves, as [than] it is to have other white ones. There is a saying, that we should do to all men like as we will be done ourselves ; making no difference of what generation, descent, or colour they are. And those who steal or rob men, and those who buy or purchase them, are they not all alike? Here is liberty of conscience, which is right and reasonable ; here ought to be likewise liberty of the body, except of evil-doers, which is another case. But to bring men hither, or to rob and sell them against their will, we stand against. In Europe, there are many oppressed for conscience-sake ; and here there are those oppressed which are of a black colour. And we who know that men must not commit adultery — some do commit adultery in others, separating wives from their husbands, and giving them to others : and some sell the children of these poor creatures to other men. Ah ! do consider well this thing, you who do it, if you would be done at this manner — and if it is done according to Christianity ! You surpass Holland and Germany in this thing. This makes an ill report in all those countries of Europe, where they hear of [it,] that the Quakers do here handel men as they handel there the cattle. And for that reason some have no mind or inclination to come hither. And who shall maintain this your cause, or plead for it? Truly, we cannot do so, except you shall inform us better hereof, viz. : that Christians have liberty to practise these things. Pray, what thing in the world can be done worse towards us, than if men should rob or steal us away, and sell us for slaves to strange countries ; separating husbands from their wives and children. Being now this is not done in the manner we would be done at ; therefore, we contradict, and are against this traffic of men-body. And we who profess that it is not lawful to steal, must, likewise, avoid to purchase such things as are stolen, but rather help to stop this robbing and stealing, if possible. And such men ought to be delivered out of the hands of the robbers, and set free as in Europe. Then is Pennsylvania to have a good report, instead, it hath now a bad one, for this sake, in other countries : Especially whereas the Europeans are desirous to know in what manner the Quakers do rule in their province ; and most of them do look upon us with an envious eye. But if this is done well, what shall we say is done evil?
If once these slaves (which they say are so wicked and stubborn men,) should join themselves — fight for their freedom, and handel their masters and mistresses, as they did handel them before ; will these masters and mistresses take the sword at hand and war against these poor slaves, like, as we are able to believe, some will not refuse to do? Or, have these poor negers not as much right to fight for their freedom, as you have to keep them slaves?
Now consider well this thing, if it is good or bad. And in case you find it to be good to handel these blacks in that manner, we desire and require you hereby lovingly, that you may inform us herein, which at this time never was done, viz., that Christians have such a liberty to do so. To the end we shall be satisfied on this point, and satisfy likewise our good friends and acquaintances in our native country, to whom it is a terror, or fearful thing, that men should be handelled so in Pennsylvania.
This is from our meeting at Germantown, held ye 18th of the 2d month, 1688, to be delivered to the monthly meeting at Richard Worrell's,
Garret Henderich,
Derick op de Graeff,
Francis Daniel Pastorius,
Abram op de Graeff.
On behalf of ye monthly meeting,
The Friend, January 13, 1844; reprinted in George H. Moore, Notes on the History of Slavery in Massachusetts (New York, 1866), 74-77.
103. "The Selling of Joseph" (1700)
This paper was the first abolitionist tract in America. —For Sewall, see Contemporaries, I. No. 149, and No. 18 above.
FORASMUCH as LIBERTY is in real value next unto Life ; None ought to part with it themselves, or deprive others of it, but upon most mature consideration.
The Numerousness of Slaves at this Day in the Province, and the Uneasiness of them under their Slavery, hath put many upon thinking whether the Foundation of it be firmly and well laid ; so as to sustain the Vast Weight that is built upon it. It is most certain that all Men, as they are the sons of Adam, are Co-heirs, and have equal Right unto Liberty, and all other outward Comforts of Life. God hath given the Earth [with all its commodities] unto the Sons of Adam, Psal., 115, 16. And hath made of one Blood all Nations of Men, for to dwell on all the face of the Earth, and hath determined the Times before appointed, and the bounds of their Habitation : That they should seek the Lord. Fora much then as we are the Offspring of God, &c. Acts 17. 26, 27, 29. Now, although the Title given by the last Adam doth infinitely better Men s Estates, respecting God and themselves ; and grants them a most beneficial and inviolable Lease under the Broad Seal of Heaven, who were before only Tenants at Will ; yet through the Indulgence of God to our First Parents after the Fall, the outward Estate of all and every of their Children, remains the same as to one another. So that Originally, and Naturally, there is no such thing as Slavery. Joseph was rightfully no more a Slave to his Brethren, than they were to him ; and they had no more Authority to Sell him, than they had to Slay him. And if they had nothing to do to sell him ; the Ishmaelites bargaining with them, and paying down Twenty pieces of Silver, could not make a Title. Neither could Potiphar have any better Interest in him than the Ishmaelites had. Gen. 37, 20, 27, 28. For he that shall in this case plead Alteration of Property, seems to have forfeited a great part of his own claim to Humanity. There is no proportion between Twenty Pieces of Silver and LIBERTY. The Commodity itself is the Claimer. If Arabian Gold be imported in any quantities, most are afraid to meddle with it, though they might have it at easy rates ; lest [if] it should have been wrongfully taken from the Owners, it should kindle a fire to the Consumption of their whole Estate. 'Tis pity there should be more Caution used in buying a Horse, or a little lifeless dust, than there is in purchasing Men and Women: Whereas they are the Offspring of God, and their Liberty is,
. . . Auro pretiosior Omni.
