History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 2/Chapter 26

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXVI.

END OF MENDOZA'S RULE.

1547-1550.

General Improvements — Agriculture, Industry, and Commerce — Encouragement of Marriages — Aid to Peru — Conspiracy and Revolt — Chichimecs and Otomís — Conquest of Querétaro — Removal of Guadalajara — Coronado Returns — His Resignation — Audiencia at Compostela — Removal to Guadalajara — Discovery of Mines — Settlement of Zacatecas — The Archdiocese of Mexico — Death of Bishop Zumárraga — His Last Will — Character of the Prelate and the Man — A False Visitador's Audacity — Last Acts of the Viceroy — He is Appointed to Peru and is Superseded by Luis de Velasco — Mendoza's Departure for Peru — And his Death.

When the unwelcome visitador, Francisco Tello de Sandoval, had left the shores of New Spain, the colonists began to breathe more freely, feeling again somewhat secure concerning their encomiendas, and affairs fell into the old way. Viceroy Mendoza, notwithstanding his ambiguous Indian policy, showed a characteristic energy in other measures, such as the improvement of the capital, particularly in the way of water supply and macadamizing streets. Pursuant to royal orders, surveys were made along the Atlantic coast with the view of discovering a better harbor, but none being found, the one at old Vera Cruz was improved to some extent; a light-house on Pulpos Island was determined upon, and a tower begun. It was also contemplated for purposes of defence against the frequent uprising of the natives to erect fortresses in all the Spanish towns and settlements, but nothing seems to have been done in that direction at the time, except here and there to establish a frontier garrison.^[1]

The want of some of the necessaries of life had been felt for some time, and there were abuses to be corrected.^[2] The epidemic had wrought sad havoc among the natives. With praiseworthy zeal the viceroy sought to improve the condition of the people. He gave attention to the production and quality of wool, and aided in the importation of a better breed of sheep; he promoted manufactures, believing that the lasting prosperity of a country was to be found in its agriculture, and in the developments of arts and commerce.^[3] The learning of trades by the natives was encouraged, and when able to work as journeymen, or to keep shop, they were granted certificates to that effect.

To improve the moral condition of the natives, it was thought expedient to strictly enforce a decree prohibiting the adulteration of pulque,^[4] and to restrict the number of places where it was sold. It had been the custom for some time to add to the pure juice of the maguey obnoxious ingredients, ostensibly for the purpose of better preservation. This gave the liquor stronger intoxicating properties, and the natives became more addicted to its use. When under its influence they would commit heinous offences. As there were many marriageable girls belonging to honorable families without sufficient means to endow them,^[5] the monarch enjoined that every encouragement and facility should be offered by the government toward their marriage. In some instances corregimientos and other means of support were given to men willing to enter wedded life. Such a policy was deemed necessary in order to increase the Spanish population, and so promote the better security of the country. With this patronage and the stimulus of such an example, the people began to prosper, and to add to the wealth of the community, rich mines with which the aborigines appear to have been familiar were rediscovered in different localities.

About this time a call by Pedro de la Gasca came from Peru for patriotic men,^[6] and a force of six hundred were soon under arms and ready to march under the viceroy's son, Francisco, with Cristóbal de Oñate as maestro de campo. But when equipped and on the eve of departure word arrived that they would not be needed. The city of Mexico was rewarded by the crown with new honors and titles for this zeal, and the municipality was vested with power to make ordinances for the city, which, if approved by the viceroy, became law.

 

The peaceful course of events, however, was again marred by revolt and conspiracy, not alone among the subjugated tribes and negro slaves, but in the ranks of discontented Spaniards. When the virulence of the epidemic of 1546 had subsided, a conspiracy among the negroes distributed about Tenocha and Tlatelulco came to light, through the weakness or cupidity of one of their number, and the instigators were summarily dealt with. But for this a massacre of the Spaniards would probably have occurred. A more alarming conspiracy was one planned against the magistrates during the same year. It was betrayed, however, and the instigators were executed; some of the accomplices who had fled toward Peru were overtaken and punished.^[7]

During the year 1548 there was an uprising in Oajaca among the Tequipans, who felt secure by reason of the mountainous nature of their retreats; but the ever-watchful Mendoza sent against them a force under Tristan de Arellano, who quelled the revolt before it had made much progress.^[8] In 1550 the province of Zapotecas rebelled against the Spanish yoke under circumstances which gave the revolt a more than passing interest. The traditional Qnetzaleaotl was said to have reappeared. The old men of the tribe excited the young to take up arms. One of the caciques assumed the role of the ancient chieftain, but unfortunately for the natives, with none of his expected power. The success of this general uprising was but momentary; it was but another fiasco, and collapsed before a few vigorous blows of the viceroy.^[9]

These occurrences were but an indication of the unrest and dissatisfaction that pervaded the colonists. The victors of the Mixton war clamored for their reward, and it must come largely from the enforced labor of the natives. War, pestilence, and conscription had wrought havoc, and perplexed the labor question until its solution became the paramount difhculty of the day. All the labor of mining, of tillage, of stock-raising, and of household drudgery was performed by the natives. There is no evidence that any Spaniard during that or the following century made a nearer approach to manual labor than superintending from his saddle the movements of native workmen. The slaves taken in New Galicia were no longer enough to supply the demand, as most of them had perished during war and epidemic. Unable to resist the power of the intruders, or too wise to risk their liberties on the issue of a doubtful contest, multitudes withdrew into out-of-the-way places. Those who clung to their homes in the different provinces were subjected to increased exactions, till roused by repeated injuries they broke into open revolt. Indeed submission profited little. Notwithstanding the prohibition to engage in new discoveries and the consequent new enslavement of the natives, the Spaniards asked license, ostensibly for the purpose of pacification, to enter the mountain regions and capture the inhabitants.

