LETTER II.
SOME of the newspapers have been circulating a rumour that Parliament will be dissolved soon after its meeting, which is fixed for an early day in February; and they have been amusing themselves with speculations as to the changes in the seats which will follow. There is not a shadow of reason for this rumour, nor is it intended to submit any motion that would try the strength of the two great parties in the House of Commons. In the country the Conservatives are cleverly widening the circle of their influence, I think, on the generally accepted condition that their game will be best played out by the contending sections of their opponents, if they themselves are only sufficiently self-restrained and prudent. There are some public favourites in the Conservative ranks—men who are conspicuous for their thorough English qualities, and these men exercise an influence in favour of their party which is essentially personal and non-political. But, even in politics, many of the working classes have decided leanings to Conservatism, or rather to the men of Conservative reputation, for I doubt whether their preference is for Conservatism in the abstract. This feeling, it will be remembered, distinguished many of the Chartists of by-gone years, and even now we find Ernest Jones dedicating his poems to Sir Bulwer Lytton. The shopkeepers, for the most part, are "Liberals," and so are many of the commercial classes above them; but it is the voice of these "Liberals" which is loudest in its abuse of Mr. Bright. Their Liberalism extends little beyond their own order, and the secret of the working men's preference for the Conservatives is that the Conservatives really evince a more genuine feeling of fellowship for the working men, when they come in contact with them, than is to be found among the new families of opulence which have been admitted to political power by the Reform Act.
Theoretical Radicalism is beyond all doubt at a low ebb just now in England. The case in favour of an extension of the franchise, as put in Mr. Bright's letter, has a logical force almost irresistible. Nevertheless, it is resisted with successful ridicule, and the recent Reform Conference at Leeds proves that little earnestness is felt on the subject even among the 5,000,000 unenfranchised men whose cause is so powerfully supported by Mr. Bright The Conference sat on the 18th and 19th, and on the evening of the latter day, after Leeds had been stirred by the debates of the assembled delegates, a public meeting to set on foot an agitation in favour of Reform was held in the Victoria Hall, and at this meeting the attendance, estimated by the leaders of the movement, did not exceed 2000, though the hall will contain 5000 people. The proceedings at the Conference were barren and unanimated; the only warmth arose from differences of opinion carried almost to the length of quarrelling. Earl Russell, Earl de Grey, the Earl of Carlisle, Sir Charles Wood, Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, Mr. Roundell Palmer, Mr. Edward Miall, and other leading Liberals were invited, but every one of them found some reason or other for absenting himself from the Conference.
The reply sent by Mr, Miall, one of the most thoughtful and conscientious of the extreme Liberals, supplies a striking confirmation of the opinion I expressed In my letter by last mail of the demoralised state of political feeling in England. For this reason I copy the letter as it appears in the papers.
"The Firs, Upper Norwood,
"Sir,
"I am afraid I shall have to plead guilty to the charge of paying but too little attention to the dates fixed upon for the Reform Conference at Leeds. I saw by your note of invitation that it was to be held 'next week,' but knowing that it would be impossible for me to be present, I did not notice the details announced in the programme on which that note was written, until too late for my reply to reach you on the 18th. I beg most heartily to apologise for this mishap.
"I need hardly assure you of my earnest wishes that the Conference may prove the means of reawakening a Reform feeling in the popular mind. Till we have an infusion of fresh blood into the constituent body, no great good can be expected from Parliament. But I freely confess my conviction that until the people of the country are un-Palmerstonised, I do not anticipate there will be any great earnestness on the question, so far as they are concerned. When a whole country gives itself up to 'a strong delusion,' under the influence of which they can almost complacently throw away millions sterling upon armaments of all kinds, not excepting fortifications, at the mere bidding of a popular, because plucky, Premier, I am sometimes tempted to suspect that even a large Parliamentary Reform will hardly go deep enough to cure the evil, and that the first and most important change required is a change in the sentiments, tastes, and, if I may say, tone of (he people. Since the outburst of the Russian war, political demineralisation has been both wider in its sweep and more rapid in its action, than in any like period of our modern history, and the principles which once had our reverence we now see daily treated with scorn without any deep feeling of indignation. The present is an interval of almost universal political scepticism—all our old faiths have been laughed, or jockied, or ridiculed out of us—and accordingly we are in earnest about nothing. No doubt the mood is but a transient one—trouble will soon alter it—but whilst it lasts, I fear that no great and lasting success can be achieved.
