American History Told by Contemporaries/Volume 2/Chapter 30
PART VIII
PROGRESS OF THE RESOLUTION
CHAPTER XXX — UNION AND INDEPENDENCE
184. Proceedings of a Revolutionary Convention (1775)
BY CLERK GABRIEL DU VALL
The first step in the Revolution was to overthrow the existing colonial governments. In some colonies, as Maryland, the governors refused to call assemblies, and the control of colonial matters was taken over by an irregular and revolutionary body elected by the patriots. The proceedings printed below are typical of those in county, town, and provincial assemblies throughout the country. — Bibliography: Frothingham, Rise of the Republic, ch. xii; Curtis, History of the Constitution, I, ch. iii; Channing and Hart, Guide, 137. — Compare with assembly proceedings, ch. ix above.
AT a Meeting of the Delegates appointed by the Several Counties of the Province of Maryland, at Annapolis, on Wednesday the 26th of July 1775 . . .
Friday July 28. . . .
The petition of Patrick Graham of Charles County, Taylor, praying a "Remission of the Sentence of the Committee of Charles County, and that he might be restored to the privileges of a Citizen" being read and considered, It is thereupon Resolved, that the said Patrick Graham be allowed to exercise his former Trade of a Taylor, and that he also be permitted to buy provisions and other necessaries for the use of his family ; And that the said Patrick Graham be allowed and permitted to collect, and receive all just Debts due to him ; and that all persons be permitted to employ the said Patrick Graham as a Taylor, and to sell him provisions and other necessaries for his Family. But that the said Patrick Graham be not allowed to carry on any Traffick or merchandize, until it be otherwise resolved by this, or some future Convention. . . .
Monday, 31 July 1775 . . .
On Motion, Resolved, That the value of ₤5900, common money be borrowed on the credit of this Convention to be laid out in the purchase of 48 Tons of Lead, one hundred pounds value in Gun-Flints, two Tons of Cannon powder, and the residue of the said sum in Musquetry powder, for the use of this Province, to be repaid out of the first notes of Credit to be issued by this Convention. . . .
Wednesday 2d August. . . .
On Motion Resolved, That a Committee of seven members of this Convention be appointed to consider of a proper mode to be adopted to prevent the Inhabitants of this Province being harrassed with suits at law, and for laying such restriction on the proceedings of the Courts of Law as may be necessary and expedient in the present circumstances of this Province. . . .
Thursday 3d August . . .
Colo Richard Lloyd and Dr Richard Brooke have leave of absence.
On motion Resolved, That an alteration be made in the Resolve of December Convention, relative to the killing of Lamb.
Resolved, that the resolution of this Province "that no person ought to kill Lamb, dropt before the first day of May yearly, or other Sheep, after the first day of January then next, under four years of age" be repealed so far as relates to killing of Lamb ; but it is earnestly recommended that the Continental Resolve respecting the killing of Sheep be most strictly observed. . . .
Friday 4th August . . .
Resolved, That if any persons will lend and advance to the Public any sums of money not exceeding in the whole four thousand pounds common money, and will pay the same into the hands of Messrs Purviance, Smith & Stewart, to be by them laid out in the purchase and importation of Gunpowder and good substantial musquets, Bayonets, and accoutrements for Soldiers for the use of this Province, the Lenders shall be repaid their money out of the Bills of Credit to be issued, or if Bills of Exchange shall be lent, then the same shall be repaid in the same manner as the other loans of Bills of Exchange to this Convention. . . .
On reading and considering the Petition of Richard Henderson of Bladensburgh, setting forth his apprehensions, that some people of the neighbourhood of that place, if not advised to the contrary by this Convention may do violence to his person or property . . . this Convention strongly impressed with an idea of the confusion and disorder which must inevitably ensue, and the disunion which must necessarily follow, from the people at large being collected and inflicting punishments before a cool and temperate investigation of the case ; and consequently the injury which may be thereby done to the common cause of Liberty, confide, that the Virtue of the people, and their attachment to the liberties of America, will guard them against a commission of the Excess apprehended. . . .
Monday 7th August . . .
The memorial of James Christie Junr of Baltimore Town was read ; and upon reading the Letter of the said James Christie therein referred to, dated the 22d of February 1775, to Gabriel Christie, Lieutenant Colonel of the 60th Regiment in which the said Christie represented the inhabitants of that Town, as concerned in measures, in his opinion, treasonable and rebellious ; and that a number of Soldiers would keep them very quiet ; the same was considered by this Convention and thereupon it is Resolved, that the said James Christie, by the said Letter hath manifested a spirit & principle altogether inimical to the Rights and Liberties of America ; that the said James Christie by insinuating the necessity of introducing a Military Force into this Province, has manifested an inveterate enmity to the Liberties of this Province in particular, and of British America in general.
Therefore Resolved, that the said James Christie is, and ought to be considered as an enemy to America, and that no person trade, deal or barter with him hereafter unless for necessaries and provisions, or for the sale or purchase of any part of his real or personal Estate, of which he may at this time be seised or possessed.
Resolved that the said James Christie be Expelled and banished this Province for ever, and that he depart this Province before the first Day of September next.
Resolved, That no punishment be inflicted on the said James Christie other than what is now directed by this Convention.
Resolved, That the said James Christie deposit in the Hands of this Convention, or into the hands of such person or persons as they shall appoint, the sum of five hundred pounds sterling, to be expended occasionally towards his proportion of all Charges and Expenses incurred, or to be incurred, for the defence of America, during the present contest with Great Britain ; the overplus, if any, after a Reconciliation shall happily be effected, to be returned to the said James Christie. . . .
Friday 11th August. . . .
On reading and considering the memorial of Messrs Lux and Ridley, of Baltimore Town, merchants, relative to the Brig Nancy, Capt. Sims ; Resolved, that the prayer of the said memorial be granted, on proof of the allegations therein being made to the Committee of observation for Baltimore County, who are hereby empowered to examine and take the said proof, and if the said Vessel shall not be reladen and depart before 10th day of September next, then oath to be made before her departure, by the Captain and Mate, that no commodities, goods, wares or merchandise, is or shall be laden on board for Exportation, other than such as shall have been laden on Board, as part of her Cargo, before the said ioth day of September, and shall have been relanded. . . .
Monday 14th. Augt
Ordered, That the Rules and Regulations established by the Continental Congress for the government of the Continental Army, be published with the proceedings of this Convention. . . .
Resolved unanimously, That the following Association be signed by the Members of this Convention, and by all other the Freemen of this Province.
Association of the Freemen of Maryland 26th July 1775.
