History of Iowa From the Earliest Times to the Beginning of the Twentieth Century/1/28
THE OLD CAPITOL AT DES MOINES
Erected in 1857; Occupied Until 1886
IN 1857 it became apparent that the practical navigation of the Des Moines River by a system of dams and locks could not be accomplished. Edwin Manning, in a report to the General Assembly, made January 1, 1857, states that $475,000 had been expended in six years, that but two dams and locks had been completed, that the total amount expended on the work up to 1857 had been nearly $800,000, and but three dams completed. The Legislature, on the 29th of January, passed an act by which commissioners were authorized to ascertain and pay off all just claims against the improvement and contract with any company for the sale of all lands, tolls and water rents, who would give good security for the completion of the work, such contract to be valid when approved by the Governor.
A building having been erected by the citizens of Des Moines for a State House in the fall of 1856, the State officers moved the records and furniture from Iowa City and the Capital of the State was established at Des Moines in 1857.
There were three elections held in that year. The first was for minor State officers, held in April. The Democratic candidates were M. L. Fisher for Superintendent of Public Instruction; T. S. Parvin, Register of Land Office; G. S. Bailey, Commissioner of Des Moines River Improvement. The Republicans nominated L. A. Bugbee for Superintendent, W. H. Holmes for Register and Edwin Manning, Commissioner. The election was very close, resulting in the choice of Fisher, Democrat, by a majority of 505, in a total vote of 75,279; Parvin, Democrat, by a majority of 502; Manning, Republican, by a majority of 315.
In August the election on the adoption of the new Constitution resulted as follows: for the Constitution, 40,311; against the Constitution, 36,681; majority for, 3,630. The Republicans generally voted for, and the Democrats largely voted against the Constitution.
The Democrats held their State Convention at Iowa City on the 26th of August and nominated the following ticket: for Governor, Ben M. Samuels; for Lieutenant-Governor, Geo. Gillaspy. The resolutions indorsed the administration of James Buchanan, the recent decision of the United States Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case, denounced the new Constitution and negro suffrage, and approved the acts and votes of Senator Jones and Representative Hall in Congress.
The Republican Convention was held at Iowa City on the 19th of August and placed in nomination for Governor, Ralph P. Lowe and for Lieutenant-Governor, Oran Faville. The resolutions declared that under the Constitution of the United States freedom alone is national; condemned the repeal of the Missouri compromise, the Dred Scott decision and the attempt to force slavery into Kansas. They declared in favor of a banking system, indorsed the new Constitution and the administration of Governor Grimes. The year 1857 closed with great financial depression throughout the country. Most of the banks suspended specie payment and redemption of their bills and a large number of them failed. There were no banks in Iowa permitted to issue bills and it was impossible to get good money in sufficient quantities to buy farm produce or carry on the ordinary business.
In the Territory of Nebraska on our western border there was no restriction to the establishment of banks. Some of our Iowa financiers conceived the plan of establishing banks in that sparsely settled Territory to supply Iowa with currency. Thomas H. Benton, a well-known citizen, made the first venture in March, 1855, by
ORAN FAVILLE
First Lieutenant-Governor of Iowa.
SPECIMEN OF WILDCAT CURRENCY
establishing “The Western Fire and Marine Insurance Company,” which proceeded to issue bank bills and put them in circulation in Iowa. Soon after Cook and Sargent, of Davenport, established a bank at Florence, issued bills and proceeded to put them in circulation from their Iowa banking houses at Davenport, Iowa City and Des Moines. B. F. Allen of Des Moines, established the “Bank of Nebraska,” putting its bills in circulation from his Iowa banking house. Greene and Weare of Cedar Rapids, had the Bank of Fontanelle in Nebraska, where they manufactured paper money for their Iowa customers. This firm had numerous banking houses in various Iowa towns from which the Fontanelle bank bills were put in circulation. Iowa City, Bentonsport and several other cities issued scrip, beautifully engraved, on bank note paper in the usual denominations, form and style of bank bills, which were paid out as money. The Western Stage Company and Burrows and Prettyman, merchants and produce dealers of Davenport, manufactured handsomely engraved promises to pay which circulated as money in the region where the proprietors were known.
