History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 1/Chapter 3

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER III.

RETURN OF GRIJALVA. A NEW EXPEDITION ORGANIZED.

1518.

Refusal of Grijalva to Settle—Alvarado Sent back to Cuba—Grijalva Continues his Discovery—After Reaching the Province of Pánuco he Turns back—Touching at the Rio Goazacoalco, Tonalá, the Laguna de Términos, and Champoton, the Expedition Returns to Cuba—Grijalva Traduced and Discharged—A New Expedition Planned—Velazquez Sends to Santo Domingo and Spain—Characters OF Velazquez and Grijalva Contrasted—Candidates for the Captaincy of the New Expedition—The Alcalde of Santiago Successful—His Standing at that Time.

At various places during this expedition, notably where is now Vera Cruz, and at the River Tabasco, both in coming and returning, Grijalva's men begged permission to settle and subdue the country. In their desire to remain they pictured to themselves all the pleasures of the abandoned crew of Ulysses, in a land as happy as that of which Horace sang, where Ceres decked untilled fields with sheaves and Bacchus revelled under purple-clustered vines. And they were angry with their commander for not breaking the instructions which forbade his colonizing. Pedro de Alvarado was particularly chafed by the restraint, though he kept his temper until he obtained permission to return to Cuba with one of the vessels^[1] which had become unseaworthy, so as to report to the governor the progress of the discovery, and obtain recruits and fresh supplies, with permission to found a colony. Beside some fifty sick persons, all the gold, cotton, and other articles obtained from the natives thus far were placed in Alvarado's ship, which sailed the 24th of June. The remainder of the expedition continued its now north-westward course past Nautla,^[2] which the Spaniards called Almería, and with the mountains of Tuxpan^[3] in full view, advanced as far as Cabo Rojo, some say as far as the Rio de Pánuco.^[4] The entrance to the large lagoon now known as the Bahía de Tanguijo, was mistaken for a river and named Rio de Canoas. On anchoring here the ships of the Spaniards were fiercely attacked by the occupants of twelve canoes,^[5] which came out from a large city compared by the worthy chaplain to Seville in size and magnificence, in common with other towns along this seaboard; and as if this were not strange enough, the same authority goes on to relate a miracle which happened here because Grijalva refused the soldiers leave to sack the place; how a star, poised above the fleet after sunset, shot toward the town and hung over it invitingly, as if Jehovah signified his pleasure that the Christians should seize the city.^[6]

After beating back the canoes the Spaniards proceeded, but found their course impeded by the currents off Cabo Rojo; from which circumstance, together with the hostility of the natives, the rapidity with which the season was advancing, and the condition of the ships, they determined to return. Turning toward the southward, therefore, they were carried past the River Goazacoalco by boisterous winds, and entered Tonalá to careen and repair a leaky vessel.^[7] Again the men blasphemed and held the commander in derision because he would not settle. After several failures in starting they continued the voyage, encountered bad weather, touched at Deseado for water, engaged in a parting fight with the natives of Champoton, sailed again, and the fifth reached San Lázaro, where they were led into ambush while searching for water, and attacked. After helping themselves to maize they embarked, followed the shore past Rio de Lagartos, the Comi of the natives, whence they sailed for Cuba, and arrived at Matanzas about the first of November.^[8]

When Grijalva cast anchor in the bay of Matanzas his heart beat high with promise. He had returned successful from a brilliant discovery, in which had begun that pronounced mastery of life which is the dream of every chivalrous mind. There had been nothing in the least irrational in his policy, or fickle or factious in his conduct. He had used diligence and discretion, had been true to his companions, and faithful to his king and to his chief. Surely his uncle would praise him, his governor would reward him, and his king would intrust him with new commissions. So he deserved; so he had every reason to expect, and hence it was with pride and pleasure that he once more set foot on Isla Fernandina.

