Asoka - the Buddhist Emperor of India/Chapter 5
CHAPTER V
The Pillar Edicts and Miscellaneous Inscirptions
SECTION 1
The Seven Pillar Edicts
EDICT I
THE PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT
(Bühlers ed. of the series with facs. in Ep Ind. ii. (1894), pp. 245-74. The various texts are mostly well preserved, and in substantial agreement for Edicts I—VI. Edict VII is extant in one text only.)
Thus saith His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the Kill:—
'When I had been consecrated twenty-six years I caused this scripture of the Law of Piety to be written.
Both this World and the next are difficult to secure save by intense love of the Law of Piety, intense self-examination, intense obedience, intense dread, intense effort. However, owing to my instructions, this yearning for the Law of Piety, this love of the Law from day to day, have grown and will grow.
My Agents, too, whether of high, low, or middle rank, themselves conform to my teaching and lead others in the right way—fickle people must be led in the right way—likewise also the Wardens of the Marches. For this is the rule: "protection by the Law of Piety, regulation by that Law, felicity by that Law, guarding by that Law."'
Comment
In the Pillar Scripture recorded at a late date in his reign Asoka continues, develops, and reviews the instructions which he had first recorded in his thirteenth regnal year. His principles had not changed, and many things said before are repeated. This first Pillar Edict may be regarded as a preamble or introduction to the series. Senart treats it as being specially addressed to the imperial officials, but to me it seems intended for more general application by all concerned, official or non-official. The text and translation present no difficulties, except that there is room for some difference of opinion concerning the shade of meaning of some of the terms. Parîkahâ (palikkâ) is rendered 'self-examination,' the paṭivekke of P. E. III. Bühler translates 'circumspection,' and Senart, in conformity with his notion that officials only are addressed, translates 'surveillance rigoureuse.'
The Word pulisâ, literally 'men,' translated 'agents,' here occurs for the first time. It may be intended to include all the superior officials, or, more probably, it may refer to special supervising officers, like the missi dominci of Charlemagne. The term recurs in P. E. IV and VII. The latter passage, if Bhandarkar's probable emendation be accepted, would seem to distinguish the pulisâ from the 256 vyâthas of Minor R. E. I.
The 'Wardens of the Marches,' aṁtta-mahwmâtâ, or 'High Officers of the Frontiers,' also have not been heard of before by name, although Asoka had laid down in the Kalinga Borderers' Edict the principles which should guide frontier officers.
Compare Charlemagne's Markgrafen (Bryce, The Holy Roman Empire, p. 68). 'Fickle people,' chapalaṁ, with the secondary sense of 'ill—behaved' or 'sinners.' 'Protection,' pâlanâ; 'guarding,' gotî. All those terms admit of slight variations in translation.
EDICT II
THE ROYAL EXAMPLE
Thus saith His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the King:—
'"The Law of Piety is excellent." But wherein consists the Law of Piety? In these things, to wit, little impiety, many good deeds, compassion, liberality, truthfulness, purity.
The gift of spiritual insight I have given in manifold Ways; whilst on two-footed and four—footed beings, on birds and the denizens of the waters, I have conferred various favours, even unto the boon of life; and many other good deeds have I done.
For this my purpose I have caused this scripture of the Law of Piety to be written, that men may walk after its teaching and that it may long endure. And he who will thus follow its teaching will do well.'
Comment
The edict presents no serious difficulty. Ẩsinare is a technical term, like the Jain aṇhaga, best rendered by 'impiety.' See the next edict. It is the exact contrary of dhaṅma. 'Good deeds,' kayânâni, Sauskrit kalyâṇâi. Compare kalaṇa-kramasaas a translation of εὐεργέτου on a coin of Telephos. A pious Buddhist does not regard himself as an 'unprofitable servant,' but frankly boasts of his good deeds. 'Nothing was so calming to a. man's soul as to think of even one deed he had done well in his life' (Fielding Hall, The Soul of a People, p. 296). See R. E. V and P. E. VII. Bühler explained the true meaning of chaku—dâne as 'the gift of spiritual insight,' and pointed out that the metaphorical use of cakhu (chakshus) is common to both Hindus and Buddhists. Compare dhaṁmma-dâne in R. E. XI.
EDICT III
SELF-EXAMINATION
Thus saith His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the King:—
'A man sees only his good deed and says, "This good deed has been done by me." In no wise does he see his ill deed (or "sin") and say, "This ill deed have I done, this act called impiety."
Difficult, however, is self-examination of this kind.
Nevertheless, a man should see to this that brutality, cruelty, anger, pride, jealousy, are the things leading to impiety, [and should say], "By reason of these may I not fall."
This is chiefly to be seen to—"The one course avails me for the present world, the other course avails me also for the world to come .
Comment
This document is easily understood. The word 'impiety,' âsinave, connects it closely with the preceding edict.
'Brutality' is Rhys Davids's rendering of chaṁdiye.
'Self-examination,' paṭivekhe, seems to mean nearly the same thing as parîkshâ in P. E. II. 'Also,' mana, is Michelson's translation.
EDICT IV
THE POWERS AND DUTIES OF GOVERNORS
Thus saith His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the King:—
'When I had been consecrated twenty-six years I caused this scripture of the Law of Piety to be written.
To my Governors set over many hundred thousands of people I have granted independence in the award of honours and penalties in order that the Governors confidently and fearlessly may perform their duties. bestow welfare and happiness upon the people of the country, and confer favours upon them.
They will ascertain the causes of happiness or unhappiness, and through the subordinate officials of the Law of Piety will exhort the people of the country so that they may gain both this world and the next.
My Governors, too, eager to serve me; my Agents, also, acknowledging my will, shall serve me, and they, too, on occasion, will give exhortations so that the Governors will be eager to win me.
For, just as a man, having made over his child to a skilful nurse, feels confident and says to himself, "The skilful nurse is eager to care for the happiness of my child," even so my Governors have been created for the welfare and happiness of the country, with intent that fearlessly, confidently, and quietly they may perform their duties. For that reason I have granted to my Governors independence in the award of honours and penalties.
Forasmuch as it is desirable that there should be uniformity in judicial procedure and uniformity in penalties, from this time forward my rule is this:—
"To condemned men lying in prison under sentence of death a respite of three days is granted by me."
[During that interval] the relatives in some cases will arrange for a revision in order to save their lives, or in order to obtain a revision will give alms with a view to the next world, or will observe fasting.
For my desire is that even when their time is irrevocably fixed they [the, condemned] may gain the next world, while among the people various pious practices may increase, including self-control and liberality.'