Thus for about two years the people of Iowa had no choice but to take this worthless paper in place of money. It would not pay taxes, buy eastern exchange or enter government land, and would only pay debts or buy groceries, because money had disappeared and could only be purchased at a large premium. For a few months after the manufacture of these substitutes for money began, business temporarily revived; but as no one had confidence in this currency, everyone sought to exchange it at once for something that had real value or pay debts with it. No one dared to hold it. When the Nebraska banks began to fail the distress was widespread and every branch of business was paralyzed. In the newer frontier settlements the effects of the depression brought greater hardships. R. A. Smith, of Dickinson County, says:
Thousands of citizens were unable to get money to pay taxes or to save their property from sale under the summary process of deeds of trust from which there was no redemption at that time. Thousands were reduced from prosperous farmers, merchants and mechanics to poverty and destitution. Such was the financial situation when the Seventh General Assembly met at Des Moines, the new Capital, on the 11th of January, 1858. This was the first session under the new Constitution and in many respects was the most important legislative body that ever convened in Iowa. For the first time the Senate was presided over by a Lieutenant-Governor, chosen by the electors of the State, Oran Faville. In the House, Stephen B. Shelledy was elected Speaker.
Governor Grimes, in his message, said:
He recommended a registry law to record all legal voters; a revision of the revenue laws; a restoration of township assessors; a sound banking system; the support of public schools by taxation, and the enactment into laws of the school system prepared by Horace Mann and Amos Dean and submitted to the last General Assembly.
The financial condition of the State was reported as follows:
RALPH P. LOWE
Governor of Iowa, 1858-1859
| Amount in the Treasury October 3, 1856 | $11,254.91 |
| Paid into the Treasury during the year | 231,234.42 |
| Total | $242,489.33 |
| Amount paid out during the year | 228,806.23 |
| Balance in the Treasury November 1, 1857 | $13,683.10 |
| Due on the assessment of 1857 | 418,709.59 |
The defalcation of James D. Eads, late Superintendent of Public Instruction of school funds, was reported to amount to $46,403.81.
The Governor urged the Legislature to provide for the payment of the volunteers, who marched under Major Williams to protect the settlers of northwestern Iowa from the Sioux Indians, in March, 1857. On the 14th of January, 1858, the General Assembly in joint convention proceeded to canvass the votes cast for Governor and Lieutenant-Governor and declared the following result:
| Ralph P. Lowe | 38,498 | votes. |
| Ben M. Samuels | 36,088 | |
| T. F. Henry | 1,004 |
Ralph P. Lowe was declared elected.
For Lieutenant-Governor:
| Oran Faville | 37,633 | votes. |
| George Gillaspy | 35,310 | |
| Eastin Morris | 1,000 |
Oran Faville was declared elected and on the same day the newly elected Governor and Lieutenant-Governor were sworn into office, and Governor Lowe delivered his inaugural address to the General Assembly.
The most important acts of this session were the framing of laws providing for the organization of a State Bank, with branches, and also a general banking law. These acts were to be submitted to a vote of the electors of the State.