The long premeditated, and now avowed Design of the British Government, to raise a Revenue from the property of the Colonists without their consent, on the gift, grant and disposition of the Commons of Great Britain, the arbitrary and vindictive statutes passed under colour of punishing a Riot, to subdue by Military force, and by Famine, the Massachusetts Bay ; the unlimited power assumed by Parliament to alter the Charter of that Province, and the Constitution of all the Colonies, thereby destroying the essential securities of the Lives, Liberties and properties of the Colonists ; the Commencement of hostilities by the Ministerial Forces, and the cruel prosecution of the War against the people of the Massachusetts Bay, followed by General Gage's proclamation, declaring almost the whole of the Inhabitants of the United Colonies, by name, or description, Rebels and Traitors, are sufficient causes to arm a free people in defence of their Liberty, and to justify resistance, no longer dictated by prudence merely, but by necessity, and leave no alternative but base submission or manly opposition to uncontroulable Tyranny. The Congress chose the latter, and for the express purpose of securing & defending the United Colonies and preserving them in Safety, against all attempts to carry the above mentioned Acts into Execution by Force of Arms, Resolved, that the said Colonies be immediately put into a State of Defence, and now supports at the joint expense, an army to restrain the further violence and repel the future attacks of a disappointed and exasperated Enemy. —We therefore, Inhabitants of the Province of Maryland, firmly persuaded that it is necessary and justifiable to repel Force by Force, do approve of the opposition by arms to the British Troops employed to enforce obedience to the late acts and statutes of the British Parliament, for raising a Revenue in America, and altering and changing the Charter and Constitution of the Massachusetts Bay, and for destroying the essential securities for the Lives, Liberties and properties of the Subjects in the United Colonies.
And We do unite and associate, as one Band & firmly and solemnly engage and pledge ourselves to each other and to America, that we will, to the utmost of our power, promote and support the present opposition carrying on as well by Arms, as by the Continental Association restraining our Commerce. —
And as in these times of Public danger, and until a Reconcilliation with Great Britain on Constitutional Principles is effected (an event, we most ardently wish may soon take place) the energy of Government may be greatly impaired, so that even Zeal unrestrained may be productive of Anarchy & confusion ; We do in like manner unite, associate and solemnly engage, in maintenance of good order, and the public peace, to support the civil power in the due execution of the Laws, so far as may be consistent with the present plan of opposition, and to defend with our utmost power all persons from every species of outrage to themselves or their property, and to prevent any punishment, from being inflicted on any offenders, other than such, as shall be adjudged by the Civil Magistrate, the Continental Congress, our Convention, Council of Safety, or Committees of observation. That the Committees of Observation, in every County, as soon as conveniently may be, appoint persons in each Parish, or Hundred, to offer or carry the said Association to all Freemen resident within their County, (the Household of His Excellency the Governor excepted) and require their subscription to the same, which Associations, when subscribed shall be returned by the Committees to the Convention. And in case any Freeman within their County, shall not subscribe upon application, or within ten days thereafter, his name shall be returned by the said Committee to the next Convention, to the end that the Convention may take order therein. . . .
Resolved, That the Honorable Matthew Tilghman Esqr and Thomas Johnson Junr Robert Goldsborough, William Paca, Samuel Chase, Thomas Stone and John Hall Esqrs or any three or more of them, be Deputies to represent this Province in Continental Congress, and that they or any three or more of them, have full and ample power to consent and agree to all measures, which such Congress shall deem necessary and effectual to obtain a redress of American grievances ; and further we do authorise our said Deputies to represent and act for this Province, in any Continental Congress which may be held before the 25th day of March next.
Ordered that the Treasurer of the Western Shore pay to Thomas Johnson Junr Samuel Chase, William Paca, John Hall and Thomas Stone Esquires, or either of them, the sum of five hundred pounds common money, and that the Treasurer of the Eastern Shore pay to the Honorable Matthew Tilghman and Robert Goldsborough Esquires, or either of them, the sum of two hundred pounds, common money, to defray the expenses of their Deputation, to the next Continental Congress. . . .
Resolved, That there be a Convention of Delegates of this Province at Annapolis on the third Tuesday of March next, or on such day before that time, as shall be appointed by the Council of Safety. . . .
Ordered, that John Hall, Charles Carroll of Carrollton, William Paca and Matthias Hammond Esqrs be a Committee to revise the proceedings of this Convention, and publish such of them as they may think proper, and convey a number securely made up to each County, as soon as may be.
So ends this Convention.
Journal of the Maryland Convention, July 26 — August 14, 1775, in Archives of Maryland (edited by William Hand Browne, Baltimore, 1892), XI, 3-35 passim.
185. The Activities of the Continental Congress (1775)
BY DELEGATE RICHARD SMITH
Smith had been for years clerk of the New Jersey House of Representatives, and was a delegate from New Jersey to the first and second Continental Congresses. —Bibliography of Congress: Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 107-109; Frothingham, Rise of the Republic, ch. ix; Curtis, History of the Constitution, I, ch. ii; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 137. — Compare with earlier Congresses, Nos. 125, 141, 153 above.
TUESDAY, 12 September 1775. I attended at Congress for the first Time since the Adjornment. Mr Hancock having a Touch of the Gout there was no President in the Chair. The Colonies of New Hampshire and N Carolina absent as also sundry Members from other Colonies. Dr Franklin read several Letters recieved today by Capt Falkner from London and informed the Members that he had some Bales of Household Goods on Board of Falkner, desiring the Congress's Leave to land them, no Objection to it only Willing and John Rutledge thought it irregular to do Business without a President and it was referred. Mr Gadsden and others moved for an Adjornment to 10 Tomorrow, which was complyed with. 3 of the Georgia Delegates were present with Mr Peyton Randolph and the new Delegates from Virginia, their Credentials not yet delivered, and little Business hitherto done this session.
Wednesday 13th. Mr President (Hancock) in the Chair. The Credentials of the Georgia, Virginia and Maryland Delegates were read and accepted without any Objection, the Marylanders were the same as at the last Session. An Order was made that the Pennsa Delegates shall send off to Gen. Washington under a proper Guard, the remainder of his Money amounting in the whole to 700,000 Dollars, and they were at the same Time to send the Cloathing for Two Regiments lately seized at Philada. Duane and Rob. R. Livingston came today from the Indian Treaty at Albany, another Treaty is about to be held at Pittsburg. Dr Franklins Goods allowed to be landed, a great Number of Letters and Papers were read, some from Gen. Washington giving a particular State of his Army they want Powder and Money — some from Gen. Schuyler stating his Situation ; others from Col. Lewis Morris and Jas Wilson Dated at Fort Pitt recommending an Expedition agt Detroit to be conducted by Col. Arthur St. Clair — others from Gov. Trumbull and sundry more. Thursday 14 Septr . . . . The Georgia Delegates laid the Proceedings of their Provincial Convention before us cont'g a Petition to the King, another to certain Resolves and other Matters, and motioned for Leave to sell the Cargoes of Two Ships which were shipped without Knowledge of their Agreement of Non Importn, and motioned also for Exportation of certain Articles under certain Limitations, these Motions were op posed by Chase and J. Adams and supported by Nelson, Houstoun and Dr. Zubley, the latter out of Humor with Chase, the Consideration of it was put off till Tomorrow, the proposed Expedition to Detroit canvassed and disagreed to and various other Matters.