Before accounting for the subjugation of the wild tribes in the mountains near Querétaro, it will be well to notice some facts touching this region prior to the conquest by Cortés.

The whole country lying to the north of Mexico was at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards almost unknown to the Mexicans. The northern confines of the Aztec empire extended but little beyond the valley, and there Aztec civilization terminated. The mountainous regions beyond were inhabited by various tribes of wild savages, known by the general name of Chichimecs.^[10] Dependent on the chase for their subsistence, these people had no settled dwelling-place, but roamed over a vast unknown territory, from time to time making inroads into the rich districts of the south. It does not appear that the empire ever seriously attempted their conquest; it was content to protect the frontier against them. Shortly after the conquest, however, expeditions began to be undertaken by the Spaniards into regions west and north of the valley of Mexico never penetrated by the Aztec armies, and the Chichimecs, now reënforced by many Otomís who had refused to accept the conqueror's rule, were in course of time compelled to submit.

The first expedition against them was not undertaken by the Spaniards themselves, but by their Mexican and Otomí allies, and the pacification of the hostile tribes extended over a period of more than thirty years. The christianized Otomí cacique, Nicolás de San Luis de Montañez,^[11] has given us a sketch of their subjection and his own share in accomplishing it. From his account we learn that as early as 1522, with permission of the Spaniards, he made an incursion into the Chichimec country, and was engaged for thirty years and more in making war on those tribes.

San Luis with the cacique Fernando de Tapia^[12] and many relatives and friendly nobles in 1522 raised a large force and marched against the Chichimecs. It was during this incursion that a singular battle was fought on the 25th of July. The Chichimecs to the number of twenty-five thousand were posted on a hill, which later received the name of Sangremal. Conspicuous among their chiefs were Lobo, or the Wolf, and Coyote, as cunning as he was strong. The allied Otomí and Mexican forces entirely surrounded the hill. The Chichimecs possessed the advantage in regard to position; the Mexicans and Otomís in regard to weapons. "O you brave men, perched upon a hill," cried San Luis; "come down and fight if you are not afraid!" "Very fair, no doubt, you renegades, and dogs of the Spaniards," returned Coyote; "lay aside your borrowed weapons and we will come down." "Wild and uncouth, and beastly as you are," said San Luis, "we are a match for you with no weapons

Chichimec War.

at all. See! we will lay them all aside, and you can heap yours beside them and place a guard over both. Come on!" And so it was agreed. Civilization calls it progress as more effective death-dealing implements are invented; may it not as truthfully be called progress when all weapons for the butchery of human beings are laid aside?

At it they went with hands, feet, and teeth, only with the understanding that the conquered should remain subject to the victors.^[13] The struggle which followed was as savage and sanguinary as the nature of it was exceptional, and lasted from early dawn till sunset. As exhausted combatants sank to the ground, others pressed fiercely forward. Among the mutilated forms and blood-covered faces it was often impossible to distinguish friend from foe. Among these ferocious fighters the two leaders of the Chichimecs, Lobo and Coyote, were conspicuous for their strength; and when late in the day victory was with the invaders, they alone escaped, shouting their defiance with threats to return in half a moon with a fresh force.^[14] The chief of the Chichimecs and many of his people were baptized by Padre Juan Bautista, who had accompanied the army.^[15] Such is the account of the Indian chronicler, San Luis, who states furthermore that the city of Querétaro was founded at that time. But the narrative is full of obvious errors; the author's confusion of thought is evidenced by his confusion of words; so that after all we cannot learn much from him, save that from 1522 te 1531 he made various incursions into the Chichimec regions, and that during the latter part of the war he and his principal officers were provided with arquebuses and horses.^[16]

An account given by Espinosa is as follows: When Fuenleal was president of the audiencia he sought to extend conquest and promote conversion. The cacique Tapia offered to undertake the conquest of Querétaro. Collecting a large force in Jilotepec and Tula, in conjunction with other caciques, and provided with a number of arquebuses, they marched to the town now called San Juan del Rio, the inhabitants of which they induced to accept Christianity without bloodshed. Proceeding thence toward Querétaro, when within three leagues of the town, they arrived at a hill called, in the time of Espinosa, Cerrito Colorado. Here was made the agreement to fight without weapons, owing to the fear of the Chichimecs of fire-arms. The conflict was similar to that described by San Luis, and the date assigned to it is the 25th of July, 1531. In the account given by San Luis it is stated that the sun stood still, and that the Apostle Saint James, the Virgin Mary, and Saint Francis appeared. Espinosa's version is that, through the dense cloud of smoke caused by firing the arquebuses, a bright light broke, in which was seen a brilliant cross of white and red, and by its side the figure of Saint James. This miraculous interposition put a termination to the contest.^[17] On the spot above which the figure of Saint James was seen, a cross was erected, which became celebrated for its miracles. San Luis had ordered it to be made of wood, but the Chichimecs objected, saying they wanted "una cruz en forma para siempre jamds," or be it an indestructible cross to serve as a boundary monument. They likewise objected to a common stone cross, insisting upon one like that seen: in the clouds. In this dilemma the architect and stone-cutter, Juan de la Cruz, was despatched with fifty caciques for material to build a cross which would satisfy the new converts.