The banking laws enacted provided for two systems. The first was the incorporation of the State Bank of Iowa and provision for the organization of five or more branches, with capital of not less than $50,000 and not more than $300,000 each; all notes for circulation to be furnished by the State Bank, and good security required for their redemption in gold or silver. The number of branches of the State Bank was limited to thirty and ample security was provided for depositors. The branches were required to be mutually responsible for each other’s liabilities on all notes circulated as money; each stockholder to be individually responsible to its creditors for all of its liabilities to an amount equal to the amount of shares held by him; and in case of insolvency the bill holders to have preference over other creditors; the suspension of specie payments never to be permitted or sanctioned. The act passed the Legislature in March, was submitted to a vote of the electors at a special election held on the fourth Monday of June, 1858. The vote stood for the law, 41,588; against the law, 3,697. It went into effect on the 29th of July, upon the issue of a proclamation by the Governor. The Commissioners named to carry into effect the provisions of the law, were C. H. Booth of Dubuque County; E. H. Harrison of Lee; Ezekiel Clark of Johnson; J. W. Dutton of Muscatine; W. J. Gatling of Polk; C. W. Slagle of Jefferson; Elihu Baker of Linn; W. S. Dart of Mahaska; L. W. Babbitt of Pottawattamie; and T. W. Edgington of Lucas, who organized and received applications for the establishment of branches. After a careful examination of securities offered by the applicants, branches were authorized at Muscatine, Iowa City, Des Moines, Dubuque, Oskaloosa, Mount Pleasant, Keokuk and Davenport. In accordance with law, the affairs of the State Bank of Iowa now passed under the control and supervision of a Board of Directors, consisting of one chosen from each branch. The first Board consisted of W. T. Smith of Oskaloosa; Samuel
BILL OF THE OLD STATE BANK OF IOWA
F. Miller, Keokuk; P. M. Casady, Des Moines; Samuel J. Kirkwood, Iowa City; Chester Weed, Muscatine; R. Bronson, Dubuque; Hiram Price, Davenport; with Hoyt Sherman and Benjamin Lake Directors for the State. The first officers of the Board were Chester Weed, President; W. T. Smith, Vice-President; Elihu Baker, Secretary; Samuel J. Kirkwood and Hiram Price, with the Vice-President, formed the Executive Committee.
Among the important acts of this first Board of Directors was the adoption of a carefully considered series of by-laws clearly defining the duties of the officers. The President was required to make a personal examination of the affairs of each branch and retain in his custody the bonds of the bank officers. The Executive Committee had general supervision of the branches; it was required to hold monthly meetings and special sessions whenever it became necessary. The high financial standing of this Board of Directors was the best guaranty to the people of the State that the new banking system would be conducted with fidelity and at once inspired confidence in the stability of the State Bank of Iowa. This confidence was never shaken during the existence of this admirable institution which met the most sanguine expectation of its framers.
A general banking law was also enacted under which any person or persons could establish a bank, but it was so rigid in its requirements for the security of bill holders and depositors, that bankers preferred to organize under the act for the establishment of a State Bank and branches. The State Banks were sound institutions, always paying their depositors in full in specie and redeeming their currency whenever presented. It is probable that no better or safer banking system was ever devised and it did the banking business of the State to the entire satisfaction of the people until superseded by the National Banks.
An act was passed providing for the establishment of a State Agricultural College. The bill for this act was introduced by R. A. Richardson into the House and referred to the committee of ways and means. That committee reported the bill back with a recommendation that it be indefinitely postponed. The friends of the bill hastily conferred together and decided to make a vigorous fight for it and B. F. Gue, of Scott County, was selected to lead in a speech advocating the establishment of such a college. After a warm debate the bill was amended and ordered engrossed, passed both Houses and became a law. An act was passed providing for a loan of $200,000 and the issue of State bonds. Provision was made for the erection of an asylum for the blind at Vinton.
It having become evident that it was impracticable to render the Des Moines River navigable with the proceeds of the grant of land made for that purpose in 1846, the legislature passed an act diverting the grant to the Keokuk, Des Moines and Minnesota Railroad Company, for the purpose of aiding the construction of a railroad up the valley of the Des Moines River. Joint resolutions were also passed providing for a final settlement with the Des Moines Navigation Company by granting to said company a portion of the old land grant.
An act was passed providing for a commission to revise and codify the general laws of the State, to conform all laws to the new Constitution, prepare a code of civil and criminal procedure, all to be published in one volume, “which shall contain all the general laws in force in the State.” William Smyth, W. T. Barker and C. Ben Darwin were the commissioners chosen to do this work.
An entire new school system was enacted; its framing was largely the work of Horace Mann and Amos Dean, who had been employed by the State previous to the meeting of the former General Assembly, but which had not been adopted. This system was a step in advance of former laws and its main features were long retained, resulting in the advance of modern methods in our public schools.
Early in the session an effort was made to impeach Thomas W. Clagett, a judge of the First District and a special committee was appointed to take evidence and report. Petitions and remonstrances in large numbers were presented to the General Assembly from Lee County, for several weeks for and against impeachment and a large amount of testimony on the subject was taken by the committee. It became evident that Judge Clagett was arbitrary in his treatment of attorneys practicing before his court but there was no evidence impeaching his integrity, and the non-partisan committee finally reported: “That we find no cause of impeachment,” and the House concurred in the report.