Friday 15 Septr . . . . the Affair of the Two Cargoes at Georgia referred from Yesterday, was largely agitated and in the End a Resolution drawn by Jay took place importing that the cargoes should be sold and the Proffits if any put into the Hands of the Georgia Convention or Comee of Safety to be applied in Defence of the Province, an incidental Matter took up some Time viz, Whether Mr Nelson should vote for Virginia he being the only Delegate present and whether any lesser Number than the Quorum shall represent any Colony. Mr. Nelson waved his Question, and the other went off without a Determination (since that Time no Colony votes without the Quorum present as limited by their Colony, some authorize 3. some 2 some one Delegate to give a Vote). Two of the Georgia Delegates are possessed of Homespun Suits of Cloaths, an Adornment few other Members can boast of, besides my Bror Crane and myself.
Saturday 16 Sepr. the greater Part of the Time lost in considering Whether One Officer in our Army may be allowed to hold Two Commissions it was postponed . . . .
Monday 18. Motion to appoint a Comee to procure 500 Ton of Gunpowder from abroad, together with 10,000 Stand of Arms 20,000 Gun Locks &c with power to draw on the Continental Treasury for the Amount, was carried by Vote, the Payment in Produce was opposed and the further Consideration postponed. Comee on the Accounts asked Direction how to settle them and the Matter left unsettled Motion by E. Rutledge to enlarge Col. Fenton a Prisoner in Connectt from New Hampshire, opposed by Langdon and deferred. . . .
Tuesday 19 Septr . . . . agreed to banish John Fenton to England at his own Request after considerable Debate. Dr Franklin the PostMaster General desired the Delegates of New Jersey to nominate Deputy Post-Masters throughout that Colony which we did accordingly. Wednesday 20. An Expedition is on Foot against the Kings Forces in Canada via Kennebec under Col. Arnold from Washingtons Camp at Cambridge. . . . Gen. Wooster with a considerable Detachment or dered to join Schuyler. this Morning a Letter in French was delivered to the President directed for Gen. Washington said to be from the Governor of Hispaniola. Whether the Letter shall be opened and whether by a select Comee or by the President, were made Questions, the general Opinion seemed to be that the President should open it and the Secretary (Charles Thomson) translate it and if of a public Nature that it should be laid before Congress but it was dropt. . . .
Thursday 21 Septr. On a Question Whether Col. Armstrong or Col. Fry shall be Brig. Gen. in the Room of Pomeroy retired, the Colonies were divided 6 against 6 — North Carn being absent, consequently there was no Appointment. . . .
Friday 22. — Andrew MacNair Doorkeeper's Accot. ordered to be paid. . . . Major Rogers ordered to be discharged if Nothing appears agt Him but being a Half Pay Officer, he was arrested by the Comee of Safety of Pennsylvania, a committee of 7 appointed by Ballot to consider the State of Trade in America. — Wm Shads Accot as Messenger ordered to be paid.
Saturday 23 Septr. a Letter from Thos Mifflin Quarter Master to the Army directed to Wm Barrell Mercht. was read, desiring Him to forward Cloathing for the Army, the Congress took that Subject into Consideration and appointed by Ballot a Comee of 5 to supply the Two Armies with Cloathing to the Amount of ₤5000 sterl'g, and allowed each Quarter Master 5P Cent for selling out to the Soldiers.
Monday 25. A Comee of 3 named to draw an Answer to Gen Washingtons Letters. . . . De Hart moved to restrict all Conventions and Assemblies from issuing any more Paper Money and to recall what they have done without Permission from hence, he was not seconded. On reading Wilson and Morris's Letters and other Papers Willing moved that the Congress would interfere in settling a temporary Line between Virginia and Pennsylvania, a Letter was read from the Delegates of those Two Colonies to the Inhabitants recomm'g Peace &c. several Orders of the King in Council Dated in June last relative to this Line were read.
Tuesday 26 Sepr. Comee brought in a Letter to Gen Washington, in the Course of it E Rutledge moved that the Gen. shall discharge all the Negroes as well Slaves as Freemen in his Army. he (Rutledge) was strongly supported by many of the Southern Delegates but so powerfully opposed that he lost the Point, the Question of the Lines between Pennn and Virginia agitated but Nothing determined, the Letters between Washington and Gage ordered to be published, then the Journal was read in Order for Publication and some Parts of it ordered not to be printed as improper for Public Inspection particularly all that was there about fortifying the Passes on Hudsons River and the Directions to the New Yorkers to arm themselves &c.
Wednesday 27. . . . the Journal continued to be read and various Parts ordered not to be published, as the Instructions to Gen Washn the Directions to the German Ministers &c. A Petition was read from Messrs. Purviance of Baltimore praying Leave to ship off a Cargo of Wheat which the late Storm prevented, refused and ordered to lie on the Table.
Thursday 28 Septr. No Congress, the Members dined by Invitation on Board of the RowGallies which sailed down to the Chevaux de Frize near Mud Island and up to Point no Point. I amused myself all the Morning in M. du Simitiere's curious Museum.
Friday 29. Letters from Gen. Washington with a Return of his Army, about 19,000 effective Men who are to be disbanded in Decr by the Terms of Inlistment, he prays Directions how to keep or raise an Army. Expenses run very high, great Want of Powder and Money. Chief Part of the Morn'g was spent on a Motion to send a Comee of the Congress to the Army to take proper Measures for the Winter Campaign, it passed in the Affirmative, some Powder said to be just arrived in Delaware our Comee were desired to purchase it. above 80 of our Men have deserted to Gen. Gage in the Course of this Campaign accord'g to Gen. Washns Dispatches.
Saturday 30 Septr. A Comee of 3, viz Harrison, Franklin and Lynch was appointed by Ballot to proceed to the Camp at Cambridge. . . .