Comment
The meaning of this rather difficult edict, which had been discussed and iuisunderstood for many years, has now been cleared up to my satisfaction in all essential points. It deals with two subjects, the independent discretion vested in the Governors (Râjâkas), and the reprieve of three days granted to convicts lying under sentence of death.
As to the Râjûkas, I believe that the word is etymologically connected with Râja, and that Bühler's notion of its relation to rajiu, a measuring rope, was mistaken. Considering the extent of those officers’ powers over hundreds of thousands of subjects, and the unfettered discretion allowed to them, the rendering 'Governors' is preferable to 'Commissioners.' I understand that the rank of Râjûka had long existed, and that Asoka's innovation consisted in granting them extensive powers without the necessity of obtaining sanction for particular acts by reference to the Crown. The designation Râjûka does not occur in the Arthaśâsta.
The imperfectly understood term 'Agents' (pulisâ) recurs here. We cannot at present define the exact position of those olfficers.
'Confidently, and quietly,’ Michelson's rendering, is, I think, right.
'Uniformity,' samatâ, as Senart, not 'equity,' as Bühler 'Judicial procedure,' viyohâla, is indicated by the context as the correct translation here. Bühler preferred the more general words 'official business,' and is supported by Kalinga Provincials' Edict, where viyohâlika seems to mean 'administrators' rather than 'judges,' although the latter rendering is not excluded.
In interpreting the last two paragraphs I have been helped by the remarks of Thomas in J. R. A. S., 1916, pp. 120-3. I venture to think that my version gives the real meaning. If a revision should be granted, the convicts would save their lives. If it should be refused, both they and their relations would at any rate gain spiritual advantages. I take it that the Râjûkas were empowered and required to grant invariably the three days' delay before execution. That interpretation connects the two subjects discussed in the document.
EDICT V
REGULATIONS RESTRICTING SLAUGHTER AND MUTILATION OF ANIMALS: JAIL DELIVERIES
Thus saith His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the King:—
'When I had been consecrated twenty—six years the following species [or "creatures"] were declared exempt from slaughter, namely these:—parrots, starlings, (?) adjutants, "Brahmany ducks," geese, nandîmukhas, gelâtas, bats, queen-ants, female tortoises, "boneless fish," vedaveyakas, gangâpuputakas, (?) skate, river tortoises, porcupines, tree squirrels, (?) bârahsingha stags, "Brahmany bulls," (2) monkeys, rhinoceros, grey doves, Village pigeons, and all four-footed animals which are neither utilized nor eaten.
She-goats, ewes, and sows, that is to say, those which are with young or in milk, are exempt from slaughter, as well as their offspring up to six months of age.
The caponing of cocks must not be done.
Chaff must not be set on fire along with the living things in it.
Forests must not be set on fire either wantonly or for the destruction of life.
The living must not be fed with the living.
At each of the three seasonal full moons and at the full moon of Tishya (December—January) for three days in each case, namely, the fourteenth and fifteenth days of the first fortnight and the first day of the second fortnight, as well as on fast-days throughout the year, fish is exempt from slaughter, and must not be sold.
On the same days in elephant-forests and fish—ponds other classes of animals whatsoever are not to be destroyed.
On the eighth, fourteenth, and fifteenth days of each fortnight, as well as on the Tishya and Punarvasu days, on the full-moon days of the three seasons, and on festivals, the castration of bulls must not be performed, nor may he—goats, rams, boars, or other animals liable to castration be castrated.
On the Tishya, Punarvasu, and seasonal full-moon days, and during the fortnights of the seasonal full-moons the branding of horses and oxen must not be done.
During the period that elapsed until I had been consecrated twenty—six years twenty-five jail deliveries have been effected.'
Comment
My former translation stands, except for slight verbal emendations. The animals, of which the names remain untranslated, have not been identified.
The code of regulations, although based on ancient Brahmanical practices, bears the impress of Asoka’s personal decisions. It applied to the whole empire. R. E. I was concerned only with the animals previously slaughtered for the royal kitchen and for the distribution of meat doles at merry-makings. The legislator does not attempt to forbid either the killing of animals generally, or the use of meat and fish for food. He contents himself with hampering and restricting those practices by stringent regulations which must have been extremely oppressive (ante, p. 57). It is probable that the existence of such an irritating code may have had. much to do with the break-up of the Maurya empire after Asoka's death.
The identity of the animals mentioned has been discussed at length by Bühler (Ep. Ind., ii. pp. 2 59-61); and by Manmohan Chakravarti in his monograph, 'Animals in the Inscriptions of Piyadasi' (Mem. A. S. B., vol. i (1906), pp. 861-74). My translation gives the results, certain or probable. 'Female tortoises,' ḍuḷi (not duḍi as previously read, Lüders). 'Monkeys' seems to be the most plausible rendering of okapiṁde. The creature is said to have been a thief of monks' rations, a character which suits the monkey best. 'Grey doves,' setakapote, the whitish-grey dove, common in some parts of India (Columba (?) spec.). 'Village-pigeons,' the common 'blue-rock' (Columba intermedia), which frequents wells, mosques, &c.
'Utilized,' for their skins or in other ways.
'Caponing,' forbidden as a practice not essential, and intended merely to improve the flavour of the flesh.
'Chaff,' as that lying on a threshing-floor, sometimes burnt to get rid of vermin. 'Forests.' Burma supplies an illustration. 'During the progress [of the first rise of the river] some hunters went to one of these islands where many deer were to be found, and set fire to the grass to drive them out of cover, shooting them as they came out' (Fielding Hall, The Soul of a People, p. 299).
'The living must not be fed with the living;' as hawks with the blood of living pigeons, a. cruel practice said to be still in vogue. Other cases readily occur to the mind.
For elephant-preserves, see the rules in Arthaśâstra, Bk. ii, chap. 2, 31. Asoka no doubt had a 'superintendent of elephants,' as his predecessors had. 'Fish-pond,' keraṭabhoge, a piece of water reserved for the use of the Kewats or fishermen. The close days for fish amounted to fifty-six in the year.
'Castration,' an unholy,although necessary operation. I-tsing asserts that 'the Buddha did not allow even castration' (transl. Takakusu, p. 197). 'The Hindus of Bengal, before the Muhammedan conquest, are said never to have castrated the bull. In fact, I found that any questions on this subject were exceedingly disagreeable, and that although the landlords and their agents tolerated the practice in the Muhammedans and impure tribes, yet they considered it as very illegal and disgraceful, and not fit to be mentioned' (Buchanan in Martin, Eastern India, 1838, vol. ii. p. 891). 'Branding,' of cattle, see Araśâstra, Bk. ii, chap. 29; 23nd for the ancient practice in Ceylon, see Ceylon Nut. Review, 1907, p. 334.