But, unfortunately, this most virtuous cavalier was now destined to reap the too common reward of honest service in the cause of a vicious master. Scarcely had Grijalva landed, when a letter from the governor was placed in his hand, ordering him to repair with his ships at once to Santiago, and at the same time to notify his soldiers that opportunity would be quickly given all who desired to embark in a fresh adventure to New Spain, and that meanwhile they might rest themselves at the governor's farms in that vicinity. Then, too, he first learned how Velazquez, ever fickle and distrustful as are all timid and unscrupulous men, becoming nervous concerning the fleet, had sent Cristóbal de Olid in a small vessel with seven soldiers to search and report; and that on reaching the coast of Yucatan a storm had obliged the explorer to part with his anchor and return to Cuba.^[9] Before the return of Olid, Alvarado had arrived with the gold and good tidings from the armada, which gave the governor unbounded joy. Grijalva had yet to learn, however, how Alvarado, not forgetting the censure bestowed on him for disobedience, had not failed to color the conduct of his commander to suit his own ends. Grijalva's repeated refusals to colonize were paraded as the gross mistakes of a stubborn and spiritless man; the coolness and bravery displayed at Champoton were made to appear as reckless imprudence; and as the governor thought of the danger to which his adventure had there been subjected, he became alarmed. "Had I lost all," he muttered, "it would have been a just penalty for sending such a fool." And now both Dávila and Montejo poured fresh poison into the ear of the governor respecting his nephew, in revenge for similar fancied injuries; so that when Grijalva reported himself to Velazquez at Santiago, he was told to go his way, since the governor had no further use for him.

Indeed, this line of action had been for some time determined on. Immediately upon the arrival of Alvarado, a new expedition had been planned, in which Grijalva was not to participate. The latter was hurt, almost to death. He had conferred a great benefit on this Tiberius of an uncle; but as affection is heightened by the conferring of benefits, so it is often lessened by the acceptance of them. Not long after, Juan de Salcedo was sent to Santo Domingo for permission to colonize New Spain, and Benito Martin, chaplain and man of business, was despatched to Spain^[10] with a full account of the discovery, and with gold for the bishop of Búrgos. Haste seemed necessary to Velazquez lest some one might anticipate and rob him of the honors and emoluments won through Grijalva's efforts. Nor were forgotten the Licentiate Zapata and the Secretary Conchillos; and so happily were distributed the Indian villages of Cuba among these conscientious men of Spain, that Velazquez gained all his requests, with the title of adelantado of Cuba added.

 

How different the quality of these two men, Velazquez and Grijalva, and both so widely different from the phœnix now about to rise from their ashes! The character of the governor was like a candle flame, hot without and hollow within. Almost as much as gold lie loved glory, the brass and tinsel of it, but lacked both the ability and the courage to achieve noble distinction. As easily worked upon by designing men as Othello, there was in him none of the nobility of the Moor; and, possessing no great integrity himself, he was very ready to suspect treachery in others. Grijalva, on the other hand, was the Lysander of New World discovery; of a modest though manly spirit, obedient to customs and superior authority, preferring honor and duty to self and pleasure, native to generous action, the very faults brought out by his enemies shine brilliant as virtues. He was as chivalrous as any Spaniard that ever drew steel on naked savage, as brave and talented as any. But he lacked the unscrupulous positiveness inseparable here from permanent success. He was resolute in overcoming difficulties, and he was strong and shrewd enough in the prosecution of any high enterprise, particularly so long as fortune favored him; but he was no match for the subtle-minded of his own nation, who overwhelmed him in their show of learning, backed by imposing forms. All contemporary writers speak well of him; likewise all the chroniclers, except Gomara, who permits chivalry no place save in his pet and patron, Cortés. The soldier Bernal Diaz pronounces him a most worthy officer. The historians Oviedo and Herrera call him a comely man, thoroughly loyal, and never backward at fighting. Yet we are told that some censured him, while others cursed him outright for his conscientiousness, because he did not break orders and seize opportunity. So ready were they to engage in the fallacious argument that it was right to do wrong if good might come of it. To disobey Velazquez, they said, was to break no divine law; forgetting that the governor derived his authority from the king, and the king from the Almighty. Of a truth, when force alone is the standard of right, then honesty is not the best policy. For a time he carried himself with a brave front, conscious of his integrity, yet we may say he was laid low forever by the blow misfortune here gave him.^[11] Meanwhile patience, good governor! For soon enough will arise an agent capable of playing shrewd tricks to your ample contentment.