[Wednesday, December 13.] . . . the Order for this day was to consider of giving Gen Washington Directions to storm Boston but various other Matters intervening it was put off till Tomorrow. Mc Kean informed the Congress that many Persons in Pennsa, Maryland and Jersey sell Tea and drink Tea upon a Report that Congress had granted Leave so to do and he doubted Whether the Committees had Power to restrain them, a Day was fixed for considering the Matter (in April 1776 the Congress gave Leave to sell and use what Tea was in the Country, forbidding any further Importation of it) — M. Crane went home, Living ston and myself remain, Kinsey and De Hart have lately resigned. . . . Friday Decr. 15. . . . Motion by Wilson that all Officers below a Major in the Continental Troops now raising in Pennsa shall be appointed by the several Committees of Correspondence and Observation was at length rejected and the Mode of Appointment there and in the Lower Counties settled. . . . Robert Morris moved that a Comee be nominated to consider of Ways and Means to bring in Gold and Silver and keep it in the Country, it is reported that Half Joes have already risen to ₤3-2-6, it was debated and postponed till Tomorrow. Col. Lee moved that George Mead & Co. of Philada may export from that City to Virginia 6000 Bushels of Salt and carry abroad Produce to the Amount from thence, opposed by Jay, Lewis and others and supported by Nelson, Wyth, Rob. Morris &c. it passed in the Affirmative 7 Colonies to 4 Comee on Public Accots reported a Number of Accounts which were allowed and ordered to be paid (the mode of Payment is the President signs an Order to the joint Treasurers Hillegas and Clymer and then they pay the Money) several other Motions and Matters, for these Memoirs only contain what I could readily recollect.
Saturday 16 Decr. . . . A Comee of 3 prepared a Speech to be delivered by the President to Capt White Eyes a chief of the Delaware Indians said to reside on the Muskingham, who was then introduced into the Congress accompanied by One of his Councellors and an Interpreter, the Chief was dressed in a good Suit of Blue Cloth with a Laced Hat and his Counsellor was wrapped in a Blanket, Capt White Eyes shook all the Members heartily by the Hand, beginning with the President and used the same Ceremony at his Departure, he stayed about an Hour, Our President delivered the Speech and the Chief answered by his Interpreter that he was well pleased to hear such a good Speech and meet his Brethren in the Grand Council Fire, that he would faithfully report to his Friends the kind Disposition of the Congress and proposed to stay in Town all Winter — he wanted a Clergyman, Schoolmaster and Blacksmith established among his People and said they inclined to embrace Christianity and a more civilized Way of Life. A Copy of the Congress's Speech was given to him when he withdrew, his Councellor said Nothing. . . .
Monday Decr. 18. ... An Express arrived from Montreal with Letters from Gen. Montgomery, Col. Arnold and others. Eleven Vessels are taken near Montreal by our people who have also seized Brig. Prescot who had caused all the Powder to be thrown overboard, but the Ships contain plenty of Provision. Ethan Allen is sent to England in Irons. Col. James Livingston is about to raise a Regiment of Canadians in our pay for One Year. Arnold is near Quebec but has not Men enough to surround it and his Powder so damaged, that he has only 5 Rounds apiece. Montgomerys Soldiers very disobedient and many of them come Home without Leave. Frauds discovered in some of his Officers. Gen. Washn in great Want of Powder and most of the Connectt Troops have left his Army. Accounts of a Skirmish in Virginia and great Preparations in England for an Invasion of Us in the Spring. We sat from 10 oCloc till the Dusk of the Evening.
Diary of Richard Smith in the Continental Congress, in American Historical Review (New York, etc., 1896), I, 289-296 passim.
186. A Call for Independence (1776)
BY THOMAS PAINE
For Paine, see No. 159 above. — Bibliography of independence : Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 255-262; Frothingham, Rise of the Republic, chs. v, vi, xi; Lecky, England, iii, 412-459; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 137. — For earlier suggestions of independence, see above, Nos. 122, 148, 153.
. . . L EAVING the moral part to private reflection, I shall chiefly confine my farther remarks to the following heads :
First, That it is the interest of America to be seperated from Britain.
Secondly, Which is the easiest and most practicable plan, reconciliation or independance? with some occasional remarks.
In support of the first, I could, if I judged it proper, produce the opinion of some of the ablest and most experienced men on this continent ; and whose sentiments, on that head, are not yet publicly known. It is in reality a self-evident position : For no nation, in a state of for eign dependance, limited in its commerce, and cramped and fettered in its legislative powers, can ever arrive at any material eminence. America doth not yet know what opulence is ; and although the progress which she hath made, stands unparalleled in the history of other nations, it is but childhood, compared with what she would be capable of arriving at, had she, as she ought to have, the legislative powers in her own hands. England is, at this time, proudly coveting what would do her no good, were she to accomplish it ; and the continent hesitating on a matter, which will be her final ruin if neglected. It is the commerce, and not the conquest of America, by which England is to be benefited, and that would in a great measure continue, were the countries as independant of each other as France and Spain ; because in many articles, neither can go to a better market. But it is the independance of this country on Britain or any other, which is now the main and only object worthy of contention, and which, like all other truths discovered by necessity, will appear clearer and stronger every day.
First. Because it will come to that one time or other.
Secondly. Because the longer it is delayed, the harder it will be to accomplish.
I have frequently amused myself both in public and private companies, with silently remarking the specious errors of those who speak without reflecting. And among the many which I have heard, the following seems the most general, viz. that had this rupture happened forty or fifty years hence, instead of now, the Continent would have been more able to have shaken off the dependance. To which I reply, that our military ability at this time, arises from the experience gained in the late war, and which in forty or fifty years time, would have been totally extinct. . . .
Should affairs be patched up with Britain, and she to remain the governing and sovereign power of America, (which as matters are now circumstanced, is giving up the point entirely) we shall deprive ourselves of the very means of sinking the debt we have, or may contract. The value of the back lands, which some of the provinces are clandestinely deprived of, by the unjust extension of the limits of Canada, valued only at five pounds sterling per hundred acres, amount to upwards of twenty five millions, Pennsylvania currency ; and the quit-rents at one penny sterling per acre, to two millions yearly. . . .
I proceed now to the second head, viz. Which is the easiest and most practicable plan, Reconciliation or Independance ; with some occasional remarks.
He who takes nature for his guide, is not easily beaten out of his argument, and on that ground, I answer generally, That Independance being a single simple line, contained within ourselves ; and reconciliation, a matter exceedingly perplexed and complicated, and in which, a treacherous capricious court is to interfere, gives the answer without a doubt.