As to Tishya days and the seasons see comment on Kalinga Borderers' Edict. 'Punarvasu' is the seventh lunar asterism or nakskutra. Bühler (loc. cit.) discusses the subject fully.
The Arthaśâstra, Bk. i, chap. 26, headed 'The Superintendent of Slaughter-house' (transl, p. 152), gives a. list of protected animals, which agrees with that of Asoka in exempting from slaughter the 'Brahmany duck,' parrot, starling, and goose, among the creatures specified.
The same chapter enacts that 'cattle such as a calf, a bull, or a milch cow shall not be slaughtered.' But other cows might be killed and eaten. Book ii, chap. 29 (transl., p. 160) expressly mentions cattle that are fit only for the supply of flesh.' The reader will hardly fail to observe that horned cattle, cows included, are not included in Asoka's list of protected animals. There is, as is well known, abundant evidence that the meat of such beasts was largely used in ancient India. In 326 b. c. the king of Taxila gave Alexander '3,000 oxen fatted for the shambles.' See the valuable paper by W. Crooke, 'The Veneration of the Cow in India' (Folk-Lore, Sept. 1912. pp. 275-306). The Maurya documents are of special interest as marking at a definite period a transitional stage in the cult of the cow.
The final paragraph of the edict shows that Asoka was in the habit of releasing prisoners once a year, presumably on his birthday; i. e. 'the day to which his birth—star is assigned,' as phrased in Arthaśâstra, Bk. ii, chap. 36 (transl., p. 185). That text enumerates nine occasions or reasons which would justify the release of prisoners, the first being the king's birthday.
The whole document, except for the failure to identify some of the animals named, is now completely understood, and the translation may be accepted as correct.
EDICT VI
THE NECESSITY FOR A DEFINITE CREED
Thus saith His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the King:—
'When I had been consecrated twelve years I caused a scripture of the Law of Piety to be written for the welfare and happiness of mankind, with the intent that they, giving up their old courses, might attain growth in piety, one way or another.
Thus, aiming at the welfare and happiness of mankind, I devote my attention alike to my relatives, to persons near, and to persons afar off, if haply I may guide some of them to happiness, and to that end I make my arrangements.
In like manner I devote my attention to all communities, because all denominations are reverenced by me with various forms of reverence. Nevertheless, personal adherence to one’s own creed is the chief thing in my opinion.
When I had been consecrated twenty-six years I had this scripture of the Law of Piety written.'
Comment
This short edict, reasserting the doctrine of R. E. IV and XII, offers few difficulties. My former translation stands without substantial change. The elliptic phrase, taṁ apahata, is construed in accordance with Bühler's view. Senart renders 'taking away some part of the teaching.' 'Arrangements;' this clause was accidentally omitted from Büh1er's version. The indefinite term nikâyu is best rendered by 'communities,' equivalent to 'denominations,' and not by 'corporations,' as Bühler, or 'the whole body of my officers,' as Senart. Compare R. E. XIII. The Pâli Kośa defines nikâya as a 'body of co-religionists,’ while kula means a community of persons related by birth or caste. Sajâtinaṁ tu kulaṁ, nikâyo tu sadharmṁaṁ(Bhagwân Lâl, J. Bo. Br. Rut. S., xii. 408).
'Personal adherence;' my version follows Senart, in preference to Bühler, who renders 'the approach through one's own free will' of one sect to another.
Subject to the differences of opinion noted, the whole edict is completely understood, and my version may be accepted as satisfactory.EDICT VII
REVIEW OF ASOKA'S MEASURES FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE LAW OF PIETY IN HIS EMPIRE
I. Thus saith His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the Kin:—
'The kings who lived in times past desired that men might grow with the growth of the Law of Piety. Men, however, did not grow with the growth of the Law of Piety in due proportion.'
II. Concerning this thus saith His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the King:—
'This [thought] occurred to me:—In times past kings desired that men might grow with the growth of the Law of Piety in due proportion; men, however, did not in-due proportion grow with the growth of the Law.
By what means, then, can men be induced to conform? by what means can men grow with the growth of the Law of Piety in due proportion? by what means can I lift up at least some of them through the growth of that Law?'
III. Concerning this thus saith His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the King:—
'This [thought] occurred to me:—
"Proclamation of the Law of Piety will I proclaim; with instruction in that Law will I instruct; so that men heankening thereto may conform, lift themselves up, and mightily grow with the growth of the Law of Piety."
For this my purpose proclamations of the Law of Piety have been proclaimed; instructions in that Law of many kinds have been disseminated; my [?] missioners, likewise my Agents set over the multitude, will expound and expand my teaching.
The Governors, also, set over many hundred thousands of souls have received instructions—"In such and such a manner expound my teaching to the body of subordinate officials of the Law.” ’
IV. Thus saith His Sacred and Gracious Majesty:—
'Considering further the same purpose, I have set up pillars of the Law, appointed Censors (High Officers) of the Law, and made a proclamation of the Law.'
V. Thus saith His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the King:—
'On the roads, too, I have had banyan-trees planted to give shade to man and beast; groves (or "gardens") of mango-trees I have had planted; at every half-kôs I have had wells dug; rest-houses, too, have been erected; and numerous watering-places have been provided by me here and there for the enjoyment of man and beast.
A small matter, however, is that so-called enjoyment.
With various blessings has mankind been blessed by former kings, as by me also; by me, however, with the intent that men may conform to the Law of Piety, has it been done even as I thought.'
VI. Thus saith His Sacred and Gracious Majesty:—
‘My Censors (or “High Officers”) of the Law of Piety, too, are employed on manifold objects of the royal favour affecting both ascetics and householders, and are likewise employed among all denominations. On the business of the Church, too, they are employed, as well as among the Brahmans and Jains are they employed. Similarly, they are employed among the Jains; among miscellaneous sects, too, are they employed.
The High Officers of various kinds shall severally superintend their respective charges, Whereas the High Offcers of the Law of Piety (Censors) are employed both on such things and also among other denominations.'
VII. Thus saith His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the King:—
'Both these and many other officers, heads of departments, are employed in the distribution of alms, both my own and those of the Queens; and in all my female establishments both here [scil. "at the capital"] and in the provinces they indicate in divers ways sundry places where satisfaction may be given.
Those same ofliccrs are also employed in the distribution of the alms of my sons, and likewise of the other Princes, sons of the Queens, in order to promote the practice of the Law of Piety and conformity to that Law.