There was a bitter controversy existing between the residents of the old city of Des Moines and the people of East Des Moines over the location of the new Capitol and, early in the session, a memorial was presented to the General Assembly, charging fraud and corruption on part of the commissioners, stating that they did not act for the best interests of the State in making the location. A special committee was thereupon appointed by the House of Representatives for the purpose of taking evidence and making a thorough investigation of the charges made against the commissioners. The committee made a careful examination of the evidence obtainable in support of the charges and gave the commissioners opportunity to testify and bring witnesses to exonerate them from the allegations of fraud and corruption. The evidence, with all the papers and documents brought before the committee, was reported to the House just before the close of the session and ordered printed in pamphlet for distribution among the members and one copy sent to each newspaper in the State.
The report was signed by four of the five members of the committee and may be summarized briefly as follows:
George W. McCrary, the fifth member of the committee, did not unite with the others, but states his position in a separate report, in which he says:
All members of the committee, except McCrary, joined in recommending that the Attorney-General be instructed to institute proceedings against the commissioners for relocating the seat of government, for the recovery from them of any bonus they might have received for their votes or influence in making said location. On motion of W. H. Seevers, the House decided that the testimony taken by the Committee of Investigation be not printed in the House Journal. As the House adjourned early on the morning of the second day after this report was made, no further action was taken, and when the pamphlets containing all the evidence taken by the committee were published, by some mysterious process, they were quietly gathered up and disappeared.
No small portion of the attention of this session of the General Assembly was given to a discussion of the vital issues now engaging the serious consideration of the thoughtful people of the country. The aggressions of the Missouri “Border Ruffians,” who had deliberately invaded the Territory of Kansas, not for settlement as citizens, but as armed freebooters with the avowed purpose of forcing slavery upon bona fide settlers, against their earnest protest, aroused an intense feeling of indignation throughout the North. The promulgation of the doctrine lately enunciated by the United States Supreme Court, in the Dred Scott decision, that slavery was a national institution and, by virtue of the Constitution had a legal existence in the Territories of the Nation, was so abhorrent to the free people of the Union that public sentiment in the North and West was sending up solemn protests from every settlement in the free States. The “irrepressible conflict” between freedom and slavery foretold by that great statesman, William H. Seward, was now in active progress and people were arraying themselves on one side or the other. The administrations of Presidents Pierce and Buchanan had openly espoused the cause of slavery and now the highest court in the country had sustained the right of slavery to invade all of the free territory of the Nation.
Iowa, long under the control of the party which defended this institution, had at last revolted and retired that party from power. This vital issue was revolutionizing parties, dividing churches and even families; every neighborhood was aroused to earnest discussion of the absorbing topic. It was a war between free and slave labor and all thoughtful men saw clearly that it must be fought out, either in legislative halls or on the field of battle. Every man in public life had to declare his position, for the intense earnestness of the aroused American citizens would tolerate no neutrality; and the old Whig party which endeavored to evade the issue was swept from existence.
It was in the midst of this gathering of the contending forces for the final struggle that the first General Assembly which convened at the new frontier Capitol met. The dominant issues in National affairs could not be ignored. Governor Grimes was just retiring from the executive chair, which he had filled with commanding ability. He was a prominent candidate for United States Senator to be chosen by the Legislature; a radical of radicals, aggressive, courageous, able and born a leader of men. Time serving, timidity and neutrality were qualities foreign to the nature of this superb fighter. He was the man for the occasion and in his retiring message sounded the keynote for the rank and file of the young, conscientious Republican party, which he had helped to organize, for warfare against American slavery and which never in Iowa had an abler leader. In this historic document he struck sturdy blows at the new edict promulgated in support of slavery by Chief Justice Roger B. Taney in the famous Dred Scott decisions, in which he says:
“It is no longer held under this decision that freedom is national and slavery local, confined to limits of the States that see fit to uphold it. It is fastened upon every foot of soil belonging to the Government, and there is no power in Congress, or in Territorial governments to expel it. Whatever territory may be acquired by the United States will instantly become slave soil. Wherever the flag of the country goes, there goes slavery with its chains and manacles.