And seeing God hath said, He that Stealeth a Man, and Selleth him, or if he be found in his Hand, he shall surely be put to Death. Exod. 21, 1 6. This Law being of Everlasting Equity, wherein Man-Stealing is ranked among the most atrocious of Capital Crimes : What louder Cry can there be made of that Celebrated Warning.
Caveat Emptor!
And all things considered, it would conduce more to the Welfare of the Province, to have White Servants for a Term of Years, than to have Slaves for Life. Few can endure to hear of a Negro s being made free ; and indeed they can seldom use their Freedom well ; yet their continual aspiring after their forbidden Liberty, renders them Unwilling Servants. And there is such a disparity in their Conditions, Colour, and Hair, that they can never embody with us, & grow up in orderly Families, to the Peopling of the Land ; but still remain in our Body Politick as a kind of extravasat Blood. As many Negro Men as there are among us, so many empty Places are there in our Train Bands, and the places taken up of Men that might make Husbands for our Daughters. And the Sons and Daughters of New England would become more like Jacob and Rachel, if this Slavery were thrust quite out of Doors. Moreover it is too well known what Temptations Masters are under, to connive at the Fornication of their Slaves ; lest they should be obliged to find them Wives, or pay their Fines. It seems to be practically pleaded that they might be lawless ; 'tis thought much of, that the Law should have satisfaction for their Thefts, and other Immoralities ; by which means, Holiness to the Lord is more rarely engraven upon this sort of Servitude. It is likewise most lamentable to think, how in taking Negroes out of Africa, and selling of them here, That which God has joined together, Men do boldly rend asunder; Men from their Country, Husbands from their Wives, Parents from their Children. How horrible is the Uncleanness, Mortality, if not Murder, that the Ships are guilty of that bring great Crouds of these miserable Men and Women. Methinks when we are bemoaning the barbarous Usage of our Friends and Kinsfolk in Africa, it might not be unreasonable to enquire whether we are not culpable in forcing the Africans to become Slaves amongst ourselves. And it may be a question whether all the Benefit received by Negro Slaves will balance the Accompt of Cash laid out upon them ; and for the Redemption of our own enslaved Friends out of Africa. Besides all the Persons and Estates that have perished there.
Obj. 1. These Blackamores are of the Posterity of Cham, and therefore are under the Curse of Slavery. Gen. 9, 25, 26, 27.
Ans. Of all Offices, one would not beg this ; viz. Uncall'd for, to be an Executioner of the Vindictive Wrath of God ; the extent and duration of which is to us uncertain. If this ever was a Commission ; How do we know but that it is long since out of Date? Many have found it to their Cost, that a Prophetical Denunciation of Judgment against a Person or People, would not warrant them to inflict that evil. If it would, Hazael might justify himself in all he did against his master, and the Israelites from 2 Kings 8, 10, 12.
But it is possible that by cursory reading, this Text may have been mistaken. For Canaan is the Person Cursed three times over, without the mentioning of Cham. Good Expositors suppose the Curse entailed on him, and that this Prophesie was accomplished in the Extirpation of the Canaanites, and in the Servitude of the Gibeonites. Vide Pareum. Whereas the Blackmores are not descended of Canaan, but of Cush. Psal. 68, 31. Princes shall come out of Egypt [Mizraim]. Ethiopia [Cush] shall soon stretch out her hands unto God. Under which Names, all Africa may be comprehended ; and their Promised Conversion ought to be prayed for. Jer. 13, 23. Can the Ethiopian change his Skin? This shows that Black Men are the Posterity of Cush. Who time out of mind have been distinguished by their Colour. And for want of the true, Ovid assigns a fabulous cause of it.
Sanguine turn credunt in corpora sunima vocato
Æthiopum populos nigrum traxisse colorem.
Obj. 2. The Nigers are brottght out of a Pagan Country, into places where the Gospel is preached.
Ans. Evil must not be done, that good may come of it. The extraordinary and comprehensive Benefit accruing to the Church of God, and to Joseph personally, did not rectify his Brethren's Sale of him.
Obj. 3. The Africans have Wars one with another: Our Ships bring lawful Captives taken in those wars.