The practice of the Law of Piety and the conformity referred to are those whereby compassion, liberality, truth, purity, gentleness, and saintliness will thus grow among mankind.
VIII. Thus saith His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the King:—
'Whatsoever meritorious deeds have been done by me, those deeds mankind will conform to and imitate, whence follows that they have grown and will grow in the virtues of hcarkening to father and mother, hearkening to teachers (or "elders"), reverence to the aged, and seemly treatment of Brahmans and ascetics, of the poor and wretched; yea, even of slaves and servants.'
IX. Thus saith His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the King:—
'Among men, however, when the aforesaid growth of piety has grown, it has been effected by twofold means, to wit, by regulations of the Law of Piety and by reflection. Of these two, however, regulations of the Law are of small account, whereas reflection is superior.
Nevertheless, regulations of the Law of Piety have been made by me to the effect that such and such species are exempt from slaughter, not to speak of numerous other regulations of the Law of Piety which have been made by me.
Yet the superiority of reflection is shown by the growth of piety among men and the more complete abstention from killing animate beings and from the sacrificial slaughter of living creatures.
So for this purpose has this been recorded, in order that my sons and descendants (lit. "great grandsons") may conform thereto, and by thus conforming may win both this World and the next.
When I had been consecrated twenty-seven years I had this scripture of the Law Written.'
X. Concerning this His Sacred Majesty saith:—
'This scripture of the Law of Piety, wheresoever pillars of stone or tables of stone exist, must there be reco1-ded so that it may long endure.'
Comment
General.—This edict, the longest and most important of the whole collection, is extant only on a single monument, the Delhi-Topra pillar. Part, which is inscribed all round the shaft, used to be erroneously described as a separate edict, No. VIII. The text, happily, is almost perfect, and the difficulties of interpretation are few. Many of the ideas and phrases, being repeated from the earlier inscriptions, have been sufficiently explained already. The subject is a comprehensive review of Asoka's religious efforts within his empire up to the twenty-eighth year of his reign. Although he lived some nine or ten years longer, and certain minor inscriptions to be noticed presently belong to. those years, no later precise date is recorded.
Asoka, who speaks in his own person, divided his review into ten sections, each prefaced by the formula 'Thus saith His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the King,' slightly abbreviated in some cases. All persons concerned are addressed, whether officials or the general public. In my last edition I expressed surprise that no mention is made of the foreign missions, but I now perceivetbe reason for the omission to be that the emperor, who was addressing only his own subjects, confined himself to recounting the principal measures which he had taken for propagating Dhaṁma, or the Law of Piety, throughout his dominions. Evidently he wished to record what he had done for his own people, and did not feel called upon to treat of his dealings with foreign states. The general observations upon propaganda in Section III may be understood as including the foreign missions.
Section I recites the failure of former kings to teach or enforce the Law of Piety. In Section II Asoka formulates his desire to do better, and in Section III enumerates the arrangements made by him for instruction in the Law. Section IV recalls his appointment of special High Officers for the teaching and enforcement of the Law of Piety (Censors), the erection of pillars, and the formal proclamation of his doctrine.
In Section V the sovereign summarizes his efforts to promote the comfort of travellers, adding that, after all, mere enjoyment is a small matter. Section VI explains the nature of the duties entrusted to the Censors. Section VII deals with the Royal Almoner’s Department. In Section VIII, as in P. E. II, Asoka expounds the efficacy of the royal example. Section IX, while admitting that detailed regulations, such as those of RE. V, have their uses, asserts the doctrine that reflection on the moral law is far superior to formal rules issued in order to enforce that Law. The tenth and concluding section directs that effective measures should be taken to secure the publication and perpetuation of the imperial scripture of the Law by having it incised upon pillars and tables of stone, wherever such might be available. When P.E. VII was published P. E. l—VI must have been already incised on the various columns now surviving, and others also; but, for some unknown reason, the seventh edict was not multiplied by copies, so far as appears. Of course, it is possible that copies no longer extant may have existed, and it is further not altogether improbable that another copy of this edict may yet be discovered. I believe that many more Asoka inscriptions are in existence.
The style of the review, although marred by tiresome repetitions, is not devoid of dignity. Certain details remain to be elucidated.
Section I. Asoka’s predecessors are described simply as Râjâs. The use of the plural inflexion shows that he alludes to more than two.
Section III. It is better to translate sâavaâni by 'proclamations' than by 'sermons' or 'precepts.'
The words (?) 'my missioners' are in accordance with a brilliant conjecture of D. R. Bhandarkar, who fills up a small lacuna by the word vyûthâ(vyuthâ) instead of the unsuitable yathci supplied by Büler. The emendation is not in conflict with the facsimile (Ind. Ant. xiii (1884), p. 310, where there seems to me to be an indication of x, not y'); gives good sense, which yathâ does not; and is supported by the use of the word vyâthâ in Mino R.E. I. I think the emendation almost certain, and adopt it (ibid., vol. xli (1912), p. 172). There is no doubt that, as Senart pointed out, P. E. VII is intimately connected by this passage with Minor R. E. I.
The Agents (pulisâ) would seem to have been special superintending emissaries sent out by Asoka, as the missi dominici were by Charlemagne.
Section IV. The reference to 'a proclamation' in the singular may be to the maxim 'Let small and great exert themselves,' which is quoted in Minor R. E. 1.
Section V. 'Half-kôs,' aḍhakosikyâni. Fleet, in opposition to all other commentators, argued that aḍha here must be taken to represent ashṭa, 'eight,' and not âdha, 'half.' I consulted Dr. Michelson, who replied: 'It is not absolutely impossible that aḍha means "8," as we find libi for lipi; but in view of Kâlsî atha, it is highly improbable. I, for one, still consider aḍha means "half."' We may now also compare the form diyaḍhiya, '1½' in the new Maski edict, corresponding with the Hindi deṛh. Further, in the Runimindêî Pillar inscription (post) aṭha undoubtedly represents ashṭa, 'eight.' Whatever may have been the exact length of Asoka's kôs, he certainly dug his wells at intervals of half a kôs. In many cases they may have been merely earthen wells, without masonry, or they may have been cheaply lined with terra-cotta tiles.
Section VI. The special functions of the Censors, as differentiated from other High Officers, are emphasized.
Section VII. 'Heads of departments' seems to be the correct rendering of mukhâ (J. R. A. .S., 1915, p. 97). 'Sundry places where satisfaction may be found.' The phrase, which is obscure, is supposed to mean 'opportunities for charity,' but I am not quite satisfied.