“The logical result of this decision goes still farther; it carries slavery into every State in the Union.
“It needs no argument to show that this decision is unwarranted by the facts presented to the court; that it is revolutionary in its character; subversive of the policy of the founders of the Republic, and violates the rights of the States. Being wholly extra-judicial, so far as it relates to the power of Congress and the States over slavery, it cannot bind the conscience, or command the obedience of any man.
“I trust that as the representatives of the freedom loving citizens of Iowa, you will explicitly declare that you will never consent that this State shall become an integral part of a great slave republic, by assenting to the abhorrent doctrines contained in the Dred Scott decision, let the consequences be what they may.
“We cannot be indifferent to the efforts of the people of Kansas to perpetuate freedom in that Territory. We ought not to be indifferent. No people are deserving of freedom who do not sympathize with those who are struggling to obtain it. The people of Kansas are the champions of popular sovereignty everywhere. They are bringing to the test the great principle enunciated by our Revolutionary fathers, that government derives its powers from the consent of the governed. The people of Iowa look with alarm upon the constant aggressions of the slavery propagandists, but I confess that I look with equal alarm upon the manifest tendency of our Government to consolidation. The doctrine inherited from our ancestors, that standing armies are dangerous to the liberties of the people, is repudiated by constant and strenuous efforts to increase the National army. Sinecure offices are created for the purpose of influencing public opinion. The army of office-holders scattered throughout the States, uttering the sentiments, disbursing the money and obeying the commands of the central authority, govern in a great degree the sentiment of the country. Thus the Federal Government, instead of being as it was designed to be, the mere creature and under the control of the States, is fast becoming their master.
“The centralizing influence of the Government—the immense increase of our National expenses—the history of the slavery propagandism in Kansas, and the complicity of the Federal Government therewith; the attempts to overthrow the clearest rights of self-government for the purpose of extending slavery; and the efforts to destroy the rights of the States by political decisions of the Supreme Court, should remind the freemen of Iowa that their great political rights are in danger.
“The liberties of the people can only be preserved by maintaining the integrity of the State Governments against the corrupting influences of the Federal patronage and power.”Thus spoke the fearless and incorruptible statesman who never surrendered the freedom of speech and opinion to any living power.
The Seventh General Assembly sustained the position so firmly taken by the Governor, in choosing him for six years to represent Iowa in the United States Senate, to take the place of George W. Jones, the last Democratic member of that body from Iowa.
State Senator Samuel J. Kirkwood, as Chairman of the Committee on Federal Relations, himself lately a Democrat, but also one of the founders of the Republican party, reported a series of resolutions, preceded by a lengthy preamble reciting the principal points made by the Governor and concluding with the following declarations:
Lincoln Clark, a distinguished ex-member of Congress, on behalf of the Democratic minority, made a lengthy report, from which the following extracts will show the position of his party in Iowa at this time on the slavery issue:
“It is true that the General Government holds the Territories in trust for all States alike—their interests are common—their rights are equal; and the General Government, as an impartial and honest trustee, is bound to see that those rights are not on one hand invaded, nor on the other monopolized. The Governor affirms that because the Court below had not jurisdiction, therefore the Superior Court had none to revise the case upon all that was embraced in the record.
“The Court did not stumble from the question of jurisdiction in the Court below, to the consideration of the more substantial portion of the case. They carefully considered whether they had the power to investigate and adjudge the whole case after that point had been made and argued. It may be a question whether good citizens, desirous of holding to the law, both for the sake of order and conscience, shall give the greater heed to what the law really is, to the well considered, solemn decision of the highest tribunal in the land, or to the opinion of a partisan Governor in his message; and this must be determined by everyone for himself.
“It is not denied that the Circuit Court had jurisdiction of the matter, though Scott had no right to sue because of personal disability. Was it therefore incompetent and wrong for the Court to declare the law in the cause before it, for the benefit of future litigants, and for the quiet of the whole country? We think not; and that no such grave charge lies against the decision as that it may be treated with contempt.