Before the return of Grijalva, interest in the new expedition had already raised itself into a whirl of excitement; and as volunteers pressed forward, the captaincy became an apple of discord among aspirants. Chief among these were Vasco Porcallo a near relative of the count of Feria, Antonio Velazquez,^[12] and Bernardino Velazquez, the last two kinsmen of the governor. Another was Baltasar Bermudez,^[13] from Velazquez' own town, and his intimate friend. None of these suited. Then followed for the governor nights of troubled dreams and days of irritable indecision. It was a peculiar personage Velazquez wanted. He must be, in Mexico, courageous, wise, and prudent; in Cuba, obedient, teachable. He must be able to command men, to brave the proudest barbarian, and so fired by enthusiasm in the field as cheerfully to endure hardships and risk life; his work successfully accomplished, he must return humbly to Santiago, and lay his trophies at the feet of his master. Grijalva was most nearly such a man; but he lacked that subtle second sense which should tell him when it was the governor's pleasure to have his orders disobeyed. Porcallo was competent, but Velazquez was afraid of him. He was scarcely farther from the throne than himself; and in reporting any important conquest to the king would prove the greater of the two. The relatives present were worse, if anything, than Grijalva; besides, they had no means, and to this position the successful aspirant must bring money as well as courage and discretion. Bermudez might be eligible, but for his services, in braving the dangers, and bringing the results of the expedition to Velazquez, he had the temerity to demand three thousand ducats. The proposition was not for a moment to be entertained; the job must be accomplished for less money.

Watchful eyes saw the governor's dilemma, and artful tongues wagged opportunely. Near to him in their daily vocations were two men, both small in stature, but large of head, and broad in experience and sagacity. One was the governor's secretary, Andrés de Duero, and the other the royal contador, Amador de Láres. Both possessed rare attainments; they were skilled in every artifice, and could make their master see white or black; while Láres could not write, he had not failed to profit by a twenty-two years' career in Italy, during which time he rose to the honorable distinction of chief butler to the Gran Capitan, and he seldom found it difficult to move the unstable Velazquez to his purposes, although they were not always the purest and best.^[14] Following the example of the governor, these two worthies were not averse to improving their fortunes by securing, at little risk or expense, an interest in the New Spain conquest; and so they gave heed when the alcalde of Santiago softly insinuated that he was the man for the emergency, and that if they would help him to the command they should share the profits.^[15]

The alcalde of Santiago bore a fair reputation, considering the time and place; for comparatively few names in the New World were then wholly free from taint. In the prime of manhood, his age being thirty-three, of full medium stature, well proportioned and muscular, with full breast, broad shoulders, square full forehead, small straight spare compact body and well turned limbs, though somewhat bow-legged, he presented a pleasing rather than imposing front. His portraits show fine antique features, bearing a somewhat sad expression, which was increased by the grave tenderness of the dark oval eyes. The full though thin beard, cut short, counteracted to some extent the effect of the small ash-colored face, and served to cover a deep scar on the lower lip, the memento of a duel fought in behalf of a certain frail fair one.