After journeying half a league, praying to God to enlighten them, Cruz and his companions reached a spot where were stones of three colors, white, red, and violet, quarried stone of vitreous appearance. With them Cruz shaped a cross three varas in height, and had it ready before the expiration of twenty-four hours.^[18] Then he laid it under a rose-bush, and made his report. At the sound of drums and clarions the captain-general with his army and the friendly Chichimecs marched away to bring the cross. On arriving at the spot where it lay under the rose-bush all knelt and offered thanksgiving to God and the blessed virgin for giving them such a beautiful cross. And thereupon followed miracles.^[19] The cross was carried in procession and raised with much ceremony and rejoicing upon the mount. The Chichimecs and their wise men, after examining it and witnessing its miracles, declared themselves satisfied, and celebrated the occasion with their usual dances; their captain, Juan Bautista Criado, and his wife kissed it, and their example was followed by their subjects. A whole week was thus occupied. The captain-general then had the ground measured around the cross for a chapel, after which he began to make land grants.^[20]

Little came of this conquest, for no settlement seems to have been founded till about 1550, or later. The viceroy gave lands to the two caciques, San Luis, and others, and grants were made to the settlers of the town of Querétaro for lots and orchards in 1551 and 1552. The date and particulars of the founding are alike puzzling to the chroniclers; but from documentary evidence cited by Espinosa and Beaumont it would appear conclusive that the cacique Fernando de Tapia was its founder.^[21]

Captain-general San Luis in 1552 continued the campaign against the hostile Chichimecs of Zacatecas. In 1552 he marched with the small army he had raised and organized in Tula against a famous captain named Maxorro,^[22] routed him in every encounter, and finally took him prisoner. The end of this campaign was that Maxorro and his principal chiefs embraced Christianity, being baptized by Fray Juan de la Quemada, chaplain of the army. For the protection of travellers San Felipe Iztlahuaca, and San Miguel el Grande, later named Allende, were founded, and garrisons stationed in both places.

San Luis held his command till 1559, when he resigned,^[23] and was succeeded by the famous chief of Jilotepec, Don Juan Bautista Valerio de la Cruz, whose appointment was made on May 12, 1559, with powers to wage war upon and punish all that should disregard his authority. It was approved later by Prince Philip in a letter highly commendatory of Valerio's services. The old chief continued his labors till his death, which occurred in 1572 in Mexico.^[24]

 

The memorable history of old Guadalajara has been already told in connection with Francisco Vazquez de Coronado and the Mixton war. In pursuance of the resolution during the siege to transfer the city to another place, on October 6, 1541, all the Spaniards, soldiers as well as settlers, accompanied by many friendly Indians, set out for the chosen site of Analco in the Atemajac Valley.^[25] The movement attracted settlers who had been formerly scattered at or near to Tlacotlan, Tonalá, Tlajomulco, and Tetlan. The missionaries who had been laboring at the last-named place also removed to the new site, and on February 11, 1542, municipal officers were appointed.^[26] The land around the new city was fertile in the extreme, and promised abundant supplies for a large population. It was in fact considered one of the most favorable spots in New Spain, being traversed by the River Tololotlan, which communicates with Lake Chapala, and possessing a fine, temperate climate. Hence Guadalajara became from the first a place of importance, and grew in size and influence until it ranked as one of the great centres of civilization in New Spain.

In 1543, soon after his return to Mexico, Vazquez de Coronado so far recovered his health as to resume the duties of office. He was the last military governor of Nueva Galicia, and resigned in 1545. Baltasar Gallegos then ruled in the capacity of alcalde mayor for several years,^[27] until indeed, in 1548, a new form of government — an audiencia subordinate to that of Mexico — was installed at Compostela.^[28] The powers of that body included those of governor and Judiciary.

The jurisdiction of the audiencia included the whole of New Galicia, with all the known territory toward the north and north-east, and also a strip of coast southward, embracing Colima, Zacatula, and the towns of Ávalos.^[29] The province during the period now under consideration included ten or twelve corregimientos or districts, each with its head town, or cabecera, and its partidos, each under an alcalde. This officer, part of whose duty was the collection of tributes, was directly responsible to the audiencia. The head towns for the different districts were for the most part mining-camps, and the partidos were Indian towns under native alcaldes, regidores, and alguaciles, who were under the direction of the encomenderos, or of the friars in a few of the new and poorer places which had not excited the avarice of any Spanish officer.

The Spanish population of this vast district was as yet comparatively small. It is probable that there were not over five hundred settlers in New Galicia, at any time during the century, if we except the soldiers engaged in the conquest and in the suppression of the Mixton revolt, and the miners in Zacatecas and the districts south and north of it.^[30]

It soon became apparent that Compostela was not so well situated for a capital of the growing province as Guadalajara. The latter place enjoyed an abundance of fish, game, cattle, and fresh water, of which the old capital could not boast. The audiencia was therefore transferred by royal order to Guadalajara as the provincial capital.

