CHAPTER III
SPAIN AWAKENS
FOR a century and a half Spain slept, while California lay exposed to the covetous eyes of other nations. The fatalist might well be persuaded that some unseen power was preserving California to Spain, and preparing the way for a great American Commonwealth.
Rival nations were looking longingly toward the Pacific; England had laid definite plans for a colony in New Albion; France and Holland had serious designs on the western coast of North America; and Russia was effecting a firm foothold in Alaska. All this time Spain, though fully aware of the importance of protection through frontier advancement, procrastinated. At the beginning of this period, Philip III occupied the throne, and Montesclaros was Mexico’s Viceroy—an idle and pleasure-loving king, and a selfish and designing Viceroy.
Then came a succession of Philips and Charleses, who proceeded to muddle internal affairs, and lead the Spanish empire into disastrous foreign wars. Happily for Spain, as well for California’s ultimate destiny, European complications, including wars and three ned wars, compelled such absorbing attention from all nations that territorial expansion on the Pacific was, for a time, thrust into the background. But it was not forgotten. Plans were developing that only waited an opportune time for execution.
Spain knew this, and in justice to her it should be said that she was making frequent gestures toward warding off threatened rivalry on the Pacific. But they were only gestures. From Madrid, where Vizcaino’s report had made such a profound impression, there came many royal decrees; but because of the impoverished condition of the Spanish treasury, these were mainly intended to encourage private enterprise in seeking Vizcaino’s “Noble Harbor,” and colonizing the adjacent lands. Indeed, many private enterprises were organized and licensed, but they never got beyond pearl fishing and other nearby coast activities, and it became more and more apparent that timely frontier advancement would not be effected by private enterprise. While with each passing year, the threatened rivalry on the Pacific was assuming a more serious aspect.
Finally came a combination of circumstances that gave birth to action. In 1759, Charles II became King of Spain. He was a benevolent despot, who strove earnestly to advance the power of his country, and to promote the welfare of his people; and he measurably succeeded in doing both. Under his rule, Spain regained much of her old-time governmental efficiency. In 1765, Jose de Galvez, a far-seeing statesman
of unusual
ability, was
sent to Mexico as Visitador-General—Inspector General —with large powers. In 1766, the Marques Francisco de Croix was made Viceroy of Mexico. He was an able man of high character, and he and Galvez labored in perfect
harmony. The long deferred, but always expected, activities of rival nations directed toward the Pacific had already begun to take on tangible form, and as a consequence, Madrid
awakened,
and Galvez
and Croix became energetically active. Especially and immediately feared were England and Russia, and the remedy prescribed by Galvez and Croix was the rediscovery of the Harbor of Monterey, and the prompt establishment colony.
there
of a
Spanish
Facsimile
Signature Jose de Galvez
It was just at this time that the Missions in Lower California passed out of the hands of the Jesuits and were placed in charge of the Franciscans, at whose head was a priest of unusual character and extraordinary qualities named Junipero Serra. He had been chosen for leadership because of his known peculiar fitness for the work needed in this new field. He was appointed without being asked whether he would accept, and without an opportunity on his part to refuse. He was drafted, but he proved to be a willing, able and zealous leader of his spiritual band.
To Croix, Galvez and mar; Me LE, era! Serra, California owes a debt of everlasting grati- tude. It is not too much to say that these three Facsimile Signature men saved California to Marquis de Croix Spain and Mexico and made possible her later entry into our great union of states. In his “California Under Spain and Mexico,” Irving Berdine Richman says:
“But it was the expedition to Monterey—his own conception—that claimed the heart of Galvez. It claimed also the heart of Croix; and straightway it was known, the heart of Junipero Serra. An unusual group, one unusual even in Spain, were the three men, Jose de Galvez, Visitador; Francisco Serra, President de Croix, Viceroy, of the California and Junipero Missions: Galvez, honest, masterful and bluff; Croix, honest, discerning and diplomatic; Serra, a seraphic spirit, a later Salvitierra, a New World Francis of Assissi; post-medizval, yet not belated for his task; beholder of visions, believer in miracles, merciless wielder of the penitential scourge; yet through simple purity of heart, possessed of courage not unequal to labor the most arduous, and of a wisdom not unequal to situations the most perplexing. When, therefore, two from the group—Galvez and Serra—met under the sanction of the third—Croix—as they did at santa Ana, in Lower California, on October 31, 1768, to
confer regarding the exact means and course for reaching Monterey, activity was assured.”