"Believing this, however, I feel satisfied that you do right in bringing together the friends of Reform, and giving them the opportunity of conferring with each other. It will assist to keep the fire alive to better times, and, if it does not immediately succeed, will contribute important materials towards some future, and, I would fain believe, not very distant success. I am truly Sony that I cannot possibly arrange to be with you.
"I have the honor to be, Sir,
Yours very respectfully,
Some of the political demonstrations in England are surprising enough not only in their nature, but in the form they assume. At Kidderminster, on the 1st of the month, the municipal elections were made a trial of strength between the Conservatives and Liberals, and all the vacancies were filled by the Conservative candidates, who kept the lead in the polling throughout the day. The town was in quite a fever of excitement, and the ragged burgesses threw up their caps in desperate style for their Conservative victory.
The important constituency of South Lancashire was carried a short time ago by a Conservative, after a tremendous struggle, in which Mr. Bright himself personally engaged on the Liberal side; and the representation of Plymouth has been run very hard by a Conservative. Of the seats now vacant, Carlisle, Finsbury, and East Worcestershire will be filled by Liberals, though the struggle at Carlisle will be severe; but there is no candidate of mark in the field. The Worcestershire Conservatives had a meeting the other day to consider the expediency of bringing forward a man to supply the place of Mr. Foley; but they decided in favour of the "better part of valour," and Mr. Foley Vernon, who is a very safe kind of Liberal, is to be allowed to "walk the course." Mr. Samuel Morley has declined an invitation to present himself for Finsbury, and the only candidate at present is Mr. Campbell Sleigh, who is best known as the author of "A Handy Book on Criminal Law." Mr. Torrens M'Cullagh, author of several politico-economical works, and one of the political writers in the Daily News, has also been mentioned, but I understand he will not offer himself. The name of Mr. Charles Dickens was mentioned at a meeting of the electors—I suppose by some admirer of Pickwick—but he writes to say that he would not consent to stand for "that place or any other under the sun." The latest rumour is that a requisition is in course of signature to Mr. Lusk, the Scotch provision dealer, and late Sheriff of London—a gentleman about as opposite in character to the late Thomas Slingsby Duncombe as could be well imagined. Mr. Potter, at Carlisle, has the weight of Mr. Cobden's name in his favour, but the English people all over the world fret at the interference of prominent men in elections as a species of incipient dictation, and Mr. Cobden's advocacy will not be regarded in an exceptional light, though he undoubtedly brings with him a greater weight of leadership than any other independent Liberal in Parliament. On the whole, I think the Government will be slight losers by the changes during the recess.
A question of vast moment, but of no distinctive shape, must often intrude from the mists of the future upon the minds of political thinkers—Who is to govern England half-a-dozen years hence? The old statesmen are dying off. The next six years will make terrible havoc with the names that have been most familiar to the ears of the last two generations. As they descend into the valley of shadows, where are the men of calm strength and vigour coming up the other side of the hill, bearing the standard of either party? If the hand of death is withheld from their heads, I dare prophesy a combination of Cobden, Gladstone, and Stanley. The present state of public feeling is not natural to England; its levity and capriciousness will pass away and give place to a more healthy fruition of the general growing intelligence. The name of Cobden will yet be the most honoured in the land. No man has more of that inspiring simplicity of manner, and that calm, almost spiritual earnestness of purpose, which, combined with comprehensive thought and the patient power of labour, are sure to gain the moral mastery. In his case these qualities illuminate enduring public services, and a reputation already historical.