Answ. For aught is known, their Wars are much such as were between Jacob's Sons and their Brother Joseph. If they be between Town and Town ; Provincial or National : Every War is upon one side Unjust. An Unlawful War can t make lawful Captives. And by receiving, we are in danger to promote, and partake in their Barbarous Cruelties. I am sure, if some Gentlemen should go down to the Brewsters to take the Air, and Fish : And a stronger Party from Hull should surprise them, and sell them for Slaves to a Ship outward bound ; they would think themselves unjustly dealt with ; both by Sellers and Buyers. And yet 'tis to be feared, we have no other Kind of Title to our Nigers. Therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do you even so to them : for this is the Law and the Prophets. Matt. 7, 12.
Obj. 4. Abraham had Servants bought with his Money and born in his House.
Ans. Until the Circumstances of Abraham's purchase be recorded, no Argument can be drawn from it. In the mean time, Charity obliges us to conclude, that He knew it was lawful and good.
It is Observable that the Israelites were strictly forbidden the buying or selling one another for Slaves. Levit. 25. 39. 46. Jer. 34. 8-22. And God gaged His Blessing in lieu of any loss they might conceit they suffered thereby, Deut. 15. 18. And since the partition Wall is broken down, inordinate Self-love should likewise be demolished. God expects that Christian? should be of a more Ingenuous and benign frame of Spirit. Christians should carry it to all the World, as the Israelites were to carry it one towards another. And for Men obstinately to persist in holding their Neighbours and Brethren under the Rigor of perpetual Bondage, seems to be no proper way of gaining Assurance that God has given them Spiritual Freedom. Our Blessed Saviour has altered the Measures of the ancient Love Song, and set it to a most Excellent New Tune, which all ought to be ambitious of Learning. Matt. 5. 43. 44. John 13. 34. These Ethiopians, as black as they are, seeing they are the Sons and Daughters of the First Adam, the Brethren and Sisters of the Last Adam, and the Offspring of God ; They ought to be treated with a Respect agreeable.
Servitus perfecta voluntaria, inter Christianum & Christianum, ex parte senri patientis sœpe est licita, quia est necessaria ; sed ex parte do mini agentis, & procurando & exercendo, vix potest esse licita ; quia non convenit regulœ illi generali : Quœcunque volueritis ut faciant vobis homines, ita & vos facite eis. Matt. 7. 12.
Perfecta servitus pœnœ, non potest jure locum habere, nisi ex delicto gravi quod ultimum supplicium aliquo modo mere fur : quia Libertas ex naturali œstimatione proxime accedit ad vitam ipsam, & eidem a multis prœferri solet.
Ames. Cas. Consc. Lib. 5. Cap. 23. Thes. 2. 3.
[Samuel Sewall], The Selling of Joseph A Memorial (Boston, 1700) ; reprinted in George H. Moore, Notes on the History of Slavery in Massachusetts (New York, 1866), 83-87.
104. A Slave Act Disallowed (1709)
This brief document is typical of the fate of most colonial statutes taxing or otherwise restricting the slave-trade. — Bibliography: W. E. B. Du Bois, Suppression of the Slave-Trade, chs. ii-iv.
- TO the Queens most Excellt Majty
May it Please Your Majesty.
We have considered An Act past in the General Assembly of Your Majesties Province of New Jersey in December 1704. Entituled, An Act for Regulating Negro, Indian & Mulato Slaves within this Province of New Jersey, in which, tho there are Several good & Useful Clauses, there is one that inflicts inhumane penalties on Negroes &c not fit to be Confirmed by Your Majesty, & therefore we humbly offer that the said Act be repealed.
Which is most Humbly Submitted
Dartmouth
Ph: Meadows
J Pulteney
| Whitehall Octbr 18th 1709 |
William A. Whitehead, editor, Documents relating to the Colonial History of the State of New Jersey (Newark, 1881), III, 473-474.
105. All Sorts of Runaways (1741-1750)
BY THEIR OWNERS AND MASTERS
These extracts from contemporary newspapers show the frequency of escapes of indentured white servants and slaves, and throw some light on the brutality of the whole system. — Bibliography: Marion G. McDougall, Fugitive Slaves, ch. i; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 148.
RUN away from Marten Ryerson, of Readingtown, in the County of Hunterdon a Young Servant Man named William Hains small Stature Ruddy Complexion, big Nose, big Blew Eyes, Pock-Broken, had no Hair, Branded on the Brawn of his Thumb, of the Left Hand, had on when he Run away a white Shirt, and a Saylors Frock, a pair of Trousers, but has since got a Greek Vestment; its probable that he has chang'd his Name, for he has already pass'd by the Name of Thomson and Robinson. Whoever takes up the said Servant, and Secures him so that his said Master may have him again shall have Five Pounds Reward besides all Reasonable Charges paid by
Marten Ryerson.
WHereas a large Brass Wash Kettle, and a Parrot Cage were sometime ago lost out of a Brunswick Boat, or carried to a wrong Place by Mistake, whoever can give an Account thereof to the Printer of this Paper, so that the Owner may have them again, shall have Five Shillings Reward with Thanks. — The New York Weekly Journal, June 15. 1741. . . . Deserted from his Majesty's Service out of the American Regiment of Foot, commanded by Col. William Gooch, and lately inlisted in West-Jersey, by Lieutenant Anthony Palmer, the two following Soldiers, viz. . . .