The present state of America is truly alarming to every man who is capable of reflection. Without law, without government, without any other mode of power than what is founded on, and granted by courtesy. Held together by an unexampled concurrence of sentiment, which, is nevertheless subject to change, and which, every secret enemy is endeavouring to dissolve. Our present condition, is, Legislation without law ; wisdom without a plan ; a constitution without a name ; and, what is strangely astonishing, perfect Independance, contending for dependance. The instance is without a precedent ; the case never existed before ; and who can tell what may be the event? The property of no man is secure in the present unbraced system of things. The mind of the multitude is left at random, and seeing no fixed object before them, they pursue such as fancy or opinion starts. Nothing is criminal ; there is no such thing as treason ; wherefore, every one thinks himself at liberty to act as he pleases. The Tories would not have dared to assemble offensively, had they known that their lives, by that act, were forfeited to the laws of the state. A line of distinction should be drawn, between English soldiers taken in battle, and inhabitants of America taken in arms. The first are prisoners, but the latter traitors. The one forfeits his liberty, the other his head. . . .
Put us, say some, upon the footing we were on in sixty-three. . . .
To be on the footing of sixty-three, it is not sufficient, that the laws only be put on the same state, but that our circumstances, likewise be put on the same state ; our burnt and destroyed towns repaired or built up, our private losses made good, our public debts (contracted for defence) discharged ; otherwise we shall be millions worse than we were at that enviable period. Such a request, had it been complied with a year ago, would have won the heart and soul of the Continent, but now it is too late. "The Rubicon is passed."
Besides, the taking up arms, merely to enforce the repeal of a pecuniary law, seems as unwarrantable by the divine law, and as repugnant to human feelings, as the taking up arms to enforce the obedience thereto. The object, on either side, doth not justify the means ; for the lives of men are too valuable, to be cast away on such trifles, It is the violence which is done and threatened to our persons ; the destruction of our property by an armed force ; the invasion of our country by fire and sword, which conscientiously qualifies the use of arms : And the instant, in which such a mode of defence became necessary, all subjection to Britain ought to have ceased ; and the independancy of America, should have been considered, as dating its æra from, and published by, the first musket that was fired against her. This line is a line of consistency ; neither drawn by caprice, nor extended by ambition ; but produced by a chain of events, of which the colonies were not the authors. I shall conclude these remarks, with the following timely and well intended hint. We ought to reflect, that there are three different ways, by which an independancy may hereafter be effected ; and that one of those three, will one day or other, be the fate of America, viz. By the legal voice of the people in Congress ; by a military power ; or by a mob : It may not always happen that our soldiers are citizens, and the multitude a body of reasonable men ; vertue, as I have already remarked, is not hereditary, neither is it perpetual. Should an independancy be brought about by the first of those means, we have every opportunity and every encouragement before us, to form the noblest purest constitution on the face of the earth. We have it in our power to begin the world over again. A situation, similar to the present, hath not happened since the days of Noah until now. The birth day of a new world is at hand, and a race of men, perhaps as numerous as all Europe contains, are to receive their portion of freedom from the event of a few months. The reflection is awful and in this point of view, how trifling, how ridiculous, do the little paltry cavillings, of a few weak or interested men appear, when weighed against the business of a world. . . .
In short, Independance is the only Bond that can tye and keep us together. We shall then see our object, and our ears will be legally shut against the schemes of an intriguing, as well as a cruel enemy. We shall then too be on a proper footing to treat with Britain ; for there is reason to conclude, that the pride of that court will be less hurt by treating with the American states for terms of peace, than with those she denominates "rebellious subjects," for terms of accommodation. It is our delaying it that encourages her to hope for conquest, and our backward ness tends only to prolong the war. As we have, without any good effect therefrom, withheld our trade to obtain a redress of our grievances, let us now try the alternative, by independantly redressing them ourselves, and then offering to open the trade. The mercantile and reasonable pait in England will be still with us ; because, peace with trade, is preferable to war without it. And if this offer is not accepted, other courts may be applied to. On these grounds I rest the matter. And as no offer hath yet been made to refute the doctrine contained in the former editions of this pamphlet, it is a negative proof, that either the doctrine cannot be refuted, or, that the party in favour of it are too numerous to be opposed. Wherefore, instead of gazing at each other with suspicious or doubtful curiosity, let each of us hold out to his neighbour the hearty hand of friendship, and unite in drawing a line, which, like an act of oblivion, shall bury in forgetfulness every former dissention. Let the names of Whig and Tory be extinct ; and let none other be heard among us, than those of a good citizen, an open and resolute friend, and a virtuous supporter of the rights of mankind and of the free and independant states of America.
[Thomas Paine], Appendix to Common Sense ; appended to Common Sense: addressed to the Inhabitants of America. . . . Written by an Englishman (Philadelphia, 1776), 66-71 passim.
187. Difficulties in Framing a State Constitution (1776)
New Hampshire was the first colony to draw up a constitution. This piece illustrates the foundation of the system of formal state constitutions. — Bibliography : Winsor, Narrative and Critical History VI, 268-274; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 143. — Compare with earlier colonial governments, Part III above.
In Congress, at Exeter, January 5, 1776.
WE, the Members of the Congress of the Colony of New-Hampshire, chosen and appointed by the free suffrages of the people of said Colony, and authorized and empowered by them to meet together, and use such means, and pursue such measures, as we should judge best for the publick good ; and, in particular, to establish some form of Government, provided that measure should be recommended by the Continental Congress ; and a recommendation to that purpose having been transmitted to us, from the said Congress, have taken into our serious consideration the unhappy circumstances into which this Colony is involved, by means of many grievous and oppressive acts of the British Parliament, depriving us of our native and constitutional rights and privileges ; to enforce obedience to which acts, a powerful fleet and army have been sent into this country by the Ministry of Great Britain, who have exercised a wanton and cruel abuse of their power, in destroying the lives and properties of the Colonists, in many places with fire and sword, taking the ships and lading from many of the honest and industrious inhabitants of this Colony employed in commerce, agreeable to the laws and customs a long time used here. The sudden and abrupt departure of his Excellency John Wentworth Esq., our late Governour, and several of the Council, leaving us destitute of Legislation ; and no Executive Courts being open to punish criminal offenders, whereby the lives and properties of the honest people of this Colony, are liable to the machinations and evil designs of wicked men :
Therefore, for the preservation of peace and good order, and for the security of the lives and properties of the inhabitants of this Colony, we conceive ourselves reduced to the necessity of establishing a form of Government, to continue during the present unhappy and unnatural contest with Great Britain ; protesting and declaring that we never sought to throw off our dependance upon Great Britain, but felt ourselves happy under her protection, while we could enjoy our constitutional rights and privileges, and that we shall rejoice if such a reconciliation between us and our parent state, can be effected as shall be approved by the Continental Congress, in whose prudence and wisdom we confide.