“The Governor concludes his message with these remarkable words: ‘The decision cannot bind the conscience, or command the obedience of any man.’
“The undersigned hardly think that language of reprobation so strong against any department of the Government, by any official of a State Government, can be found since the War of 1812, and the times of the Hartford Convention. We do not say that such language is treasonable, but if there is such a thing as moral treason, this is believed to be that thing. It is not resistance to the Government in the shape of an overt act; but it is encouragement to resistance; it breathes the spirit of it, and would result in it when moved to corresponding action. It is the very last thing which the poorest patriot ought to do, an attempt to pull down the Superior Court of the United States. Freedom is certainly National, because it prevails in all the States as fully as it did at the adoption of the Constitution, and slavery prevails no more than under the Constitution it has a right to do.
“The decision admits that a Territory shall be erected into a State, the State has full power to legislate on the subject of slavery, as well as on others not given by some power in the Constitution to Congress. The decision in no sense invades the sovereignty of the States, nor in the slightest degree curtails their power.
“The undersigned take occasion to say that in their opinion it is not competent for the Executive or the Legislature of a State to review the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States. It is in substance an infringement of that part of the Constitution which requires the respective departments of the Government not to invade each other.”This report was signed by Lincoln Clark, of Dubuque, and W. H. Clune, of Burlington, on behalf of the Democratic members.
The debate which followed in the two branches of the General Assembly lasted several days. The Republicans in the Senate were represented in the discussion by Kirkwood, Loughridge and Rankin; while the Democrats were led by Trimble, Neal and Pusey. In the House, James F. Wilson, E. E. Cooley, Thomas Drummond, T. W. Jackson and George W. McCrary made aggressive war on the encroachments of slavery, while the courtly Lincoln Clark, D. A. Mahoney, M. B. V. Bennett and I. C. Curtis appeared as defenders of Pierce, Buchanan and the Dred Scott decision.
The Kirkwood resolutions were passed by a strict party vote. Other resolutions on the subject of slavery brought out long and exciting political debates; partisan feeling was often intense and the discussions heated and bitter. Protests and counter protests were entered upon the journals. It is a notable fact that the average age of the members of this Legislature was under forty; there were some venerable men and experienced legislators, but the large majority were in the vigorous fighting years of youth and inclined to be impulsive; but their acts in the inauguration of a new State policy, comformable to the radical changes made by the new Constitution, have stood the severe tests of nearly half a century of trial, under which great progress in material, educational and intellectual development has been attained.
Lathrop’s “Life of Governor Kirkwood” says:
A spirited contest was waged for some time before the Legislature assembled among the Republicans, who had elected a majority in both branches, over the choice of a candidate for United States Senator to succeed George W. Jones. After the Legislature convened the contest became warmer and a strong effort was made to unite the members from the northern part of the State upon a candidate in opposition to ex-Governor Grimes. It was not successful and in the Republican caucus, called to select a candidate, the ballot stood as follows: James W. Grimes, thirty-nine; James Thorington, thirteen; Wm. Smyth, eight; Timothy Davis, three; giving the nomination to Governor Grimes by a clear majority. The Democrats nominated Ben M. Samuels, and in the election which took place on the 26th of January, Grimes received sixty-four votes, and Samuels forty-one. James W. Grimes was declared elected United States Senator for six years from March 4, 1859.
Under the authority granted by the Legislature, a company of mounted men was organized for the protection of the frontier from Indians, of which Henry B. Martin was made captain. During the fall of 1858 several bands of Sioux Indians came into northwestern Iowa, causing great alarm among the frontier settlements. The “Frontier Guards” were called out and remained in service several months, holding the Indians in check. Congress made an appropriation of $20,000, to pay the expenses incurred by citizens of the States of Iowa and Minnesota in the campaigns against the Sioux who committed the massacres at Okoboji and Springfield in the spring of 1857. Of this sum $3,612.43 was paid to the command under Major Williams, which marched to the relief of the settlers after the massacre.