Thomas Fury, a Labourer, Born in the North of Ireland, about 21 years of Age, 5 Foot 10 Inches high, well-set, fair complexioned, with very fair Eye Brows, grey Eyes, and much Pockfretten : Had on when he went away, a greyish homespun Coat, with brass Buttons, the lower-most but one having the Top broke off and in other Places some off. Linnen Trowsers, and a pair of new Shoes. He worked some time since as a Labourer in Maryland and in Chester County, but lately in Trenton : Whoever secures the said Deserters so as their Officer may have them again, shall receive Three Pounds Reward for each, and all reasonable Charges : or if any one will inform the said Officer, by whom either of them are conceal'd, so that it may be prov'd, shall receive Five Pounds Sterling for each of them, paid by
N. B. If either of the said Deserters will return, they shall be kindly received by their Officer, and not prosecuted. — The Pennsylvania Gazette, July 22. 1742. . . .
THERE was lately commited to the Goal of Sussex County, upon Delaware, two Men, suspected to be Servants, viz. John Williams, a West-Countryman, aged about 32 Years, says he came into the Western Part of Virginia with one Capt. Taylor, from Bristol ; He is a lusty Man, wears his own Hair, ozenbrigs Shirt, yarn Stockings, old brown Coat, very much patch'd, an old felt Hat, leather Breeches, white homespun twiled Jacket, metal Buttons of several Sorts upon all his Cloathing. And Thomas Rogers. . . . They say they came in Freemen. The Owners (if any they have) are desired to come or send for them, in one Month's Time after this Date, otherwise they will be discharged paying their Fees.
Lewistown, March 9, 1742, 3.
- — The Pennsylvania Gazette, March 17, 1742, 3. . . .
Run away on the 3d of August from Benjamin Thomson, of Cohansie, the two following Servants, viz.
One John Hacket, this Country-born, short and thick, aged about 28 Years : Had on an old felt Hat, two Shirts, one tow the other ozenbrigs, old patch'd Jacket, lightish colour d Great Coat, ozenbrigs Trowsers, good Shoes, and a Pair of Shoe-Packs. The other named Richard Lane, this Country-born. . . . Whoever secures the said Servants, so that their Master may have them again, shall have Four Pounds Reward, and reasonable Charges, paid by
N. B. They took with them two Guns, one long the other short, and a middle siz'd Dog, that goes by the Name of Gunner, and when he's travelling paces. — The Pennsylvania Gazette, Sept. 8, 1743. . . .
Taken up, about 6 Months ago, as a Runaway, and now is in Trenton Goal, one John Parra, a well set Fellow, about 24 Years of Age, and pretends to know something of the Hatter's Trade. If no Person claims him before the first Day of May next, he will be sold for defraying his Charges. By Order of the Court.
Strayed or Stolen on the 15th of April past, off the Commons of this City, a black Horse, about 15 Hands high, eight Years old last Spring, a little Star in his Forehead, branded on the near Shoulder B L. Whoever brings the said Horse to the Subscriber, shall have Ten Shillings Reward, and reasonable Charges, paid by
RUN away, the 24th of last Month, from Bennet Bard, of Burlington, a Mulatto Spanish Slave, named George, aged about 24 Years about 5 Feet 10 Inches high, smooth-faced, well-set, and has his Hair lately cut off, speaks tolerable good English, born at the Havanna, says he was several Years with Don Blass, and is a good Shoemaker : Had on when he went away a corded Dimity Waistcoast, Ozenbrigs Shirt and Trowsers, no Stockings, old Shoes, and a new Hat. Whoever takes up and secures said Fellow, so that his Master may have him again, shall have Forty Shillings Reward, and reasonable Charges, paid by
Broke out of Trenton Goal, on Saturday Night last, one James Johnston, a lusty, strong built Man, about six Foot high, of a fresh Complexion, and fair insinuating Speech : He is an Irishman, and his right Name is White ; he lately ran from his Bail, and entered on Board the Dreadnought, Capt. Cunningham, who upon Application caused him to be set on Shore at Newcastle, and committed to Goal there, from whence he was brought last Thursday. Whoever shall apprehend the said Johnston and secure him, shall have Five Pounds Proclamation Money as a Reward,
Run away from Samuel Lippincott of Northampton in the county of Burlington, an Irish servant Maid, named Mary Muckleroy, of a middle Stature : Had on when she went away, a blue and white striped gown, of large and small stripes, cuffed with blue, a white muslin handkerchief, an old blue quilt, a new Persian black bonnet, a new pair of calf-skin shoes, a fine Holland cap, with a cambrick border, an old black short cloak lined with Bengal, blue worsted stockings, with white clocks, a very good fine shirt, and a very good white apron. She took with her a sorrel horse, about 14 hands high, shod before, and paces very well. It is supposed there is an Irishman gone with her. Whoever takes up and secures the said woman and horse, so that they may be had again, shall have Three Pounds reward, and reasonable charges paid by
Run away from Nicholas Bearcraft of Hunterdon County, a Black Wench, named Hecatissa alias Savina, Country born, about 27 Years of Age, short Stature, gloomy down Look, often troubl'd with the Cholick, it is thought she may be gone towards Maryland. Whoever takes up and secures said Wench, so that she may be had again, shall have Twenty Shillings Reward, and reasonable Charges, paid by
N. B. He is supposed to be going towards New-England ; wherefore all masters of vessels, or others, are forbid to carry him off at their peril.