Lord Palmerston's impulsive Irish Secretary—who the newspapers say was sent over to the Emeralders as one of the Premier's practical jokes—has been spreading wildfire through that portion of her Majesty's dominions, and causing very different kinds of sensation in England. If your readers want to refresh themselves with something novel, just let them read Sir Robert Peel's oration at Belfast.
The Liverpool Financial Reform Association has been trying to open a crusade against the present system of taxation. But the people will not be moved, except by Jenny Lind. Mr. Robertson Gladstone and his friends have experimented by engaging the services of a smart literary lecturer, Mr. Washington Wilks, who has addressed meetings in some of the large towns, with the rooms only half filled. Mr. Wilks is instructed to abolish the Custom Houses altogether, and he illustrated the blessings of cheap tea by quoting the case of Australia. There, he said, tea was untaxed, and "the shepherds on the Australian prairies drank it by the bucketful."
The working of free institutions in Australia has been a fruitful subject with the English press, from the Times downwards, and it is amusing to read the ignorant and self-conceited comments of some of the country papers. The articles in the Times appear to me reckless enough, and their argument, such as it is, certainly proceeds for the most part on false premises. But to hear the purblind country journalist squeaking out his horror at the unhappy collision between the European gold-diggers and the Chinese, quite unconscious of the brutal outrages between gamekeepers and poachers which disfigure his own columns every morning, excites laughter where one might otherwise be inclined to weep.
There is little to notice in reference to Australians now in England. I sometimes hear of the movement of your Emigration lecturers. Mr. Dalley, in the early part of this month, was at Southampton and at Portsmouth, and at both places had good audiences. But the poor people of England understand the word "emigration" to mean a "free passive" to some country better than their own, and Mr. Dalley and Mr. Parkes will have some difficulty in making them understand it in any other sense. An old Sidney resident, Mr. Robert Campbell, of Bligh-street, who a short time ago purchased an estate of some 8000 acres on the borders of Berkshire, and settled down to the regular life of an English country gentleman, was a fortnight ago chosen High Sheriff of the county. Mr. Campbell, I am told, is carrying on very extensive drainage and other improvements of his estate, and has embarked rather extensively in English sheep-farming.
Trade in England is very unevenly affected by what is going on in other parts of the world. The Birmingham gun trade, for instance, is overdone with orders, many of the factories working night and day. Yorkshire manufactories, too, especially the stuff trade of Bradford, are feeling the benefit of the French tariff. On all sides activity shews itself; Titus Salt is making a magnificent fortune with his alpacas and mohairs for the French market He ought to erect a statue in honour of Mr. Cobden. At Coventry, the poor ribbon-weavers are down at starvation point; and in Lancashire, it is to be feared, many will perish of hunger during the winter. What a perversity in the management of the world that their labour cannot be transferred to where it is so much wanted—Australia!
The literary world of London is overcrowded with ephemeral efforts. The whirl of cheap publications, the prolific offspring of Mr. Milner Gibson's Act, is perfectly stunning, their very names bewildering the memory. The Christmas books preparing are to eclipse in beauty all previous works of the kind.
The third and fourth volumes of Frederick the Great, completing Mr. Carlyle's great work, are passing through the press, and will be published early next summer. Robert Browning has returned to England, after a residence of more than fifteen years in Italy, where he remained for the health of the gifted creature who has lately passed away to another world. The poetical remains of Mrs. Browning will shortly be published under his superintendence. The poet-laureate is in London secretly consulting his physicians. For some time past Mr. Tennyson has been the most courted man in England, the object of special interest in every brilliant gathering where the Hon could by any ingenious device be caught; and now that he is seriously ill, his friends are prohibited from letting it be known that he is in town,
Mr. William Westgarth, who was the last member for Melbourne in the Sidney Legislature, has published a book on the Rise and Progress of Australia, which aspires to be a more comprehensive work than previous publications on the Australian colonies. A book on the colony of Victoria, I am told, will shortly appear from the pen of a gentleman for some years connected with the Melbourne press.
London, Nov. 25, 1861.