The oidores do not appear to have been of a very select character, for in 1557 Doctor Morones came to take their residencia, and gained the gratitude of the people by suspending three of them, Lebron de Quiñones, Contreras, and Oseguera. The latter managed to be reinstated, however, and retrieved himself so well that he was promoted to a similar office in Mexico.^[31] The bishopric of New Galicia was erected at Compostela in 1544, including within its ecclesiastical purview all the explored regions north of the Michoacan boundary. The first incumbent was Pedro Gomez Maraver, and the seat was transferred to the new capital at or about the same time the secular government was transferred.^[32]

The audiencia of New Galicia, aware of the great wealth of the mines in Sinaloa, Durango, and elsewhere, with the view of adding area to its rule, and of controlling those rich deposits, resolved in 1552 to undertake the conquest of the whole region, beginning with the rich sierras of Guaynamota, Guazamota, and Jocotlan, situated some fifteen leagues from Compostela. On the other hand, Spaniards, both civilians and soldiers, were already making settlements in a considerable part of the country, and Chametla, a province lying between Compostela and the villa de Culiacan, would soon be under Viceroy Velasco’s control.

For the chief command of the expedition was selected Ginés Vazquez de Mercado, said to have been a brave officer and a worthy cavalier. He was given the rank of captain-general, with ample powers,^[33] and raised a large force, with which he was first to subdue the district of Jocotlan. From here he advanced further into the interior, and had several encounters with the natives.

It is unnecessary to follow the steps of this ill-conducted expedition. Suffice it to say that they visited several of the districts that afterward became famous for their mining wealth; but for one reason or another no mines were opened. They finally reached the ciénega de Sombrerete, where again they paid no attention to its precious deposits. One night, while encamped here without precautions, some Zain Indians fell upon them, slew some of the soldiers, and wounded others. Mercado himself was severely injured, having been saved from death by his servant, a Portuguese negro. This necessitated a delay till the wounded could be moved. Meanwhile the soldiers revolted, and, though convinced that with their support he could have subjugated the country, he was obliged to return to Jocotlan, where rich mines were expected to be found; but this hope proved disappointing. Thence Mercado marched to the Teul, or Tuich, a town belonging to Juan Delgado.^[34]

The audiencia now abandoned the idea of conquest for the present, more particularly as the king at this time forbade all such expeditions without his special license.^[35] Notwithstanding this, the audiencia of New Galicia winked at more than one raiding excursion, destined to reënter Jocotlan and gain possession of its mines. Some sixteen soldiers, deserters of Mercado's expedition, with the connivance of the authorities, started for that region, and on reaching Cacatlotlan, near Jocotlan, found there the Franciscans Francisco de San Lorenzo, and another named Juan, who were rejoiced at seeing them. But that night, while asleep, most of the soldiers and the two friars were slain by Indians.^[36]

 

The story of the discovery of the first mine in New Galicia is told as follows: When Captain Pedro Ruiz de Haro died in 1542 he left a poor widow and three daughters. The widow, Leonor de Arias, retired to the interior, where she owned a little place called Miravalles. Being an Indian woman she could here the better support herself, surrounded by kinsfolk and acquaintance. While standing at her door one day, there came a poor Indian who begged something to eat. Roused to pity she cheerfully gave of the little she had. After three days the Indian returned and expressing thanks for her kindness handed her a stone the greater part of which was native silver, saying: "To you and yours I give the mine in the Tololotlan Mountains, whence this argent ore was taken; for it I have no use; haste you thither, take with you laborers, and may you and yours be happy and rich!" Thereupon the Indian disappeared. The mine thus revealed was named Espíritu Santo, as though a pure benefaction from above, and for centuries it made opulent the benevolent widow and her descendants.^[37] However all this may have been, it is certain that rich mines were discovered and worked in New Galicia as early as 1543, beginning with those of Espíritu Santo.^[38] Mines not only of gold and silver but of tin, copper, mercury, iron, and other metals were brought to light and drew many Spaniards to the province from Mexico and Spain. Before the end of the century some of them, under the wasteful system then in vogue, showed signs of exhaustion, but many good mines, abandoned during the northern excitement, were afterward profitably worked.^[39]

 

There is little to note in the events of New Galicia, during the last half of the century, save fluctuations created by mining excitements and the vague allusions to minor revolts and their suppression.^[40] The revolts were to a great extent owing to abuses by encomenderos, who tore the natives from their homes to work in mines and on plantations, and assisted in reducing the already depleted province. The outrages of Guzman and the Mixton war are said to have destroyed half the population. Following these came a series of epidemics which ravaged the country on different occasions between 1541 and 1590, especially in 1545 and the two following years, and left but one tenth of the original population, if we may believe the chroniclers. Comets and earthquakes added their terrors, imaginary or real.^[41] Nevertheless the province prospered, thanks to its fertility and manifold resources, and the abundance of mines, which afforded a ready market for produce and live-stock.^[42]