Whereas Margaret Simkins, wife of Daniel Simkins, of Stow creek, in the county of Cumberland, and province of West-Jersey, hath, and doth elope from time to time from her said husband, to his great damage ; these are to forewarn, all persons from trusting said Margaret on his account, for he will pay no debts of her contracting from the date hereof.
William Nelson, editor. Documents relating to the Colonial History of the State, of New Jersey (Paterson, 1895), XII, 95-600 passim.
106. Exercise of a Quaker Abolitionist's Mind (1757)
Woolman was a Quaker business man and preacher, who spent his life travelling throughout the American provinces preaching and agitating against slavery. He marks the anti-slavery agitation among the Quakers. His journal is remarkable for its simple and lucid style, as well as for its humanity. — Bibliography: Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, V , 243-245. — For other extracts on Quakers, see Contemporaries, I, Nos. 140-142, and Nos. 98, 102 above.
FEELING the exercise in relation to a visit to the Southern Provinces to increase upon me, I acquainted our Monthly Meeting therewith, and obtained their certificate. Expecting to go alone, one of my brothers who lived in Philadelphia, having some business in North Carolina, proposed going with me part of the way ; but as he had a view of some outward affairs, to accept of him as a companion was some difficulty with me, whereupon I had conversation with him at sundry times. At length feeling easy in my mind, I had conversation with several elderly Friends of Philadelphia on the subject, and he obtaining a certificate suitable to the occasion, we set off in the fifth month, 1757. Coming to Nottingham week-day meeting, we lodged at John Churchman's, where I met with our friend, Benjamin Buffington, from New England, who was returning from a visit to the Southern Provinces. Thence we crossed the river Susquehanna, and lodged at William Cox's in Maryland.
Soon after I entered this province a deep and painful exercise came upon me, which I often had some feeling of, since my mind was drawn toward these parts, and with which I had acquainted my brother before we agreed to join as companions. As the people in this and the Southern Provinces live much on the labor of slaves, many of whom are used hardly, my concern was that I might attend with singleness of heart to the voice of the true Shepherd, and be so supported as to remain unmoved at the faces of men.
As it is common for Friends on such a visit to have entertainment free of cost, a difficulty arose in my mind with respect to saving my money by kindness received from what appeared to me to be the gain of oppression. Receiving a gift, considered as a gift, brings the receiver under obligations to the benefactor, and has a natural tendency to draw the obliged into a party with the giver. To prevent difficulties of this kind, and to preserve the minds of judges from any bias, was that Divine prohibition : "Thou shalt not receive any gift ; for a gift blindeth the wise, and perverteth the words of the righteous." (Exod. xxiii. 8.) As the disciples were sent forth without any provision for their journey, and our Lord said the workman is worthy of his meat, their labor in the gospel was considered as a reward for their entertainment, and therefore not received as a gift ; yet, in regard to my present journey, I could not see my way clear in that respect. The difference appeared thus : the entertainment the disciples met with was from them whose hearts God had opened to receive them, from a love to them and the truth they published ; but we, considered as members of the same religious society, look upon it as a piece of civility to receive each other in such visits ; and such reception, at times, is partly in regard to reputation, and not from an inward unity of heart and spirit. Conduct is more convincing than language, and where people, by their actions, manifest that the slave-trade is not so disagreeable to their principles but that it may be encouraged, there is not a sound uniting with some Friends who visit them.
The prospect of so weighty a work, and of being so distinguished from many whom I esteemed before myself, brought me very low, and such were the conflicts of my soul that I had a near sympathy with the Prophet, in the time of his weakness, when he said : "If thou deal thus with me, kill me, I pray thee, if I have found favor in thy sight."(Num. xi. 15.) But I soon saw that this proceeded from the want of a full resignation to the Divine will. Many were the afflictions which attended me, and in great abasement, with many tears, my cries were to the Almighty for his gracious and fatherly assistance, and after a time of deep trial I was favored to understand the state mentioned by the Psalmist more clearly than ever I had done before ; to wit : "My soul is even as a weaned child." (Psalm cxxxi. 2.) Being thus helped to sink down into resignation, I felt a deliverance from that tempest in which I had been sorely exercised, and in calmness of mind went forward, trusting that the Lord Jesus Christ, as I faithfully attended to him, would be a counsellor to me in all difficulties, and that by his strength I should be enabled even to leave money with the members of society where I had entertainment, when I found that omitting it would obstruct that work to which I believed he had called me. As I copy this after my return, I may here add, that oftentimes I did so under a sense of duty. The way in which I did it was thus : when I expected soon to leave a Friend's house where I had entertainment, if I believed that I should not keep clear from the gain of oppression without leaving money, I spoke to one of the heads of the family privately, and desired them to accept of those pieces of silver, and give them to such of their negroes as they believed would make the best use of them ; and at other times I gave them to the negroes myself, as the way looked clearest to me. Before I came out, I had provided a large number of small pieces for this purpose and thus offering them to some who appeared to be wealthy people was a trial both to me and them. But the fear of the Lord so covered me at times that my way was made easier than I expected ; and few, if any. manifested any resentment at the offer, and most of them, after some conversation, accepted of them.