The Queens (devî) may have been four, as later in Burma.Asoka sharply distinguishes between the Princes, sons of the lawful Queens, and his offspring by women of lower degree. One of the Princes is known to have been named Tivara (Queen's Edict).
Section IX. 'Reflection,' as Mr. Thomas has shown, is the best rendering of njhati (J. R. A. S., 1916, p. 122), meaning 'reflection on the dhaḿma and heartfelt acceptance of its principles.
'Sun and moon endure.' The phrase, which became a commonplace in later land grants, recurs in the Cave Inscriptions (post).
The whole edict, save for the small exceptions noted above, is fully intelligible, and the translation may be accepted as sound. The variations from my earlier version are mostly designed to give greater precision.
SECTION 2
The Four Minor Pillar Edicts
1. THE SÂRNÂTH EDICT
THE PENALTY OF SCHISM
(Ed. with good facsimile by Vogel, Ep. Ind. viii, p. 168.)
[Thus saith] His Sacred [and Gracious] Majesty [the King]:—
(I) '[Both] at Pâṭa[liputra and in the provinces, His Sacred Majesty instructs the High Oflicers that] the Church may not be rent in twain by any person. ... Whosoever, be it monk or be it nun, shall mislead [1it. "deflect"] the Church shall be vested in white garments and compelled to dwell in an external residence. Thus should this order be made known, both in the congregation of the monks and in the congregation of the nuns.'
(II) Thus saith His Sacred Majesty:—
'One copy of this order (sâsane) accessible to you has been posted in the saḿsaraṇa. See. that you have another copy posted so as to be accessible to the lay—disciples. Those lay-disciples, too, on every fast-day must make themselves acquainted with this ordinance (sâane). On every fast-day throughout the year the High Officers must attend the fast-day service in order to make themselves acquainted and familiar with the.order. And so far as your jurisdiction extends you must, in accordance with this text, everywhere carry out the expulsion. Similarly, in all fortified towns and Districts you must see that the expulsion is effected according to the text.’
Comment
This edict, discovered in the cold season of 1904-5, unfortunately is mutilated in the first three lines. It is to be read with the help of the still more damaged Sânchi and Kauśâmbî Edicts dealing with the same subject, and its meaning is partially elucidated by the discussion of Minor R. E. i.
The Kauśâmbî Edict shows that the persons primarily addressed must have been the High Officers, presumably the Dhaṁma-Mahâmâtâ, or Censors, who were to make it their business to suppress schism in the Buddhist Church or Saṁgha. Schism was one of the deadly sins of Buddhism, a kappathikam kibbisam, 'a sin enduring for a kalpa or aeon,' coupled with matricide, parricide, murder of a saint, and the wounding of a Buddha. It may be compared with the αἰώνιον ἁμάρτημα, the 'eternal sin' of Mark iii. 29, in Revised Version (Edmunds, Buddhist and Christian Gospels, 4th ed., vol. ii, pp. 228, 229). In the civil guilds and corporations which flourished extensively in ancient India, ‘the mischief-maker who stirred up discord (bheda-kârî) was similarly punished by expulsion. Brihaspati lays down the rule that ‘an acrimonious or malicious man, and one who causes dissension or does violent acts, or who is inimically disposed towards the guild (śrenî), association (pûga), or the king shall be instantly expelled from the town or the assembly of the corporation.'
Asoka takes upon himself as Head of the Church to eliminate schismatics and maintain ecclesiastical unity among both monks and nuns. No definite indication of the date of this edict can be discerned, but it is certainly la.ter than the Pillar Edicts, as is proved by the Kauśâmbi replica. I am inclined to associate its issue with the traditional Council of Pâṭaliputra, which is not mentioned in the review of pious acts recorded in P.E. VII. I assume, therefore, that the Council, which was assembled to correct the evils caused by schism, took place at some time in the last nine or ten years of Asoka's life. The syllables Pâṭa-, surviving at the beginning of line 3, can mean nothing but Pâṭaliputra and suggest that the orders must have been in the first instance directed to the High Officers of the imperial capital.
The edict, it will be observed, comprises two sections or distinct documents, each introduced by the customary formula, 'Thus saith,' &c.
The flrst section prescribes the penalty for schism. The schismatic was to be ‘unfrocked’ by being deprived of the monastic yellow robe and compelled to assume white garments like the laity. His expulsion from the holy society was further to be marked by his exclusion from the monastic precincts and his enforced dwelling in a 'non-residence' (anâvâsa), which I translate as 'an external residence.' 'Mislead' (or 'deflect') renders bhokhati, now recognized rightly as the true reading. The root is bhuj, in the sense of 'bending.'
The meaning of the first section, so far as it is extant, may be regarded as clear and finally settled.
The second section, dealing with the publication and enforcement of the imperial decree, has excited much difference of opinion, and the interpretation is not yet unanimously accepted.
The saṁsaraṇa certainly meant a place, a building of some sort, but whether it should be translated 'office’ or 'cloister,' or otherwise, nobody knows exactly. Aṁtikaṁ is fairly rendered as 'in an accessible position,' or simply 'accessible.'
The fast-days were four in each month.
'Acquainted with;' the word visraṁsayitare is from the root śvas.
The meaning of âhâle (âhâra) as 'jurisdiction' is now settled. Early attempts at interpreting it as 'food' made nonsense of the whole document.
The causal vivâsayâtha and the double causal vivâsâpayâthâ are interpreted by some scholars as referring to the 'sending out,' 'circulation,' or 'publication' of the text, and in my last edition that view was adopted. Now I prefer to agree with Mr. F. W. Thomas (J. R. A. S., 1915, p. 112) and to regard the words as meaning 'expel.' The double causal is needed with reference to the 'fortified towns' and 'Districts,' because each such jurisdiction was in charge of a locally autonomous chief, whether a Râjâ or an official, but probably the former. For 'forts' see Arthaśâstra, Bk. ii, chap. 3, 4.
The general purport of the second section of the edict is clearly ascertained, although the details above noted are still unsettled.
2. THE KAUSÂMBÎ EDICT
THE SAME SUBJECT; THE PENALTY OF SCHISM
(Facsimile and transcript in Ind. Ant., xix (1890), pp. 125, 126.)
The first line clearly reads that
'His Sacred Majesty, [Devânaṁpi]ye, commands the High Officers of Kosambi.'
The second line contains the word saṁgha.
The third and fourth lines enact that
'Whosoever, be it monk or be it nun, shall mislead the Church, shall be vested in white garments and compelled to dwell in an external residence.'