He was an exceedingly popular alcalde; there was nothing staid or sombre in his method of administering justice. The law was less to him than expediency, and his standard of right was easily shifted, according to circumstances. In wit and vivacity he was a Mercutio. Astute of intellect, discreet, of a cheerful, even jovial disposition, with brilliant intuitions and effervescent animal spirits, he knew how to please, how to treat every man as best he liked to be treated. A cavalier of the Ojeda and Balboa type, he was superior to either. He would not, like the former, woo danger for the mere pleasure of it, nor, like the latter, tamely trust his forfeited head to any governor. Life was of value to him; yet adventure was the rhythm of it, and the greater the peril the greater the harmony secured. An hidalgo of respectable antecedents, whatever he might have been, or might be, he now played the part of magistrate to perfection. As a matter of course, he was in entire sympathy with the religious views of the day, as well as with the leading men among the clergy. Indeed the friars ever praised him, believing him to be a zealous and conscientious man; he made it a point that they should. The moral ideal of the Japanese is politeness. Politeness is virtue. They do not say that lying and stealing are wrong, but impolite. While the alcalde if pressed must confess himself an optimist, believing that whatever is, is best, yet in practice that best he would better, and whatsoever his strength permitted, it was right for him to do. He was a sort of Mephistopheles, decked in manners and guided by knowledge. Besides the world, he knew books, and how to make somewhat of them. Earnestly devoted to the service of the church, many of his acts yet met with its most unqualified condemnation. Possessed of vehement aspirations, his ambition was of the aggressive kind; not like that of Velazquez, mercenary and timid. Like Tigellinus Sophonius, it was to his pleasing person and unscrupulous character that the alcalde owed his rise from poverty and obscurity; and now, like Phaethon, if for one day he might drive the governor's sun-chariot across the heavens, it would be his own fault if he were not a made man. This much at this time we may say of Hernan^[16] Cortés, for such was the alcalde's name; which is more than he could say for himself, not knowing himself as we know him, and more than his associates could say of him. Hereafter as his character develops we shall become further acquainted with him. It is as difficult to detect the full-grown plant in a seed as in a stone, and yet the seed will become, a great tree, while the stone remains a stone.

And so, with the aid of his loving friends Duero and Láres, whose deft advice worked successfully on the plastic mind of Velazquez, and because he possessed some money and many friends, as well as courage and wisdom, the alcalde of Santiago was proclaimed captain-general of the expedition.^[17] And now, while the heathen wail let the Spaniards rejoice. Yes. Noble Castilian! cry aloud! for gold shall fill the coffers of your king as they were never filled before, and great shall be the glory of your kingdom; and if the sight of the blood your captains shall draw from the hapless savages, even more freely than gold is drawn, does not spoil your appetite for the game, then whet your swords for the grand pacification.

 

 