While not choosing to engage in the severer occupation of farming, the Spaniards could always raise cattle and sheep, and their broad grants were rapidly stocked with animals, which offered material for manufacture.^[43]

Information is meagre concerning the early history of that singularly ill-peopled province of Zacatecas, as it is denominated by Humboldt, and yet its capital is even to-day, next to Guanajuato, the most celebrated mining-place in that country. From the visit of Captain Chirinos in 1530 to the year 1546 we have no definite record that any Spaniard penetrated farther north than Nochistlan and Juchipila. The Cascanes, Zacatecs, and other Chichimecs of the north had, as we have seen, taken a prominent part in the Mixton rebellion of 1541, and since its suppression they had continued to some extent their hostile raids on the frontier. In 1543 the emperor and viceroy were petitioned by the municipal authorities of the New Galicia towns to authorize war on these marauders, and their extermination or enslavement. The coveted license was refused, but the subjugation of the northern savages by peaceful means was ordered.

Oñate and other officers seem to have made several attempts in that direction, but the first one definitely recorded was that of Juan de Tolosa, twenty-six years after the fall of the city of Mexico. On the 8th of September 1546, Tolosa came to the sierra of Zacatecas with a few Spaniards, four Franciscan friars,^[44] and a band of Juchipila Indians, and pitched his tent at the foot of the Bufa mountain. By kind treatment the natives were gradually conciliated, and for over a year Tolosa and his companions labored earnestly and successfully to pacify and convert them. In return the Spaniards were told of the existence of rich silver lodes in that vicinity and they determined to investigate. In January 1548 Tolosa was joined by his friends Cristóbal de Oñate, Diego de Ibarra, and Baltasar Treviño de Bañuelos, all Spanish officers of rank; and on March 21st the quaternion started on an exploring expedition.^[45] No particulars are known of these adventures; but it seems that during the year the Spaniards were rewarded by the discovery of the rich mines of San Bernabé, Alvarado de San Benito on the Veta Grande, and Tajos de Pánuco; discoveries so brilliant as to make these four enterprising men at the time the wealthiest in America, as the chroniclers assure us. The town of Nuestra Señora de Zacatecas^[46] was founded during this first flush of

Mexico.

prosperity, and it flourished from the beginning. The fame of the mines spread rapidly over the country, and other parts of New Galicia were almost depopulated for a season, the Zacatecan reales, in their turn, suffering from the superior attractions of Guanajuato, Catorce, and the regions to the north.

 

The diocese of Mexico was raised to an archdiocese by papal bull of July 8, 1547, with jurisdiction over the suffragan bishoprics of Tlascala, Michoacan, Oajaca, Nueva Galicia, Yucatan, Guatemala, Chiapas, Honduras, and Nicaragua. Bishop Zumárraga was designated first archbishop; but after the bull and the appointment he declined the position on account of advancing age. Nine days after the arrival of these documents, on June 3, 1548, he died, being then in his eightieth year.^[47] His death was said to have been miraculously made known all over New Spain on the day of its occurrence; it certainly excited universal interest and produced wide-spread sorrow. A pervading sense of impending loss had caused profane dances, which hitherto formed an important feature in the Corpus Christi procession, to be omitted in the one immediately preceding his demise. The odor of sanctity^[48] which had clung to him in life embalmed his memory.

The life of this prelate had been humble in the extreme, not differing from that of the lowliest missionary. He was held to have denied himself many of the necessaries of life; to have worn none but the coarsest of garments, and voluntarily to have made his long and frequent episcopal visits on foot, attended by but few, lest he should be a burden to any; and though while officiating in his sacred calling he would maintain the dignity and exhibit the splendor of his station, at all other times he was the servant of all. Oblivious of self, he was profuse in providing for the convents of Mexico, and liberal in alms. He loved books, though he hated the Aztec manuscripts; it was in his collection of devotional works, and in the study of them, that he took the greatest delight. He was a man preëminently just, according to the light that had been given him; austere, to the full mortification of the flesh; chaste, not suffering a woman to enter his house on any pretence whatever. Gonzalez Dávila says that he had no occasion to make a will, being destitute of worldly possessions. But this I find was not true. There was a will, and there was property.^[49] There were the houses which the bishop possessed in Mexico and Vera Cruz; the encomienda of Ocuituco; numerous personal male and female slaves, held contrary to law; horses and mules; with important money donations and many minor matters, directions for the distribution of which were fully set forth.^[50]

According to this document it is manifest that Zumárraga was a prosperous citizen as well as an honored prelate; that he conducted a regular trade with the Indians through his majordomo, Martin de Aranguren, advancing money on future crops at good interest, and that these transactions and others of a similar kind had been systematically carried on for a number of years. The old man finds himself cumbered with many things when he comes to die, and yet, on the day of this last distribution of his estate, he indites a farewell letter to his king, in which he reiterates the oft-made statement of his poverty,^[51] as though to the last he would preserve this painful contrast between the outward life of the prelate and the inward and real life of the man.