Accordingly, pursuant to the trust reposed in us, we do
Resolve, That this Congress assume the name, power, and authority of a House of Representatives or Assembly, for the Colony of New-Hampshire. And that said House then proceed to choose twelve persons, being reputable freeholders and inhabitants within this Colony, in the following manner, viz : Five in the County of Rockingham ; two in the County of Strafford; two in the County of Hillsborough ; two in the County of Cheshire ; and one in the County of Grafton, to be a distinct and separate branch of the Legislature, by the name of a Council for this Colony, to continue as such until the third Wednesday in December next ; any seven of whom to be a quorum to do business.
That such Council appoint their President ; and in his absence, that the senior Counsellor preside.
That a Secretary be appointed by both Branches, who may be a Counsellor, or otherwise, as they shall choose.
That no act or resolve be valid, and put into execution, unless agreed to and passed by both branches of the Legislature.
That all publick officers for the said Colony, and each County, for the current year, be appointed by the Council and Assembly, except the several Clerks of the Executive Courts, who shall be appointed by the Justices of the respective Courts.
That all Bills, Resolves, or Votes for raising, levying, and collecting Money, originate in the House of Representatives. That at any sessions of the Council and Assembly, neither Branch shall adjourn for any longer time than from Saturday till the next Monday, without consent of the other.
And it is further Resolved, That if the present unhappy dispute with Great Britain should continue longer than this present year, and the Continental Congress give no instructions or directions to the contrary, the Council be chosen by the people of each respective County, in such manner as the Council and House of Representatives shall order.
That General and Field-Officers of the Militia, on any vacancy, be appointed by the two Houses, and all inferior Officers be chosen by the respective Companies.
That all Officers of the Army be appointed by the two Houses, except they should direct otherwise, in case of any emergency.
That all Civil Officers for the Colony, and for each County, be appointed, and the time of their continuance in office be determined by the two Houses, except Clerks of Courts, and County Treasurers, and Recorders of Deeds.
That a Treasurer, and a Recorder of Deeds, for each County, be annually chosen by the people of each County respectively ; the votes for such officers to be returned to the respective Courts of General Sessions of the Peace in the County, there to be ascertained as the Council and Assembly shall hereafter direct.
That Precepts, in the name of the Council and Assembly, signed by the President of the Council, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, shall issue, annually, at or before the first day of November, for the choice of a Council and House of Representatives, to be returned by the third Wednesday in December, then next ensuing, in such manner as the Council and Assembly shall hereafter prescribe.
A true copy. Attest :
We, the subscribers, chosen by the people of several Towns in the Colony of New-Hampshire, to represent them in the Congress of said Colony, held at Exeter, on the 21st day of December, 1775. beg leave to enter and dissent to, and protest against the present plan of taking up Government, for the following reasons :
First. That the vote of the Continental Congress countenancing the same, was obtained by the unwearied importunity (both within doors and without) of our Delegates there, as appears by their letter. Second. That the said vote does not appear to have been unanimous ; but, we have reason to think, far otherway.
Third. Because the Colonies of New-York and Virginia, which are in similar circumstances with us, are much larger and more opulent, and we presume much wiser, to whom we would wish to pay all due deference, have not attempted any thing of the kind, nor, as we can learn, ever desired it.
Fourth. Because we have no ground on which to pretend to make a Council, as our neighbours of the Massachusetts, who act by charter, never vacated on any legal trial.
Fifth. Because it appears assuming for so small and inconsiderable a Colony to take the lead in a matter of so great importance.
Sixth. Because our constituents never expected us to make a new form of Government, but only to set the Judicial and Executive wheels in motion.
Seventh. Because the Congress, as such, could have done what was necessary, and their power could not be enlarged by any act of their own.
Eighth. Because the expense of the Colony is greatly augmented thereby.
Ninth. Because it appears to us to be absolutely setting up an independency on the mother country.
[12 signatures.]
Peter Force, American Archives, Fourth Series (Washington, 1843), IV, 998-1000.
188. Drafting of the Declaration of Independence (1776)
Jefferson, then thirty-three years of age, was a delegate from Virginia to the Continental Congress, later governor of Virginia, member of the Congress of the Confederation, ambassador to France, secretary of state, vice-president, and president. — Bibliography of Jefferson: Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VII, 303-307; H. B. Tompkins, Bibliotheca Jeffersoniana ; Henry Adams, United States, I-III; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 167. — See above, No. 186.
IN Congress, Friday June 7. 1776. The delegates from Virginia moved in obedience to instructions from their constituents that the Congress should declare that these United colonies are & of right ought to be free & independent states, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them & the state of Great Britain is & ought to be, totally dissolved ; that measures should be immediately taken for procuring the assistance of foreign powers, and a Confederation be formed to bind the colonies more closely together. . . .
It appearing in the course of these debates that the colonies of N. York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and South Carolina were not yet matured for falling from the parent stem, but that they were fast advancing to that state, it was thought most prudent to wait a while for them, and to postpone the final decision to July 1. but that this might occasion as little delay as possible a committee was appointed to prepare a declaration of independence. The commee were J. Adams, Dr. Franklin, Roger Sherman, Robert R. Livingston & myself. Committees were also appointed at the same time to prepare a plan of confederation for the colonies, and to state the terms proper to be proposed for foreign alliance. The committee for drawing the declaration of Independence desired me to do it. It was accordingly done, and being approved by them, I reported it to the house on Friday the 28th of June when it was read and ordered to lie on the table. On Monday, the 1st of July the house resolved itself into a commee of the whole & resumed the consideration of the original motion made by the delegates of Virginia, which being again debated through the day, was carried in the affirmative by the votes of N. Hampshire, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, N. Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, N. Carolina, & Georgia. S. Carolina and Pennsylvania voted against it. Delaware having but two members present, they were divided. The delegates for New York declared they were for it themselves & were assured their constituents were for it, but that their instructions having been drawn near a twelvemonth before, when reconciliation was still the general object, they were enjoined by them to do nothing which should impede that object. They therefore thought themselves not justifiable in voting on either side, and asked leave to withdraw from the question, which was given them. The commee rose & reported their resolution to the house. Mr. Edward Rutledge of S. Carolina then requested the determination might be put off to the next day, as he believed his colleagues, tho they disapproved of the resolution, would then join in it for the sake of unanimity. The ultimate question whether the house would agree to the resolution of the committee was accordingly postponed to the next day, when it was again moved and S. Carolina concurred in voting for it. In the meantime a third member had come post from the Delaware counties and turned the vote of that colony in favour of the resolution. Members of a different sentiment attending that morn ing from Pennsylvania also, their vote was changed, so that the whole 12 colonies who were authorized to vote at all, gave their voices for it ; and within a few days, the convention of N. York approved of it and thus supplied the void occasioned by the withdrawing of her delegates from the vote.