Comment
This short, imperfect, and much mutilated record exists on the Allahabad Asoka pillar, where it is mixed up with and defaced by later inscriptions. Cunningham was the first person to note its existence. It was engraved below the text of P. E. I—IV, and is followed by the Queen's Edict. Both of the short inscriptions evidently were added after the incision of the six P. E., but the precise date cannot be fixed. As the document is a replica of the first part of the Sârnâth Edict, it shows that that ordinance also must be later in date than the 28th regnal year, when the main series of P. E. was published.
The pillar originally stood at Kauśâmbi (Kosaṁbi), but was removed to Allahabad, probably in the fourteenth century by Fîrôz Tughlak. The Jain town of Kauśâmbí is represented by Kosam in the Allahabad Distiict. The Buddhist Kanśâmbî may be identified with the Yana- or 'forest' Kauśâmbî of Pâṇini (see Fleet in J. R. A. S., 1907, p. 511, note). It was distant seven days' journey through 'a great desert waste' from Praâg or Allahabad, and must have stood at or near Barhut (Bharhut), as proved by me in J. R. A. S., 1898, pp. 507-19. The Allahabad pillar presumably came from that site and not from Kosam.3. THE SÂNCHÎ EDICT
THE SAME SUBJECT; THE PENALTY OF SCHISM
(Facsimile in Ep. Ind., ii, plate facing p. 369; and transcript, not quite correct, ibid., p. 367.)
I avail myself of Professor Hultzsch's corrected reading and translation in J. R. A. S., 191 1, pp. 167-9. His version is:—
… 'path is prescribed both for the monks and the nuns.
As long as (my) sons and great-grandsons (shall reign and) as long as the sun and moon (shall shine), the monk or nun who shall cause divisions in the Saringha should be caused to put on white robes and to reside in a non-residence. For what is my desire? That the Samgha may be united and of long duration.'
Comment
This mutilated record on a broken column at Sânchî has been known since Prinsep's time. It is now seen to be a replica, although not an exact verbal copy, of part of the Sârnâth edict. But I would not render bhokhati by 'cause divisions,' as Hultzsch does. The order probably was addressed to the High Officers of a town at or near Sânchî.
4. THE QUEEN’S EDICT
THE DONATIONS OF THE SECOND QUEEN
(Good facsimile and transcript in Ind. Ana, xix (1890), p. 125.)
According to the words of His Sacred Majesty, the High Officers everywhere are to be addressed:—
"Whatever gift has been given here by the Second Queen—be it a mango-garden, or pleasure-grove, or almshouse, or aught else—is reckoned as proceeding from that queen."
[Thus is the request] of the Second queen, the Karuvaki, mother of Tîvara.'
Comment
SECTION 3
The Commemorative Inscriptions on the Pillars in the Tarai
I. THE RUMMINDÊÎ INSCRIPTION
ASOKA'S VISIT TO THE BIRTHPLACE OF BUDDHA
FACSIMILE
TRANSLITERATION
- Devānapiyena piyadasina lājina vīsativasābhisitena
- atana āgācha mahīyite hida budhe jāte sakyamunīti
- silā vigaḍabhīchā kālāpita silāthabhecha usapāpite
- hida bhagavaṁ jāteti luṁminigāme ubalikekaṭe
- athabhagiyecha
Asoka's Inscription at Rummindêî
[From impression taken by Dr. Führer]
'By His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the King when he had been consecrated twenty years, having come in person and reverence having been done—inasmuch as "Here was born Buddha, the sage of the Sâkyas"—a stone bearing a horse was caused to be made and a stone pillar was erected.
Inasmuch as "Here the Holy One was born," the village of Lurḿmini was released from religious cesses and required to pay [only] one-eighth as land revenue.'
Comment
This curious record, discovered in 1896 and perfectly preserved, has been the subject of much discussion. Several of the important words are not known to occur elsewhere. The purpose of the inscription is to record Asoka's visit to the birthplace of Gautama Buddha, and also the favours which he was pleased to bestow on the village of Lurinnini. In the revised translation I l1ave retained the construction of the text at some sacrifice of elegance. I follow Charpentier in taking mahîyite as a locative absolute, 'reverence having been done' and in holding that the puzzling 'vigaḍabhîchâ must signify 'bearing a horse,' or something to that effect. The pillar is known to have been once surmounted by the effigy of a horse. That animal was regarded in northern India as the guardian of the west, and in Ceylon as the guardian of the south. Similarly, the lion watched over the north in both countries; the elephant over the south in northern India, and over the east in Ceylon; while the bull or ox was guardian of the east in northern India, and of the west in Ceylon. All the four creatures appear on Asoka columns. (V. A. Smith, Z. D. M. G., 1911, p. 238. For Dr. Charpentier's views see Ind. Ant, xliii (1914). pp. 17-20.)
Bali, as shown by the Arthaśâtra, meant specially, but not exclusively, religious cesses. Bhâga meant ‘land-revenue' of modern official language, mill in Persian, the crown's share of the produce. Thus, in Arthaśâstra, Bk. ii, chap. 12 (transl., p. 9), shaḍbhâga means ‘one-sixth of the produce paid as landrevenue.' Consequently, ashṭa (aṭha) bhâga means 'one-eighth of the produce paid-as land-revenue.' The boon conferred on Luiinnini clearly was that the village had to pay only on eighth of its produce as land-revenne. If Asoka was in the habit of taking one-fourth, the concession amounted to the remission of half the assessment. The proportion taken by the government varied at different times and places. One-sixth was the normal approved rate, but one-fourth was common. Akbar claimed a third, and the Kashmir kings extracted a half. Probably Asoka ordinarily took one—fourth and in Lumṁini remitted half of that. The Arthaśâstra makes the interpretation of the word aṭhabhagiye certain.
It will be observed that the record does not claim to have been incised by royal command. Presumably it was both drafted and engraved by a local authority to commemorate Asoka’s visit and the favours conferred by him on that occasion.
Lummini is now Rummindêî, also called Rummindêî, a small hamlet named after the shrine of Rummindêî, 'the goddess of Rnmmin.' The little modern shrine (Early History of India, 3rd ed., plate facing p. I68) seems to mark the exact traditional birthplace. The Asoka pillar is only a few yards distant. I have visited the spot twice. It is four miles inside the Nepalese frontier, a little to the west of the Tilâr river (Hiuen Tsang's 'river of oil'), and approximately in 85° 11′ E. long., 25° 58′ N. lat. Paḍaria is a neighbouring village. The identification of the site is beyond doubt. The pillar has been broken by lightning and the horse capital has not been found. Luṁmini in the Mâgadhî dialect represents Rummini.