The season of 1858 will long be remembered as one of the most disastrous to farmers of any experienced up to that time. Cold rains began early in April and continued through the month. Wheat and oats were sown late but the frequent rains of May caused them to make a rank growth and delayed corn planting. Much of the seed corn rotted in the ground. The wet weather continued in June with cold nights, which forced the weeds until much of the corn was smothered. To add to the general disaster there was frost in a large portion of the State during every month of the year. Wheat, oats and barley made rank growth and fell down. Potatoes were ruined by the rain. Early in July there were alternate heavy rains and intensely hot days. A few days before harvest time it was observed that the wheat heads were suddenly turning white. Upon examination they were found to be blasted. The grain was shriveled, shrunken, soft and worthless and farmers slowly realized that the one crop, then so largely relied upon to bring in money for the year, was ruined. Oats and barley were lodged on the ground, the straw rusted and the grain was shriveled, chaffy and nearly worthless. Thousands of acres of grain were never harvested. The wheat that was cut and threshed was unfit for bread but many tried to use the chocolate-colored stuff which was tasteless and destitute of nutriment. The best of it served for seed of a very poor quality the next spring in the general inability of the farmers to raise money to import good seed. More than half of the corn which had been planted late, owing to the continuous cold rains, had failed to germinate; water and weeds everywhere smothered the growth of the scattering stalks that survived. Thousands of fields were plowed up and sowed with buckwheat. To crown the general misfortunes a heavy frost came unusually early and ruined the buckwheat and left the corn soft and unripe, so that it rotted in the cribs. The hay crop was badly damaged by continuous rains. All farm crops were so poor as to be unsalable for shipping and such as were sold for home use brought very low prices.
This crop failure extended over two-thirds of the area of the State, being most disastrous in the southeastern portion. The currency was of doubtful value, much of it being utterly worthless. The distress and destitution which prevailed among the farmers during this period can never be realized by those who were not among the sufferers.
The armed resistance of the Free State men of Kansas against the brutal attempts of the Border Ruffians of Missouri to force slavery into that Territory and make it a slave State—and the attempt to abolish the slave trade at the National Capital—had so intensified the conflict that no further compromises seemed possible that could restore harmonious relations between the North and the South. In the South, all parties were being rapidly absorbed by the Democrats, while in the North the Republican party was growing into formidable proportions. Slavery restriction was its chief purpose, and upon that issue it was absorbing the united antislavery strength of the nation.
The Republican State Convention met at Des Moines on the 22d of June, 1859, where Samuel J. Kirkwood was nominated for Governor by acclamation; Nicholas J. Rusch was nominated for Lieutenant-Governor and Ralph P. Lowe, Caleb Baldwin and Lacon D. Stockton were nominated for Supreme Judges. The resolutions indorsed the Republican National platform of 1856 and opposed the extension of slavery in the Territories. The convention also approved the granting of free homesteads to actual settlers of the public lands and opposed the abridgment of the privilege of naturalization to emigrants.
The Democratic Convention assembled at Des Moines on the 23d of June and placed the following candidates in nomination: for Governor. General A. C. Dodge; Lieutenant-Governor, L. W. Babbitt; Supreme Judges, Charles Mason, Thomas S. Wilson and Chester C. Cole. The resolutions were very lengthy and favored remanding the subject of slavery to the Territorial Legislatures, the exclusion of free negroes from Iowa, favored the acquisition of Cuba and the repeal of the prohibitory liquor law. The campaign which followed was one of the most notable in the history of the State. A series of joint discussions was arranged in which the rival candidates for Governor appeared before immense gatherings of the voters at various towns and divided the time in presenting their views of the issues involved.
General Dodge was one of the ablest men of his party, had served thirteen years in Congress and had been four years the American Minister to Spain. Kirkwood had been less prominent. But as the campaign progressed he proved fully the equal of General Dodge in debate. Plain in dress, direct, earnest and sincere in speech, candid and logical in discussion of the issues between the parties, he became one of the most effective and popular political speakers in the West. In this campaign he laid the
MILL ON THE IOWA RIVER FROM WHICH KIRKWOOD WAS CALLED TO BE GOVERNOR
foundation for that career which, for nearly a quarter of a century, led the State to trust him in the most exalted positions of the public service. The election resulted in the success of the Republican candidates, Kirkwood’s majority over Dodge being 3,200. The Republicans also elected a majority of each branch of the Legislature.