Ninth of fifth month. — A Friend at whose house we breakfasted setting us a little on our way, I had conversation with him, in the fear of the Lord, concerning his slaves, in which my heart was tender ; I used much plainness of speech with him, and he appeared to take it kindly. We pursued our journey without appointing meetings, being pressed in my mind to be at the Yearly Meeting in Virginia. In my travelling on the road, I often felt a cry rise from the centre of my mind, thus : "O Lord, I am a stranger on the earth, hide not thy face from me." On the nth, we crossed the rivers Patowmack and Rapahannock, and lodged at Port Royal. On the way we had the company of a colonel of the militia, who appeared to be a thoughtful man. I took occasion to remark on the difference in general betwixt a people used to labor moderately for their living, training up their children in frugality and business, and those who live on the labor of slaves ; the former, in my view, being the most happy life. He concurred in the remark, and mentioned the trouble arising from the untoward, slothful disposition of the negroes, adding that one of our laborers would do as much in a day as two of their slaves. I replied, that free men, whose minds were properly on their business, found a satisfaction in improving, cultivating, and providing for their families ; but negroes, laboring to support others who claim them as their property, and expecting nothing but slavery during life, had not the like inducement to be industrious.
After some further conversation I said, that men having power too often misapplied it ; that though we made slaves of the negroes, and the Turks made slaves of the Christians, I believed that liberty was the natural right of all men equally. This he did not deny, but said the lives of the negroes were so wretched in their own country that many of them lived better here than there. I replied, "There is great odds in regard to us on what principle we act ;" and so the conversation on that subject ended. I may here add that another person, some time afterwards, mentioned the wretchedness of the negroes, occasioned by their intestine wars, as an argument in favor of our fetching them away for slaves. To which I replied, if compassion for the Africans, on account of their domestic troubles, was the real motive of our purchasing them, that spirit of tenderness being attended to, would incite us to use them kindly, that, as strangers brought out of affliction, their lives might be happy among us. And as they are human creatures, whose souls are as precious as ours, and who may receive the same help and comfort from the Holy Scriptures as we do, we could not omit suitable endeavors to instruct them therein ; but that while we manifest by our conduct that our views in purchasing them are to advance ourselves, and while our buying captives taken in war animates those parties to push on the war, and increase desolation amongst them, to say they live unhappily in Africa is far from being an argument in our favor. . . .
Having travelled through Maryland, we came amongst Friends at Cedar Creek in Virginia, on the 12th ; and the next day rode, in company with several of them, a day's journey to Camp Creek. As I was riding along in the morning, my mind was deeply affected in a sense I had of the need of Divine aid to support me in the various difficulties which attended me, and in uncommon distress of mind I cried in secret to the Most High, "O Lord be merciful, I beseech thee, to thy poor afflicted creature !" After some time, I felt inward relief, and, soon after, a Friend in company began to talk in support of the slave-trade, and said the negroes were understood to be the offspring of Cain, their blackness being the mark which God set upon him after he murdered Abel his brother ; that it was the design of Providence they should be slaves, as a condition proper to the race of so wicked a man as Cain was. Then another spake in support of what had been said. To all which I replied in substance as follows : that Noah and his family were all who survived the flood, according to Scripture ; and as Noah was of Seth's race, the family of Cain was wholly destroyed. One of them said that after the flood Ham went to the land of Nod and took a wife ; that Nod was a land far distant, inhabited by Cain s race, and that the flood did not reach it ; and as Ham was sentenced to be a servant of servants to his brethren, these two families, being thus joined, were undoubtedly fit only for slaves. I replied, the flood was a judgment upon the world for their abominations, and it was granted that Cain's stock was the most wicked, and therefore unreasonable to suppose that they were spared. As to Ham's going to the land of Nod for a wife, no time being fixed, Nod might be inhabited by some of Noah's family before Ham married a second time ; moreover the text saith "That all flesh died that moved upon the earth." (Gen. vii. 21.) I further reminded them how the prophets repeatedly declare " that the son shall not suffer for the iniquity of the father, but every one be answerable for his own sins." I was troubled to perceive the darkness of their imaginations, and in some pressure of spirit said, "The love of ease and gain are the motives in general of keeping slaves, and men are wont to take hold of weak arguments to support a cause which is unreasonable. I have no interest on either side, save only the interest which I desire to have in the truth. I believe liberty is their right, and as I see they are not only deprived of it, but treated in other respects with inhumanity in many places, I believe He who is a refuge for the oppressed will, in his own time, plead their cause, and happy will it be for such as walk in uprightness before him." And thus our conversation ended. . . .