The expedition as finally organized, was to make the journey in two stages; first to San Diego, where a part of the men would be left to establish a relay station and Mission, while the rest of the expedition took up the second stage, to Monterey. To San Diego, the expedition was to comprise four parties, two by land and two by sea, all starting from Lower California. The command of the entire expedition was given to Don Gaspar de Portola, then Governor of Lower California.
The hardships and dangers attending this exploit are difficult of appreciation. In the day of Galvez and Croix and Portola and Serra, water transportation was by hand-propelled craft, or by sailing vessels of small tonnage. At the disposal of Portola were two sailboats, the San Carlos and San Antonio, of scarcely two hundred tons burden each.
In these, it was necessary to convey
from the Mexican mainland across the Gulf of California to the southern end of Lower
California, all the men,
supplies and equipment needed for-the Monterey expedition. And a voyage across the gulf was then a matter of weeks, often of months, over water frequently harassed by dangerous storms.
Lower California is an arid and largely barren land. The Missions established there were compelled to draw upon Mexico for additions to the meager supplies locally produced. Says Richman, “The Jesuits, barring a few exuberant spirits, had never been enamored of California—meaning Lower California. In 1686, they had refused outright to attempt its conquest. In 1697, they had recalled their refusal with hesitation.
Later, under
Albuquerque, Salvatierra even had offered to give up the conquest.
So solitary, amid rocks and thorns was
Mission life on the Peninsula, and withal so fruitless,
that it bred melancholy. Communication with Europe required two and even three years, and with Mexico, many months.” Such was the distant and inhospitable land where gathered the expeditionary forces that were to carry the Mexican frontier to Vizcaino’s northerly port of Monterey. The San Carlos, after a rough voyage from Mexico, badly beaten by storms, limped into the harbor of La Paz, near the southern
end of the peninsula, in
December, 1768. Here, because of her battered condition,
it was found necessary to unload and careen her that repairs might be made. This careening, under such primitive conditions, furnishes an index to the diminutive size of these cockle-shell boats. The San Antonio, after a prolonged voyage, yet in somewhat better condition than the San Carlos, arrived at San Lucas, at the extreme point of the peninsula, on January 25, 1769. Then began in earnest the final preparations for this northern voyage, and the organization and equipment of the two land parties. Besides the usual provisions and supplies, some of which were requisitioned Missions, from the there were local stowed
in the boats church ornaments and vestments, agricultural tools, seeds and seyeral mission bells. The San Carlos was commanded by Captain Vicente AUC UWE IRAs. Vila, of the Royal Navy, with a mate and a crew of twenty-three sailors and two boys. The San Carlos also carried Lieutenant Pedro Fages—later one of California’s ablest Spanish governors—and _ twenty-five Catalan soldiers; Surgeon Pedro Prat, of the Royal Navy; Miguel Costanso, a distinguished engineer, and destined to become more distinguished, and a Franciscan priest, Hernando Parron, who acted as chaplain. The San Antonio was commanded by Juan Perez, a for-
mer master of the Manila galleon, with a mate and a crew of twenty-eight men, and with Chaplain Juan Vizcaino and the priest, Francisco Gomez. No record has been found of the exact number aboard the San Antonio. The first land expedition, under command
of Rivera
y Moncada, accompanied by Father Crespi, an intimate friend of Serra, and like him a native of the island of
Majorca, and guided by Cosmographer Jose Canizares, consisted of twenty-five cuirassed men from the garrison of Loreto—soldiers who wore cuirrasses of heavy leather as armor against attacks by arrows or spears; referred to by Father Serra, in a letter to Palou, as “leather-jacketed soldiers”—forty-two Christianized Indians, and three muleteers, with one hundred eightyeight mules.
The second land expedition, commanded
by Governor Portola and accompanied by Father Serra, consisted of ten cuirrassed soldiers under Sergeant Jose Francisco Ortega—later the actual discoverer of San Francisco Bay—forty-four Indians, four muleteers with one hundred seventy mules, and two servants to attend
Portola and Serra. Galvez, whose heart was set upon the success of the Monterey expedition, had crossed the Gulf in a third boat, and had labored unceasingly in the preparation, organization and equipment of the several divisions of this historic expedition. His preliminary work com pleted, he still tarried on the peninsula until the division had begun its northward journey. Then, anxious longing, he returned to Mexico to await the come of an enterprise which he felt was fraught deep significance to Spain’s Pacific dominions.