But all else we could readily forgive the bishop, even the occasional burning of a few old witches, but the destruction of the Aztec libraries, the mountains of native historical documents and monumental works at Tlatelulco, must ever be regarded as an unpardonable offence. We cannot deplore deeply enough this irreparable loss, the hieroglyphic history of nations unknown, reaching back a thousand years or more. In conclusion we may say that the business ability of the bishop assisted somewhat to temper his zeal in certain directions, and to guide his labors as administrator and head of the church, whose interest he ably promoted.^[52]

After the death of Zumárraga the Mexican see was offered to several of the old and distinguished friars, such as Father Gante, who declined the honor, and no appointment was made for a time.^[53]

Some months after Zumárraga’s death, which had followed so closely upon that of his friend Cortés, Viceroy Mendoza, who had recently been engaged in reapportioning the repartimientos throughout the country, asked permission to visit Spain, his private affairs needing attention after an absence of fourteen years. The following year several petitions were made to the crown, praying that Francisco, the viceroy's son, be appointed to succeed his father, in case the latter should resign or be removed. Indeed, his health began to fail and a change in the government was therefore soon expected. The several petitions were disregarded by the emperor, and during the same year, 1549, Don Luis de Velasco was appointed to supersede Mendoza. Before this took effect an impostor created quite a stir in the country, and lorded it for a short time over all the royal officials, including Mendoza.

A month before the arrival of Velasco, there landed at Vera Cruz a person announcing himself as Licenciado Vena, visitador from Spain. He was accompanied by a beautiful and accomplished woman from Seville and at once became the recipient of honors corresponding to one who might have many favors to bestow. Mendoza, who was notified by the authorities felt much surprised at this, not having received any information of such procedure on the part of the crown. The audiencia trembled, and office holders and seekers were eagerly expectant. The new visitador, making no secret of his intention to bestow honors and emoluments as he listed, quickly reaped a rich harvest from his audacity at Vera Cruz, and the pair proceeded to Mexico. Knowing that his time was short. Vena fleeced wherever he could, assisted therein by his fair companion. When hints were offered as to his credentials, he said that they were in the hands of the new viceroy, who would soon arrive. When the new viceroy came the presumptuous pair departed from Mexico, ostensibly to meet and receive that official; but meanwhile suspicions had been aroused. The fraud was detected; the impostors were arrested and stripped of all that had been given them. Vena was sentenced to receive four hundred lashes and ten years' service at the galleys; the beautiful Sevillana was shipped to Spain, and thus, remarks the caustic Torquemada, "the impostor was left poor in silver but rich in stripes." This act of justice, the last executed by Mendoza in New Spain, received the warm applause of the community.

During the month of November the new viceroy arrived, and Mendoza proceeded to Cholula to receive him, a custom which was observed by subsequent out-going viceroys. When the ceremonies of transmission were over, Mendoza delivered to his successor lengthy written instructions concerning viceregal duties, indicating the necessary measures to be followed in the government of the country. This information was of great value to the new viceroy, coming as it did from one who had governed so long and so wisely.

Great, indeed, had been the progress of New Spain during the fifteen years of Mendoza's rule. The tumultuous events of the last decade had given place to peace and order, and conspiracies, revolts, and rebellion had been suppressed. Even the storm raised by the new laws, which had threatened social and political disruption, under mid management had wrought but insignificant evils. The conquest of provinces in the north and south had been achieved; mines had been discovered and developed; numerous towns and churches, covents, hospitals, and schools, had been founded; roads, bridges, and other public works had been constructed, and agriculture, industry, and commerce had greatly increased. It is unnecessary to dwell upon the character and deeds of Mendoza. His acts are before the reader. He was not wholly faultless; he was not altogether without enemies; but in the main he was a just man, and his conduct met the approval of both the crown and the colonists.

The king could not well afford to dispense with such a servant. The commotion in Peru had become chronic, and Charles desired Mendoza to establish there a stable government. He was permitted, however, to retain the viceroyalty of Mexico should he so prefer, in which case Velasco would proceed to Peru; but, desiring a change of climate, in the hope of restoring his failing health, he concluded to make the transfer.^[54]

 

 