The sense I had of the state of the churches brought a weight of distress upon me. The gold to me appeared dim, and the fine gold changed, and though this is the case too generally, yet the sense of it in these parts hath in a particular manner borne heavy upon me. It appeared to me that through the prevailing of the spirit of this world the minds of many were brought to an inward desolation, and instead of the spirit of meekness, gentleness, and heavenly wisdom, which are the neces sary companions of the true sheep of Christ, a spirit of fierceness and the love of dominion too generally prevailed. . . .
The prospect of a way being open to the same degeneracy, in some parts of this newly settled land of America, in respect to our conduct towards the negroes, hath deeply bowed my mind in this journey, and though briefly to relate how these people are treated is no agreeable work, yet, after often reading over the notes I made as I travelled, I find my mind engaged to preserve them. Many of the white people in those provinces take little or no care of negro marriages ; and when negroes marry after their own way, some make so little account of those marriages that with views of outward interest they often part men from their wives by selling them far asunder, which is common when estates are sold by executors at vendue. Many whose labor is heavy being followed at their business in the field by a man with a whip, hired for that purpose, have in common little else allowed but one peck of Indian corn and some salt, for one week, with a few potatoes ; the potatoes they commonly raise by their labor on the first day of the week. The correction ensuing on their disobedience to overseers, or slothfulness in business, is often very severe, and sometimes desperate.
Men and women have many times scarcely clothes sufficient to hide their nakedness, and boys and girls ten and twelve years old are often quite naked amongst their master s children. Some of our Society, and some of the society called Newlights, use some endeavors to instruct those they have in reading ; but in common this is not only neglected, but disapproved. These are the people by whose labor the other in habitants are in a great measure supported, and many of them in the luxuries of life. These are the people who have made no agreement to serve us, and who have not forfeited their liberty that we know of. These are the souls for whom Christ died, and for our conduct towards them we must answer before Him who is no respecter of persons. They who know the only true God, and Jesus Christ whom he hath sent, and are thus acquainted with the merciful, benevolent, gospel spirit, will therein perceive that the indignation of God is kindled against oppression and cruelty, and in beholding the great distress of so numerous a people will find cause for mourning.
John Woolman, Journal (edited by John G. Whittier, Boston, 1871), 99-110 passim.
107. The Wretchedness of White Servants (1770)
BY WILLIAM EDDIS
Eddis was surveyor of customs at Annapolis. At the Revolution he remained loyal to England, fleeing from Maryland during the course of the war. — Bibliography : Channing and Hart, Guide, § 133. — This account may be compared with Alsop's in 1666 (Contemporaries, I, No. 76), and with No. 105 above.
PERSONS in a state of servitude are under four distinct denominations : negroes, who are the entire property of their respective owners : convicts, who are transported from the mother country for a limited term : indented servants, who are engaged for five years previous to their leaving England ; and free-willers, who are supposed, from their situation, to possess superior advantages. . . .
Persons convicted of felony, and in consequence transported to this continent, if they are able to pay the expence of passage, are free to pursue their fortune agreeably to their inclinations or abilities. Few, however, have means to avail themselves of this advantage. These unhappy beings are, generally, consigned to an agent, who classes them suitably to their real or supposed qualifications ; advertises them for sale, and disposes of them, for seven years, to planters, to mechanics, and to such as choose to retain them for domestic service. Those who survive the term of servitude, seldom establish their residence in this country : the stamp of infamy is too strong upon them to be easily erased : they either return to Europe, and renew their former practices ; or, if they have fortunately imbibed habits of honesty and industry, they remove to a distant situation, where they may hope to remain unknown, and be enabled to pursue with credit every possible method of becoming useful members of society. . . .
The generality of the inhabitants in this province are very little acquainted with those fallacious pretences, by which numbers are continually induced to embark for this continent. On the contrary, they too generally conceive an opinion that the difference is merely nominal between the indented servant and the convicted felon : nor will they readily believe that people, who had the least experience in life, and whose characters were unexceptionable, would abandon their friends and families, and their ancient connexions, for a servile situation, in a remote appendage to the British Empire. From this persuasion they rather consider the convict as the more profitable servant, his term being for seven, the latter only for five years ; and, I am sorry to observe, that there are but few instances wherein they experience different treatment. Negroes being a property for life, the death of slaves, in the prime of youth or strength, is a material loss to the proprietor ; they are, therefore, almost in every instance, under more comfortable circumstances than the miserable European, over whom the rigid planter exercises an inflexible severity. They are strained to the utmost to perform their allotted labour ; and, from a prepossession in many cases too justly founded, they are supposed to be receiving only the just reward which is due to repeated offences. . . .