1. Herrera says it was the San Sebastian; Oviedo, the Trinidad.
2. Town and river given both by Cortés and Orontius. Colon writes R: de almeria; Ribero almera; Vaz Dourado, allmeira; Hood, Almeria; nos. vi. and vii., Munich Atlas, rio de almeria, and Mercator, Almeria. Ogilby places north of Lhanos de Almeria a large gulf labelled R. de S P^o y S Paulo, and south of it Toluia, and Tore Branco. Dampier lays down Almeria I. opposite Tispe and Haniago Isle on the mainland. Laet gives Naothlan ó Almeria, and Lhanos de Almeria.
3. 'Vimos las sierras de Tusta, y mas adelante de a hi â otros dos dias vimos otros sierras muy altas, q͏̃ agora se llamã las sierras de Tuspa;' so called, Bernal Diaz says, Hist. Verdad., 10, from the towns lying at their base. The Rio de Tuxpan is supposed to be the San Pedro y San Pablo of early days. 'Da das Peter-und Pauls-Fest auf den 29 Juni.'
4. Kohl thinks Grijalva did not pass Cabo Rojo, the C: roxo of Vaz Dourado, and Hood, and I am inclined to agree with him. Bernal Diaz says, Hist. Verdad, 10, 'Y estoes ya en la Provincia de Panuco: é yendo por nuestra nauegaciō llegamos á vn rio grande, que le pusimos por nōbre Rio de Canoas.' The nomenclature of this stream is quite regular in the several times and places. Cortés gives Rio Panuco loaton; Colon, R: panuco; Ribero and Vaz Dourado, panuco; Orontius, R. panico; Hood, Panuço; Baptista Aguese, panucho, and rio panucho; no. vi. Munich Atlas the same; Ptolemy, 1530, in Munster, Panuco; Mercator, river and town Panuco, and next town south Chila. And so on with Hondius, Ogilby, Dampier, and the rest. See Goldschmidt's Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., i. 578. Upon the hypothesis that the San Pedro y San Pablo and the Tuxpan were two streams, the latter may have been the Rio de Canoas of Grijalva and the Pánuco discovered by Montejo and Alaminos the year following, as Kohl surmises, but not otherwise. Herrera says the expedition did not pass Cabo Rojo; Bernal Diaz speaks of a wide projecting cape, which does not exist beyond the Panuco River. Yet both affirm that the province of Pánuco was reached, and we well know that little would be said to strangers of an aboriginal province by its inhabitants before its great town, or its great river, was approached. Hence the general impression that Grijalva on this occasion coasted as far as Tampico, and that the Pánuco was his Rio de Canoas. It is my opinion that the entrance to the Bahía de Tanguijo, mistaken tor a river, was the Rio de Canoas of Grijalva, and that Cabo Rojo was his ultimate point of discovery.
5. Some say sixteen.
6. In questo giorno sul tardi vedessemo miracolo ben grande el qual fu che apparve una stella incima la nave dapoi el tramontar del sole et partisse sempre buttando razi fino che se pose sopra quel vilagio over populo grande et lasso uno razo ne laiere che duro piu de tre hore grande et anchora vedessimo altri signal ben chiari dove comprendessemo che dio volea per sue servitio populassemo la dicta terra. Itinerario, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 302.
7. Bernal Diaz claims to have planted here the first orange-seeds sown in New Spain. It was at the base of a temple, on whose summit he had enjoyed a refreshing sleep, above the clouds of mosquitoes, and through gratitude he sowed these seed, which he had brought from Cuba. He tells, likewise, of obtaining here by barter 4,000 pesos, which, with the 16,000 pesos Alvarado carried home, made 20,000 pesos secured during the voyage. Among the treasures were some copper hatchets, which the Spaniards took to be an inferior kind of gold. Las Casas gives a detailed description of the treasures obtained by this expedition, among which was an emerald worth 2,000 ducats, from the mainland opposite Isla de Sacrificios.
8. This, following Oviedo, who in 1523 visited Velazquez, and was told these things. Other authors give widely different accounts of Grijalva's return, most of them taking him at once from Tonalá to Matanzas, but allowing forty days for the voyage. Oviedo dates Grijalva's arrival at the River Goazacoalco July 9; at Deseado, August 17; at Champoton, September 1; San Lázaro, September 5, and Matanzas, October 8, which is too early, according to the date of Cortés' instructions.
9. Oviedo says that Olid went to Cozumel and took possession of the island, thinking he had discovered it; then coasting north and westward to a port, Laguna de Términos, and finding no traces of Grijalva, and having lost his anchors, he returned to Matanzas eight days before Grijalva; but in this statement he is sustained neither by his contemporaries nor by his own collateral statements. Velazquez' instructions to Cortés are dated the 23d of October, at which time neither Olid nor Grijalva had returned, since Cortés is told to search for them; both arrived, however, before he sailed.