1. Fray Domingo de Betanzos urged that to promote peace and contentment among the natives the Spaniards should live in the cities and keep no garrisons inthe country. He suggestively added that the settlers would thus have less opportunity to rob and destroy at their pleasure. Parecer, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 538.
2. For years past forests had been wantonly cut down, and wood for fuel became scarce. The strict execution of the viceregal ordinauces for the preservation of trees, and of the roads over which the natives had to travel with wood and charcoal, were recommended. There was a great want of food for horses and cattle; to supply this demand Mendoza caused a large portion of the dry lake-bottom to be successfully sown in grass. Mendoza, Relacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vi. 487, 493-4; Florida, Col. Doc., 137.
3. The manufacture of woollen goods was introduced as early as 1543. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iv. 488.
4. Royal cédula of Jan. 24, 1545, of similar import as that of August 24, 1529. Recop. de Ind., ii. 197-8. It was also prohibited to sell to the natives, negroes, Indian slaves, and Spanish miners. Cédula of same date in Puga, Cedulario, 169.
5. This was notably the case with the oidor Ceynos who was in delicate health and had eight daughters whom he was unable to marry for want of endowments. Zumárraga, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii.
6. See details of his successful expedition to Peru, in Hist. Cent. Am., ii, this series.
7. Sebastian Lazo de la Vega and Gaspar Tapia revealed the secret. The chief of the conspirators was an Italian. Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 152.
8. According to Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 454-5, the friars of the convent at Oajaca quieted the natives without the assistance of troops. This convent was a vicarage until 1549, when it was made a priory. Id., i. 714.
9. The harsh treatment of the corregidores caused the revolt. Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 155-6. See also Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 824-5.
10. The term Chichimec being general, was applied to all wild tribes, and, according to Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 163, the district now known as Querétaro, and where the battle of pacification was fought, was principally inhabited by Otomís.
11. According to Father Vega in his Memorias de la Nacion Indiana, San Luis was a native of Tula, lineally descended from one of the Toltec kings, and a near relative of Montezuma. He became an early ally of the Spaniards, and assisted them against the Mexicans, being also christianized among the first. Charles V. made him cacique of Tula, a knight of Santiago, and captain general. Zerecero, Rev. Mex., 510. The narrative is exceedingly confused with respect to events, and contains errors as to dates and persons, besides useless repetitions. San Luis, Rel., in Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iv. 551-63.
12. One of the highest chiefs among the Otomís. Upon receiving baptism he took Cortés' Christian name, and the patronymic of two celebrated conquerors who went with the former to Mexico. The chief was a supporter of the Spaniards. San Luis gives the names of the captains who served under him in the Chichimec campaign.
13. 'Miéntras se hizo la guerra á puñetes y patadas y á merdidas como gallos.' Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iv. 559.
14. Alegre, on the authority of Father Vega's MS. existing then in the Franciscan convent at Mexico, places this event in 1531, when, as he states, the site of the city of Querétaro was conquered by Fernando de Tapia with a force of Mexicans. Espinosa's account is similar. Chrón. Apost., i. 1.
15. The Chichimec chief received the name of the Priest, who is mentioned by San Luis as the bachiller Don Juan Bautista.
16. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iv. 560. 'Dispararon los Cazíques Christianos armas de fuego.' Espinosa, Chron. Apost., i. 3.
17. With regard to the respective claims of San Luis and Tapia for the leadership, I see no reason to doubt chat the former had the chief command, though the latter also bore the title of captain-geueral, which may have been conferred on him years later. San Luis positively asserts that he was the leader and directed the operations im the region of Querétaro, both before and after its conquest. Tapia is mentioned by him as one of his captains in the campaign.
18. One account has it, 'se formó de cinco piedras blancas, y roxas milagrosamente halladas.' Gaz de Mex., 1730, in Arévalo, Compend., 237.
19. Parece que estábamos en la gloria, se apareció allí una nube blanca, tan hermosa, sombreando á la santa cruz y teniéndola cuatro ángeles; luego el olor que olia tan hermoso, que todos lo vimos que luego hizo milagro la santa cruz. San Luis, Relacion, in Beaumont, Crón. Mich., v. 150.
20. This cross from the beginning was a celebrated wonder. On several occasions it moved of itself, and so as to cause admiration and awe; it visibly grew one full vara in size. In 1639 'tenia tres varas, y al presente tiene cuatro cabales.' Beaumont, Crón. Mich., v. 154; Gaz. de Mex., in Arévalo, Compend., 237. The first Franciscans in Querétaro lived in the small straw convent where the holy cross was subsequently kept; afterward they moved to the principal convent, which about 1566 was placed by the Santo Evangelio under the province of Michoacan. Dicc. Univ., ix. 351; Iglesias y Conventos, 153-4.
21. Reference is made to the government books, i., ii., and iii., for Viceroy Velasco's period. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., v. 154-5. The parish books of Querétaro city were opened later. Bustamante, in Soc. Méx. Geog., Boletin, vii. 535. Espinosa states that the origin of the city of Querétaro was a fortification which Montezuma I. established on the northern frontier of his empire as a protection against the inroads of the Chichimecs. When the Spaniards came, some of the Otomis took refuge in Querétaro and entered into a defensive alliance with the Chichimecs. In an official document of the first viceroy it is called Taxco, which corrupted into Tlacho, in Mexican, means a game at ball, or the place where the game is played. The Tarascan word Querétaro has the same signification. Chrón. Apost., i. 1, 2, 10.
22. A chief well informed on military tactics. He advised his followers not to attempt coping with the Spaniards in the open field; to concentrate in the fastnesses of the mountains near the passes, and thence harass the Spanish towns, and waylay travellers as opportunity offered. His advice was followed. Herrera, dec. viii. lib. x. cap. xxi.; Beaumont, Crón. Mich., v. 316; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 163-4; Panes, in Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 82.