The phrases 'Here was born Bnddha, the sage of the Sâkyas,' and 'Here the Holy One was born' are quotations. The latter is put by tradition in the mouth of Upagupta, Asoka's guide on his pilgrimage or 'pious tour'. See chap. vii post andR. E. VIII.
Bhagavṁ (Bhagavân) is perhaps best rendered by 'the Holy One' (Schrader, J.R.A.S., 1911, p. 194). The date of the inscription is approximately 249b.c.
2. THE NIGLÎVA PILLAR INSCRIPTION
ASOKA'S VISIT TO THE STÛPA OF KONÂKAMANA
(Facsimile and transcript, Ep. Ind., v. pp. 4–6.)
'His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the King. when he had been consecrated fourteen years, enlarged for the second time the stûpa of Buddha Konâkamana; and, when he had been consecrated [twenty years], having come in person, did reverence, and erected [a stone pillar].'
Comment
This imperfect inscription evidently must be assigned to the same year as the Rummindêî inscription, and must mark another stage in the imperial 'pious tour.' It seems to have been drafted by the author of its companion record. It is incised on a broken pillar now lying on the bank of an artificial lake about thirteen miles in a north-westerly direction from Rummindêî. I have visited the spot. The pillar, which once stood beside the stûpa of Konâkamana, has been moved a few miles from its original position, which is not known exactly. Führer's pretended identification is forgery. He published many falsehoods about the locality. On the probable sites of the towns and stupas of the 'previous Buddhas,' Konâkamana and Krakuchanda, see my discussion in the Prefatory Note to Mukhurji's Report on the Antiquities in the Tarai, Nepâl, Calcutta, 1901, p. 16.
The inscription, brief and mutilated though it is, has much importance for the history of Buddhism. It proves the early existence of the cult of the 'previous Buddhas' and the fact of Asoka's persistent devotion to them as well as to Gautama Buddha. It may be that the cult of the 'previous Buddhas' and, consequently, Buddhism itself originated in the sub-Himalayan tract now called the Nepalese Tarâi centuries before the time of Gautama Buddha. The subject deserves investigation.
SECTION 4
The Cave Dedications of Asoka in the Barâbtr Hills, and of his grandson Dusaratha in the Nigirjuni Hills, Bihâr.
(Fact. and ed. of all by Būhler in Ind. Ant, xx (1891), p. 361.)
1. THE ASOKA DEDICATIONS
I. THE BANYAN-TREE OR SUDÂMA CAVE
'This Banyan—tree cave was granted to the Âjîvikas by the King's Grace (lajinâ Piyadainá) when he had been consecrated twelve years.'
2. THE KHALATIKA OR VIŚVA-JH0PRî CAVE
A ‘This cave in the Khalatikei Hill was granted to the Âjîvikas by the King's Grace, when he had been consecrateal twelve years.'
3. THE SUPIYâ OR KARŅA-CHAUPÂR CAVE
'The King’s Grace (lâjâ Piyadasi), when he had been consecrated nineteen years, granted the (?) Supiyâ Cave in the (2) Khalatika Hill for as long as sun and moon endure.'
Comment
For brief notice of the caves and the Âjîvika sect of ascetics, see ante, pp. 134, 135.
The second inscription is almost perfect; the first is damaged; and the third is almost illegible.
The script is somewhat cursive.
Two approximately contemporary inscriptions, discovered by Mr. V. H. Jackson in 1913 and 1914, give the name of the hill as Gorathargiri, which occurs in Mbh., Sabhâ Parva, xx, 30 (Madras text). The name Khalatika is found in the Vârttika. to Pâṇini, i. 2, 52. The new inscriptions consist simply of the name Gorathagiri incised twice on the rocks near the Asoka caves. The final vowel is uncertain (J. B. 0. Res. Soc., vol. i (1915), pp. 159-71, with plates).B. THE DASARATHA DEDICATIONS
1. THE VAHIYAKÂ CAVE
'The Vahiyakâ Cave was assigned by Dasaratha, His Sacred Majesty (Devânaṁ piyenâ), immediately after his consecration, to the venerable. Âjîvikas, for as long as sun and moon endure.'
2. THE GOPIKÂ CAVE
The text and translation agree with No. 1, except for the name of the cave.
3. THE VAḌATHIKÂ CAVE
The text and translation agree with No. 1, except for the name of the cave.
Comment
Dasaratha, a grandson of Asoka, succeeded his grandfather in the eastern provinces about 232 b.c. It would seem that the empire was divided, another grandson, Samprati, obtaining the western provinces. The position of the title Devânaṁpiyena after the proper name is so unusual that Fleet suggested as a grammatically possible rendering, 'Dasaratha, immediately after his consecration by His Sacred Majesty,' which would imply the accession of the grandson during his grandfather's lifetime. In the Maski inscription We find Devânaṁpiyasa Asokasa. The script is more cursive than that of most of the Asoka records. The facsimile of inscription No. I is reproduced in the Oxford History of India, p. 117. The text of that document is almost perfect; the others are more or less blurred,but all are legible.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
Of the principal modern references to the inscriptions.
N.B.—0ld and obsolete references omitted; for full list to 1902 see R. Otto Franke, Pāli und Sanskrit (Strassburg, 1902).
A. General.
Cunnigham, Sir A., Inscriptions of Asoka (Caleutta, 1877), chiefly useful now for topographical details: Senart, Émile, Les 1nscriptions de Piyadasi (Paris, 1881, 1888); still indispensable, although based upon faulty texts: V. A. Smith, Early History of India, 3rd ed., 1914; and 'Asoka Notes' (12) in Ind. Ant, 1903, 1905, 1908, 1909, 1910, 1918: F. W. Thomas, 'Notes on the Edicts of Asoka.' in J. R. A. S., 1914, 1915, 1919. Publication of the revised official edition of the inscriptions by Prof. E. Hultzch has been suspended and indefinitely delayed by the war.
B. Minor Rock Edicts.
(1) The three Siddâpura. (Mysore) texts. Bühler, Ep. Ind., iii, pp. 135-42, with facs., transcript, and ed.: Rice, Facs. and transcripts of all three in Ep. Carnatica (Bangalore, 1909), vol. xi; and facs. of Brahmagiri text only in Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions (London, 1909).