10. It was in May, 1519, according to Oviedo, that Benito Martin — some call him Martinez — sailed for Spain, Grijalva having arrived at Santiago late in the October previous. By reference to a Velazquez memorial, in iv. 233-4, Col. Doc. Inéd., we find that before this, upon the strength of Cordoba's discovery, the king, on the 13th of November, 1518, at Saragossa, made Velazquez adelantado of what he had discovered, or might discover. Thus far he claimed as having found, at his own cost, Cozumel and Yucatan, the Santa María de los Remedios of the Spaniards, which was not true. Indeed, these memorials of the descendants of conquerors are, as a rule, widely different from the facts; instance this one again, which gives Olid seventy men instead of seven. As a matter of course, the honor of the discovery is claimed wholly for the governor of Cuba, to the prejudice of others who ventured more than he. See Carta del Ayunt. de Vera Cruz, in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 418-9. Instance further a Memorial del negocio de D. Antonio Velazquez de Basan, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., x. 80-6, in which Grijalva is given five ships and a year and a half, and Olid three ships and seventy men. In the Instruccion gue dió el adelantado Diego Velazquez à Hernan Cortés, in Col. Doc. Inéd., xii, 226-46, the little boat of Olid has grown into a caravel with 80 or 90 men.
11. Las Casas saw him at Santo Domingo in 1523. He was reduced to penury. Proceeding thence to Panamá, he was sent by Pedrarias to Nicaragua, where he was killed. So perished the best and morally bravest of cavaliers, while unscrupulous tricksters flourished. Prior to his departure from Cuba, however, and notwithstanding the vile treatment of the governor, at Velazquez' request, Grijalva wrote a narrative of his expedition, which was lost by Oviedo in its transmission to the king. It is embodied, however, in substance, in Oviedo, i. 502-37. One of the most original and complete accounts of Grijalva's expedition extant is that by the priest Juan Diaz, Itinerario de Larmata del Re Catholico in India verso la Isola de Iuchathan del anno M. D. XVIII, alla qual fu Presidente & Capitan Generale Ioan de Grisalva; el qual e facto per el capellano maggior de dicta Armata a sua Altezza, published in Italian, at Venice, in 1520, in French by Ternaux-Compans, in 1838, the former being copied and quoted in manuscript by Prescott. The issue at Venice was as the second part of the Itinerario de Lvdovico de varthema Bolognese nello Egitto, nella Soria, etc., and was there begun, Qui comincia lo Itinerario de Lisola de Iuchatan nouamente ritrouata per il signor Gioan de Grisalue, etc. By far the best edition is that given with a Spanish translation by Icazbalceta, in his Col. Doc., i. 281-308, printed in Mexico in 1858. Next is the account by Bernal Diaz, who, like the chaplain, accompanied the expedition, thus giving us narratives by eye-witnesses at once from ecclesiastical and secular stand-points. The statements of Gomara, Hist. Ind., 56-8, and Hist. Mex., 9-11, must be taken with allowance. Worse still are the memorials of the relatives of Velazquez to sovereign majesty, such as that found in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., x. 80-6, which are little better than tissues of misstatements and exaggerations. Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 24-40, gives a fair, full, and graphic statement of particulars. The Instruccion que dió el adelantado Diego Velazquez á Hernan Cortés, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 226-51, also important, as furnishing original collateral light. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 16, 421-4, though full, is specially inaccurate and weak, not only in his facts, but in his deductions. Nor is Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. iii., any stronger. Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 4-6, De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 341-6, and Landa, Rel. de Yuc, 21, are mediocre; and Herrera, dec. ii. lib iii. cap. i. and ix., is quite full and very valuable. Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 8-16, gives a fair résumé, but a far better one is Torquemada's, i. 351-7. Prescott's account, Mex., i. 224-9, is meagre and imperfect, though his deductions are much more sound than those of Robertson's Hist. Am., i. 240-3. One of the most superficial of the modern narratives of this expedition is given by Zamacois, Hist. Méj., ii. 236-52. Those by Morelet, Voy. dans l'Am. Cent., i. 179-85, and Fancourt's Hist. Yuc., 9-18, are valuable. A collection of extracts from several letters to Charles V., referring to Yucatan, and forming 'an account of a recently discovered island, describing its locality, the customs and habits of its inhabitants,' was printed at Nuremberg, by Frederick Peypus, in 1520, under title beginning Ein auszug ettlicher sendbrieff dem aller durchleüchtigisten. Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., i. 51-65, ii. 21, and Ramirez, in his Mexican edition of Prescott, i. 132 and 135, beside narratives, give portraits of Velazquez, Córdoba, and Grijalva. Sahagun, Hist. Conq. 13-9, and Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 27-50, are most valuable from an aboriginal stand-point. Alaman, in his Disert., i. 49-91, treats of both Córdoba's and Grijalva's voyages. Among the many allusions to these two expeditions of no special significance are those found in Ogilby's Am., 76-8; Purchas, His Pilgrimes, v. 858; Oveido, Sommario, in Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. 182-9; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, iii. 242-3; Robertson's Visit Mex., i. 143; Voy., Cur. and Ent., 471-9; World Displayed, i. 166-79; Voy., A New Col., i. 189-98; Sammlung aller Reisebesch., xiii. 254-64; Laharpe, Abrégé, ix. 219-31; Kerr's Voy., ii. 70-1, and iii. 416-53; Klemm, Allgemeine Culturgeschichte, 219; Cordua, Scheeps-Togt, 3-18, and 35-89, in Aa, Naaukeurige Versameling, Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, 72-5; Gottfried, Reysen, iii.; Folsom, in Cortés' Despatches, 6-8; Howitt's Hist. U. S., i. 8-9; Lardner's Hist. Discov., ii. 43-4; Span. Conq. in Am., ii. 3-9; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii., 106-9; Larenaudière, Mex. et Guat., 53-4; Calle, Mem. y Not., 81-2; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 14-15; Hassel, Mex. Guat., 6; Holmes' An. Am., i. 35-7; Galvano's Discov., 130-2; Corradi, Descub. de la Am., ii. 7-19; Dalton's Conq. Mex. and Peru, 47-9; Span. Emp. in Am., 27-8; Snowden's Am., 77-9; Raynal, Hist. Phil., iii. 246-7; Descripcion de Am., MS., 112-13; Gordon's Hist. Am., 112-13; Malte-Brun, Yucatan, 23-4; Wilson's Conq. Mex., 291; Castellanos, Varones ilustres de Indias, 71; Peter Martyr, dec. iv., capi i.-v., Dufey, Résumé, i. 97-103; Mavor's Hist., xxiv. 65-6; Gregory's Hist. Mex., 19-20; Norman's Rambles, 95; Wilson's Mex. and Reg., 18; Colton's Jour. Geog., No. vi. 84; Newe Zeittung von Jucatan, 1, etc.; Monglave, Résumé, 41-6; March y Labores, Marina Española, i. 463-4; Cortesii, von dem Neuen Hisp., pt. ii. 2-5; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 16; Armin, Alte Mex., 77-8; Touron, Hist. Gen. Am., iii. 58-78; Bussierre, l'Empire Mex., 193-9; Sandoval, Hist. Carlos V., i. 161-2; Cortés, Hist. Mex., 30-110; Campe, Hist. Descub. Am., ii. 7-19; Cortés, Aven. y Conq., 12-13; Stephens' Incid. of Travel in Yuc., ii. 366-9; Drake's Voy., 161-3; Hart's Tabasco, 4-5; La Cruz, v. 541-4; Nouvelles An. des Voy., xcvii. 30-1, and clxiv. 101; and Manzi, Conq. di Mess., 1-3.
12. Called Borrego, says Torquemada, i. 361. Bernal Diaz gives Borrego as the second surname.
13. Bernal Diaz says Augustin Burmudez.
14. Las Casas regarded him as a schemer, and often warned Velazquez against 'Veintidos años de Italia.' Hist. Ind., iv. 447. He calls him likewise 'Burgalés' and 'hombre astutísimo.'
15. 'Que partirian,' says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 13, 'entre todos tres la ganancia del oro, y plata, y joyas, de la parte que le cupiesse â Cortés,' and also, growls Las Casas, ubi supra — knowledge of the facts as yet being but rumor — what Cortés could steal from the king and the governor was subject to division, beside what he would rob from the natives.
16. Hernan, Hernando, Fernan, Fernando, Ferdinando. The names are one. With no special preference, I employ the first, used by the best writers. Among the early authorities, Solis, the Spanish translator of De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, and many others, write Hernan; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, Fernan; Bernal Diaz and Oviedo, Hernando; Gomara, Fernando. In accordance with the Spanish usage of adding the mother's surname, he is sometimes, though rarely, called Cortés y Pizarro. For portrait and signature I refer the reader to Alaman, Disert., i. app. i. 15-16; portrait as an old man; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 6-8; Prescott's Mex., iii. 1; Id., (ed. Mex., 1846, iii. 210-11); Armin Alte Mex., 82, plate from the painting in the Concepcion Hospital at Mexico; March y Labores, Marina Española, i. 466.
17. In making out the commission Duero stretched every point in favor of his friend, naming him captain-general of lands discovered and to be discovered, as well as of the fleet. Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 47; for the greater the share of Cortés, the greater Duero's share. Gomara says, Hist. Mex., 12, 'Hablo a Fernâdo Cortés para q͏̄ armassean ambos a medias, porq͏̄ tenia dos mil Castellanos de oro,' etc.; but 2000 castellanos alone would not purchase a half interest in this undertaking. Las Casas, loc. cit., states that Velazquez, for reasons that will appear in the next chapter, was very cautious in intercourse with Cortés until his scruples were overcome by advisers.