Congress proceeded the same day to consider the declaration of Independance which had been reported & lain on the table the Friday preceding, and on Monday referred to a commee of the whole. The pusillanimous idea that we had friends in England worth keeping terms with, still haunted the minds of many. For this reason those passages which conveyed censures on the people of England were struck out, lest they should give them offence. The clause too, reprobating the enslaving the inhabitants of Africa, was struck out in complaisance to South Carolina and Georgia, who had never attempted to restrain the importation of slaves, and who on the contrary still wished to continue it. Our northern brethren also I believe felt a little tender under those censures; for tho their people have very few slaves themselves yet they had been pretty considerable carriers of them to others. The debates having taken up the greater parts of the 2d 3d & 4th days of July were, in the evening of the last, closed the declaration was reported by the commee, agreed to by the house and signed by every member present except Mr. Dickinson. . . . the sentiments of men are known not only by what they receive, but what they reject also. . . .
Thomas Jefferson, Writings (edited by Paul Leicester Ford, New York, etc., 1892), I, 18-29 passim.
189. Difficulties in Framing Articles of Confederation (1776)
REPORTED BY DELEGATE JOHN ADAMS
It was the intention of Congress to frame Articles of Confederation at the same time as the Declaration of Independence; but the difficulties which are illustrated in this piece delayed the completion of the draft till November, 1777; and the quarrel over the Virginia land claim (No. 205 below) prevented ratification till March 1, 1781
(No. 209 below). — Bibliography: Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 274; Frothingham, Rise of the Republic, ch.xi; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 142. — Compare earlier forms of federation, Contemporaries, I, Nos. 129, 131, and No. 125 above.
[July 30, 1776.] CHASE. Moves that the word "white," should be inserted in the eleventh Article. The negroes are wealth. Numbers are not a certain rule of wealth. It is the best rule we can lay down. Negroes a species of property, personal estate. If negroes are taken into the computation of numbers to ascertain wealth, they ought to be, in settling the representation. The Massachusetts fisheries, and navigation, ought to be taken into consideration. The young and old negroes are a burthen to their owners. The eastern Colonies have a great advantage in trade. This will give them a superiority. We shall be governed by our interests, and ought to be. If I am satisfied in the rule of levying and appropriating money, I am willing the small Colonies should have a vote.
Wilson. If the war continues two years, each soul will have forty dollars to pay of the public debt. It will be the greatest encouragement to continue slave-keeping, and to increase it, that can be, to exempt them from the numbers which are to vote and pay. Slaves are taxables in the Southern Colonies. It will be partial and unequal. Some Colonies have as many black as white ; these will not pay more than half what they ought. Slaves prevent freemen from cultivating a country. It is attended with many inconveniences.
Lynch. If it is debated, whether their slaves are their property, there is an end of the confederation. Our slaves being our property, why should they be taxed more than the land, sheep, cattle, horses, &c.?
Freemen cannot be got to work in our Colonies ; it is not in the ability or inclination of freemen to do the work that the negroes do. Carolina has taxed their negroes ; so have other Colonies their lands.
Dr. Franklin. Slaves rather weaken than strengthen the State, and there is therefore some difference between them and sheep ; sheep will never make any insurrections.
Rutledge. I shall be happy to get rid of the idea of slavery. The slaves do not signify property ; the old and young cannot work. The property of some Colonies is to be taxed, in others, not. The Eastern Colonies will become the carriers for the Southern ; they will obtain wealth for which they will not be taxed.
August 1. Hooper. North Carolina is a striking exception to the general rule that was laid down yesterday, that the riches of a country are in proportion to the numbers of inhabitants. A gentleman of three or four hundred negroes don't raise more corn than feeds them. A laborer can t be hired for less than twenty-four pounds a year in Massachusetts Bay. The net profit of a negro is not more than five or six pounds per annum. I wish to see the day that slaves are not necessary. Whites and negroes cannot work together. Negroes are goods and chattels, are property. A negro works under the impulse of fear, has no care of his master's interest.
Article 17. Dr. Franklin moves that votes should be in proportion to numbers. Mr. Middleton moves that the vote should be according to what they pay.
Sherman thinks we ought not to vote according to numbers. We are representatives of States, not individuals. States of Holland. The consent of every one is necessary. Three Colonies would govern the whole, but would not have a majority of strength to carry those votes into execution. The vote should be taken two ways ; call the Colonies, and call the individuals, and have a majority of both.
Dr. Rush. Abbé Raynal has attributed the ruin of the United Provinces to three causes. The principal one is, that the consent of every State is necessary ; the other, that the members are obliged to consult their constituents upon all occasions. We lose an equal representation ; we represent the people. It will tend to keep up colonial distinctions. We are now a new nation. Our trade, language, customs, manners, don't differ more than they do in Great Britain. The more a man aims at serving America, the more he serves his Colony. It will promote factions in Congress and in the States ; it will prevent the growth of freedom in America ; we shall be loth to admit new Colonies into the confederation. If we vote by numbers, liberty will be always safe. Massachusetts is contiguous to two small Colonies, Rhode Island and New Hampshire ; Pennsylvania is near New Jersey and Delaware ; Virginia is between Maryland and North Carolina. We have been too free with the word independence ; we are dependent on each other, not totally independent States. Montesquieu pronounces the confederation of Lycia, the best that ever was made ; the cities had different weights in the scale. China is not larger than one of our Colonies ; how populous ! It is said that the small Colonies deposit their all ; this is deceiving us with a word. I would not have it understood that I am pleading the cause of Pennsylvania ; when I entered that door, I considered myself a citizen of America. Dr. Witherspoon. Representation in England is unequal. Must I have three votes in a county, because I have three times as much money as my neighbor? Congress are to determine the limits of Colonies.
G. Hopkins. A momentous question ; many difficulties on each side ; four larger, five lesser, four stand indifferent. Virginia, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Maryland, make more than half the people. Connecticut, New York, two Carolinas, not concerned at all. The disinterested coolness of these Colonies ought to determine. I can easily feel the reasoning of the larger Colonies ; pleasing theories always gave way to the prejudices, passions, and interests of mankind. The Germanic Confederation. The King of Prussia has an equal vote.
The Helvetic confederacy. It can't be expected that nine Colonies will give way to be governed by four. The safety of the whole depends upon the distinctions of Colonies.