(2) The three northern texts, Rûpnâth, Sahasrâm, Bairât. Revised facs. and ed. by Bühler, Ind. Ant, vol. xxii (1893), pp. 299-306: Senart and Grierson, transcripts and discussion, Ind. Ant., vol. xx (1891), p. 154: D. R. Bhandarkar, Ind. Ant., vol. xli (1912), p. 170: numerous papers by Fleet, Hultzch, and F. W. Thomas in J. R. A. S., 1903, 1904, 1908. 1909, 1910, 1911, 1912, 1913, 1916: Thomas, J. As.,Mai—Jnin, 1910: S. Lévi, ibid., Jan.—Fév., 1911. The discussion is connected on some points with that of the Minor P. E.
(3) Maski text. Ed. with plates by Yazdani in Hyderabad Archaeol. Series, No. I, Calcutta, I915 : commented on by Rice, J. R. A. S., 1916, p. 838.
C. The Bhâibrû (Bhâbrâ) Edict.
Burgess, Facs. in J. As., 1887: Senart and Grierson, Revised ed. and version, Ind. Ant., vol. xx (189m), p. 165: various authors—5 notes in J. R.A. S., 1901: S. Lévi, 'Note-s,' J. As., Mai—Juin, 1896: Hultzch, J.R.A.S., 1909, p. 727; 1911, pp. 1113-17: B. M. Barna, ibid., 1915, p. 805: Prof. Dharmananda Kosambi and Lanman, Ind. Ant., vol. xli (1912), p. 37: Sailendranath Mitra, ibid., vol. xlviii (1919), p. 8.
D. The Fourteen Rock Edicts.
The standard edition is that by Bühler in Ep. Ind., ii, pp. 447-72, with facs. of Girnâr and Kâlsî texts; transcripts of Girnâr, Kâlsî, Shâhbâzgarhi, and Mansahra. texts, and version of Shâhbâzgarhi. Facs. of Sh. text by same, ibid., i. 16. Dhauli and Jugaḍa texts, ed. and transcribed by same, with facs. in Burgess, Amarâvatî (A. S. S. I., 1887). Another facs. of Girnâr text, collotype, in Burgess, Kâthiawâd and Kachh (A. S. W. I., 1876), with obsolete version.
Many special points are discussed in various papers, including: R. E. I. Ind. Ant., vol. xlii (1913), pp. 253-8; and vol. xlvii, 1918, pp. 221-3; J. R. A. S., 1914, p. 393. R.E. II. Ind. Ant., vol. xlvii (1918); p. 48. R. E. III. J. B. O. Res. Soc., iv, 37. R.E. IV. .112. A. S.. 1911, p. 485 note; Ind. Ant., vol. xliv (1915), p. 208. R. E. V. J. B. 0. Res. Soc., iv, 144-6. R.E. VI. Ind. Ant., vol. xlvii (1918), p. 51. R.E. VIII. Ind. Ant., vol. xlii (1913), p. 159; Rhys Davies, Dialogues, 1st ser., p. 190. R. E. IX. J. R. A. S., 1913, p. 654. R. E. XIII. J. R. A. S., 1913, p. 655. Many of the papers under other-headings touch on the Fourteen R. E. An important essay is that by R. O. Franke, 'Zu Asoka's Felseu-Edicten' in Nachr. der Königl Gcsellsch. d. Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, 1895.
The disquisitions by Dr. Michleson in J. A. 0. 8., 1911; Amer. J. of Philology, 1909, 1910; and Indo-Germ. Forschungen, 1910, 1911, while mainly concerned with questions of phonetics, throw light occasionally upon the interpretation of both R. E. and P. E.
E. The Kalinga Edicts.
Facs. and version by Bühler in Burgess, Amarâvatî (A.S,S.I., 1887), revised ed. by Senart and Grierson in Ind. Ant., vol. xix (1890). See also Kern, Manual of Indian Buddhism (Strassburg, 1896), p. 61.
F. The Seven Pillar Edicts.
Standard ed. by Bühler in Ep. Ind., ii (1894), pp. 245-74, with facs. of Lauriyâ-Araâj or Râdhiâ, Lauriyâ-Nandangarh or Mathiâ, and Râmipurwâ. texts. Faacs. of Delhi-Topra, or Sivalik, and Allahabad texts by Fleet and Bühler in Ind. Ant., vol. xiii (1884), p. 306. Revised ed. by Senart and Grierson, ibid., vol. xvii (1888) and xviii (1889).
Michelson, 'Notes on the Pillar Edicts of Asoka,' Indogerm. Forschungen, 1908.
P. E. IV.—Thomas, J. R. A. S., 1916, pp. 120-3.
P. E. V.—Monmohan Chakravarti, 'Animals in the Inscriptions of Piyadasi' (Memoirs A.S.B., 1906). P. E. VII.—D. R. Bhandarkar, Ind. Ant., vol. xiii (1884), p. 310. Thomas, J. R. A. S., 1915, p. 97; and 1916, p. 122.
6. The Four Minor Pillar Edicts.
(1) Sârnâth.—Facs. by Vogel, Ep. Ind., viii. 168. Discussed by Senart, Comptes rendus de l' Académie des Inscriptions, 1907, p. 25; Venis, J. & Proc. A. S. B., 1907; Norman, ibid., 1908; and Boyer, J. As., tome x (1907), p. 119. See also Thomas, J.R.A.S., 1915, p. 112.
(2) Kauśâmbi.—Facs. and transcript by Bühler, Ind. Ant., vol. xix (1890), p. 126; Senart, ibid., vol. xviii (1889), p. 309.
(3) Sânchî.—Facs. and transcript by Bühler, Ep. Ind., ii, 367, 369; corrected ed. by Hultzch, J. R. A. S., 1911, p. 167.
(4) Queen's.—Facs. and transcript by Bühler, Ind. Ant.', vol. xix (1890), p. 125. Emendation by Hultzch, J. R. A. S., 1911, p. 1113.
The interpretation is connected with that of the Minor R. E. H. The Two Commemorative Tarâi Inscriptions.
Both were ed. with facs. by Bühler, Ep. Ind., v, 4. Discussion by V. A. Smith, Introd. to Mukhurji, Report on Antiquities in the Tarâi, Nepâl, Calcutta, 1901; and in 'Ind. Ant., vol. xxxiv (1905), p. 1: Pischel, Sitzzmgsber. d. kön. preuss. Akad. d. Wissenschaften, 1903: Fleet, J.R. A. S., 1908, pp. 471-98, 823: Charpentier, Ind. Ant., vol. xliii (1914), pp. 17-20.
I. The Cave Dedications of Asoka and Dasaratha.
All ed. and translated with facs. by Bühler, Ind. Ant., vol. xx (1891), p. 361. The Gorathagiri inscriptions are published by Jackson in J. B. 0. Res. Soc. i (1915), pp. 15971, with plates.