The situation of the free-wilier is, in almost every instance, more to be lamented than either that of the convict or the indented servant ; the deception which is practised on those of this description being attended with circumstances of greater duplicity and cruelty. Persons under this denomination are received under express conditions that, on their arrival in America, they are to be allowed a stipulated number of days to dispose of themselves to the greatest advantage. They are told, that their services will be eagerly solicited, in proportion to their abilities ; that their reward will be adequate to the hazard they encounter by courting fortune in a distant region ; and that the parties with whom they engage will readily advance the sum agreed on for their passage ; which, being averaged at about nine pounds sterling, they will speedily be enabled to repay, and to enjoy, in a state of liberty, a comparative situation of ease and affluence. . . .
. . . It is, therefore, an article of agreement with these deluded victims, that if they are not successful in obtaining situations, on their own terms, within a certain number of days after their arrival in the country, they are then to be sold, in order to defray the charges of passage, at the discretion of the master of the vessel, or the agent to whom he is consigned in the province. You are also to observe, that servants imported, even under this favourable description, are rarely permitted to set their feet on shore, until they have absolutely formed their respective engagements. As soon as the ship is stationed in her birth, planters, mechanics, and others, repair on board ; the adventurers of both sexes are exposed to view, and very few are happy enough to make their own stipulations, some very extraordinary qualifications being absolutely requisite to obtain this distinction ; and even when this is obtained, the advantages are by no means equivalent to their sanguine expectations. The residue, stung with disappointment and vexation, meet with horror the moment which dooms them, under an appearance of equity, to a limited term of slavery. Character is of little importance ; their abilities not being found of a superior nature, they are sold as soon as their term of election is expired, apparel and provision being their only compensation ; till, on the expiration of five tedious laborious years, they are restored to a dearly purchased freedom.
William Eddis, Letters from America (London, 1792), 63-75 passim.
108. "Desire of Importing Palatines" (1774)
Washington was perhaps the richest and most business-like of the southern planters. The system of importing foreigners, who were not allowed to leave the vessel till some employer had paid their passage, continued till about 1820.— Bibliography of Washington, No. 195 below. — On Germans in America, see Contemporaries, I, No. 163.
MR. Young, hearing me express a desire of importing Palatines to settle on my lands on the Ohio, tells me, that, in discoursing of this matter in your company, you suggested an expedient, which might probably be attended with success ; and that if I inclined to adopt it, you wished to be informed before the sailing of your ship.
The desire of seating and improving my lands on the Ohio, is founded on interested as well as political views. But the intention of importing Palatines for the purpose was more the effect of sudden thought, than mature consideration, because I am totally unacquainted with the manner, as well as the expense of doing it ; and I was led into the notion principally from a report of either this or some other ship of yours being blamed, for not taking an offered freight of these Germans at forty shillings sterling. I was thus induced to think if this charge was not much accumulated by other expenses, that I could fall on no better expedient to settle my lands with industrious people, than by such an importation.
The terms upon which I have thought of importing Palatines, or people from Ireland, or Scotland, are these ; to import them at my expense, where they are unable to transport themselves, into the Potomac River, and from hence to the Ohio ; to have them, in the first case, engaged to me under indenture ; in the second, by some other contract equally valid, to become tenants upon the terms hereafter mentioned ; as without these securities, I would not encounter the expense, trouble, and hazard of such an importation.
But to make matters as easy and agreeable as possible to these emigrants, I will engage, on my part, that the indentures shall be considered in no other light, than as a security for reimbursing to me every expense I am under, with interest, in importing them, removing them to the land, and supporting them there, till they can raise a crop for their own subsistence . . . I must, for my own safety, consider them as jointly bound for this payment, till the expiration of the indented terms, otherwise I must be an inevitable loser by every death or other accident ; whilst they cannot, in the worst light, be considered as more than servants at large during the indented term. . . .
Having thus exhibited a general view of my design, I shall now be obliged to you, Sir, to inform me with as much precision as you can, what certainty there is that your ship will go to Holland ; what probability there is of her getting Palatines, if she does go ; when they may be expected in this country ; what would be the freight ; and, as near as you can judge, the whole incidental expense attending each person delivered at Alexandria ; and, moreover, whether it would be expected, that the whole of these charges, including freight, should be paid down immediately on the arrival of the ship here, as it must appear rather hard to make a certain provision for an uncertain event.
It may not be amiss further to observe, that I see no prospect of these people being restrained in the smallest degree, either in their civil or religious principles ; which I take notice of, because these are privileges, which mankind are solicitous to enjoy, and upon which emigrants must be anxious to be informed.
George Washington, Writings (edited by Jared Sparks, Boston, 1834), II. 383-386 passim.