Dr. Franklin. I hear many ingenious arguments to persuade us that an unequal representation is a very good thing. If we had been born and bred under an unequal representation, we might bear it ; but to set out with an unequal representation, is unreasonable. It is said the great Colonies will swallow up the less. Scotland said the same thing at the union.
Dr. Witherspoon rises to explain a few circumstances relating to Scotland ; that was an incorporating union, not a federal ; the nobility and gentry resort to England.
In determining all questions, each State shall have a weight, in proportion to what it contributes to the public expenses of the United States.
August 2. "Limiting the bounds of States, which by charter, &c. extend to the South Sea."
Sherman thinks the bounds ought to be settled. A majority of States have no claim to the South Sea. Moves this amendment to be substituted in place of this clause, and also instead of the fifteenth article ; — "No lands to be separated from any State, which are already settled, or become private property."
Chase denies that any Colony has a right to go to the South Sea.
Harrison. How came Maryland by its land, but by its charter? By its charter, Virginia owns to the South Sea. Gentlemen shall not pare away the Colony of Virginia. Rhode Island has more generosity than to wish the Massachusetts pared away. Delaware does not wish to pare away Pennsylvania. Huntington. Admit there is danger from Virginia, does it follow that Congress has a right to limit her bounds? The consequence is, not to enter into confederation. But as to the question of right, we all unite against mutilating charters. I can't agree to the principle. We are a spectacle to all Europe. I am not so much alarmed at the danger from Virginia as some are ; my fears are not alarmed ; they have acted as noble a part as any. I doubt not the wisdom of Virginia will limit themselves. A man s right does not cease to be a right, because it is large ; the question of right must be determined by the principles of the common law.
Stone. This argument is taken up upon very wrong ground. It is considered as if we were voting away the territory of particular Colonies, and gentlemen work themselves up into warmth upon that supposition. Suppose Virginia should. The small Colonies have a right to happiness and security ; they would have no safety if the great Colonies were not limited. We shall grant lands, in small quantities, without rent or tribute or purchase-money. It is said that Virginia is attacked on every side. Is it meant that Virginia shall sell the lands for their own emolument? All the Colonies have defended these lands against the King of Britain, and at the expense of all. Does Virginia intend to establish quit rents? I don't mean that the United States shall sell them, to get money by them.
Jefferson. I protest against the right of Congress to decide upon the right of Virginia. Virginia has released all claims to the land settled by Maryland, &c.
John Adams, Works (edited by Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1850), II, 496-502.
190. Falling-off of the Character of Congress (1778)
BY COLONEL ALEXANDER HAMILTON
For Hamilton, see above, No. 173.— Bibliography of Congress: Curtis, History of the Constitution, I, 125-131; Charming and Hart, Guide, §§ 136, 142.
[February 13 1778.] THERE is a matter, which often obtrudes itself upon my mind, and which requires the attention of every person of sense and influence among us ; I mean a degeneracy of representation in the great council of America. It is a melancholy truth, Sir, the effects of which we daily see and feel, that there is not so much wisdom in a certain body as there ought to be, and as the success of our affairs absolutely demands. Many members of it are no doubt men, in every respect, fit for the trust ; but this can not be said of it as a body. Folly, caprice, a want of foresight, comprehension, and dignity, characterize the general tenor of their actions. Of this, I dare say, you are sensible, though you have not perhaps so many opportunities of knowing it as I have. Their conduct, with respect to the army especially, is feeble, indecisive, and improvident ; insomuch that we are reduced to a more terrible situation than you can conceive. False and contracted views of economy have prevented them, though repeatedly urged to it, from making that provision for officers, which was requisite to interest them in the service. This has produced such carelessness and indifference to the service, as is subversive of every officer-like quality They have disgusted the army by repeated instances of the most whimsical favoritism in their promotions ; and by an absurd prodigality of rank to foreigners, and to the meanest staff of the army. They have not been able to summon resolution enough to withstand the impudent importunity and vain boasting of foreign pretenders ; but have manifested such a ductility and inconstancy in their proceedings, as will warrant the charge of suffering themselves to be bullied by every petty adventurer, who comes armed with ostentatious pretensions of military merit and experience. Would you believe it, Sir? it is become almost proverbial in the mouths of the French officers and other foreigners, that they have nothing more to do, to obtain whatever they please, than to assume a high tone, and assert their own merit with confidence and perseverance. These things wound my feelings as a republican more than I can express, and in some degree make me contemptible in my own eyes.
America once had a representation, that would do honor to any age or nation. The present falling off is very alarming and dangerous. What is the cause? and How is it to be remedied? are questions that the welfare of these States requires should be well attended to. The great men, who composed our first council, — are they dead, have they deserted the cause, or what has become of them? Very few are dead, and still fewer have deserted the cause ; they are all, except the few who still remain in Congress, either in the field or in the civil offices of their respective States ; far the greater part are engaged in the latter. The only remedy then is to take them out of these employments, and return them to the place where their presence is infinitely more important.
Each State, in order to promote its own internal government and prosperity, has selected its best members to fill the offices within itself, and conduct its own affairs. Men have been fonder of the emoluments and conveniences of being employed at home ; and local attachment, falsely operating, has made them more provident for the particular interests of the States to which they belonged, than for the common interests of the confederacy. This is a most pernicious mistake, and must be corrected. However important it is to give form and efficiency to your interior constitutions and police ; it is infinitely more important to have a wise general council ; otherwise a failure of the measures of the Union will overturn all your labors for the advancement of your particular good, and ruin the common cause. You should not beggar the councils of the United States to enrich the administration of the several members. Realize to yourself the consequences of having a Congress despised at home and abroad. How can the common force be exerted, if the power of collecting it be put in weak, foolish, and unsteady hands? How can we hope for success in our European negotiations, if the nations of Europe have no confidence in the wisdom and vigor of the great Continental government? This is the object on which their eyes are fixed; hence it is, America will derive its importance or insignificance in their estimation.
You and I had some conversation, when I had the pleasure of seeing you last, with respect to the existence of a certain faction. Since I saw you, I have discovered such convincing traits of the monster, that I cannot doubt its reality in the most extensive sense. I dare say you have seen and heard enough to settle the matter in your own mind. I believe it unmasked its batteries too soon, and begins to hide its head ; but, as I imagine it will only change the storm to a sap, all the true and sensible friends to their country, and of course to a certain great man, ought to be upon the watch, to counterplot the secret machinations of his enemies.
George Washington, Writings (edited by Jared Sparks, Boston, 1834), V, Appendix, 508-509.