23. He died in Mexico some years later, and was interred in the Dominican convent. Zerecero, Mem. Hist. Rev., 511.
24. His funeral by the viceroy's order was a magnificent one, and the remains were interred in the Saint Francis couvent of Santiago Tlaltelulco, as he had made many generous donations to the Franciscan missionaries. To him Tula owed its famous bridge, which he caused to be built, employing 150 men. In Oct. 1559 he was granted a coat of arms as a descendant of the kings of Tezcuco, and created a knight of Santiago. The next year he was authorized to use another coat of arms, which he had before becoming a Christian, and which is described by Padre Vega, Memorias piadosas de la nacion Indiana, as being in two parts; in one was a fig-tree with a crowned eagle standing on it; in the other a fortified house with a viper upon it; the king added in the centre of the coat of arms the insignia of the order of Santiago with the motto 'Sodata regia magna operata tua.' The old captain seemed to have been forgotten till 1699, when the learned Tezcucan Indian, Francisco Isla, wrote a fine narrative in Aztec of his life, conquests, foundations, and feats of arms. Zerecero, Mem. Hist. Rev., 478-82; Valerio, Despacho, in Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 356. Alonso de Sosa is also mentioned as a general of Chichimecs who greatly codperated to the pacification of the country, particularly in the region of Guanajuato. He was born in Yuririapindaro and died in 1561. He gave large sums for building the church, and endowed the convent in his native town. Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin., ix. 167.
25. The colony consisted of 58 Europeans. They tarried some time at Tetlan, where Fray Antonio Segovia had founded a small convent of Franciscans, the first in the province of Nueva Galicia. Frejes, Hist. Breve, 263-4.
26. The first alcaldes were Fernando Flores and Pedro Placencia; regidores, Miguel Ibarra, Diego Orozco, and Juan Zubía. Jal., Not. Geog., in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, vi. 277.
27. See Beaumont, Crón. Mich., v.6. In Chimalpain, Hist. Cong, ii. sup., 38, it is implied that Gallegos succeeded Oñate in 1542.
28. Pursuant to royal decree of Feb. 18, 1548. Recop. de Ind., i. 326. Calle, Mem. y Not., 89, Beaumont, Crón. Mich., v. 94-5, Herrera, dec. viii. lib. iv. cap. xii., and Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 148, erroneously give the year 1547, and Frejes, Hist. Breve, 1549. In the Decades, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., viii. 30, July 13, 1548, is mentioned. This is probably the date of instalment at Compostela, as Oviedo, iii. 578, names the three oidores, Quiñones, Sepúlveda, and Contreras, who were sent from Spain in May 1548. Sepúlveda died on the voyage. Under date of November 2, 1548, Quiñones makes recommendations to the emperor as to the proper course to pursue in the administration of justice in New Galicia. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., x. 52-6. The decree issued at Valladolid, December 8, 1550, by the queen, defined the jurisdiction, especially in appeals. Another of Dec. 19th, of the same year, gave the audiencia of Mexico the right of revising the decisions of that of New Galicia, where the alcalde mayor and the oidores of the latter disagreed. Aug. 28, 1552, it was further defined that the audiencia of Mexico, in the visit to that of New Galicia, was not to meddle in the affairs of the latter, except when the judicial decisions were appealed from. Puga, Cedulario, 161, 180, 183. In the year last named, May 8th, the king had been advised that the oidores Contreras and La Marcha were misbehaving, as they oppressed the Indians, and hindered their colleagues. The Licenciado Lebron de Quiñones was prominently brought before the emperor for president and governor of New Galicia. Valencia, Fray Angel, Carta al Emp., in Cartas de Ind., 110-11. Mendieta mentions Lebron as an upright, God-fearing man. Hist. Ecles., 480. He proved to be otherwise. The powers of this audiencia were continued with few subsequent restrictions till March 19, 1555; the king in council then ruled that the audiencia of New Spain, the viceregal chair being vacant, should govern the country and exercise authority over that of New Galicia. In army and treasury affairs the latter was at all times under the viceroy's authority. Calle, Mem. y Not., 43.
29. 'Partiendo términos: por el Levante con la Audiencia de la Nueva España: por el Mediodia con la Mar del Sur; y por el Poniente y Septentrion con Provincias no descubiertas, ni pacíficas.' Recop. de Ind., i. 326-7.
30. In 1569, according to the Informe del Cabildo, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 492, there were at the Jocotlan and Guajacatlan mines 30 Spaniards; at Guachinango, 6; Espíritu Santo, 40; Purificacion, 10; Compostela, 13; Lagos, 35; Guadalajara, 50. Among other settlements subject at this time and later to the audiencia, were Nombre de Dios, Durango, Chametla, Sinaloa, settled by Ibarra, Culiacan, a prominent alcaldia centre, and Purificacion. The towns in Durango and Sinaloa fell in due time politically under Nueva Vizcaya, while the audiencia of Nueva Galicia maintained the judicial control, and its bishop the ecclesiastical. See Miranda, Rel., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvi. 563-73; Calle, Mem. y Not., 89; Villa Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, ii. 257, etc.; Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xiii.; Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 199, 204-5, 243-6; Gil, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, viii. 477-80.
31. He incurred the hostility of the ecclesiastics for his looseness of tongue, the bishop among others being termed a donkey, and in Cabildo, Eccles., Informe, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 484-508, a free-spoken report to the king on men and affairs in New Galicia in 1570, he among others is treated without mercy as a vain man, ruled by his wife. In 1563 already he ranked as president of the audiencia, with Morones and Alarcon among his associates. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., v. 552-7; Parra, Conq. Xal., MS., 31. Alarcon's name became a byword for petty peculation. Morones was succeeded by Mendiola, afterwards bishop, and he by Orozco, brother of the oidor at Mexico. Quiñones had been reinstated, and came back fuming with wrath against his accusers, but he died on the way.
32. There is much disagreement respecting the date; indeed, there is hardly a year between 1550 and 1569 to which the change is not by some author assigned. A royal letter to the viceroy, of July 16, 1550, requested him to report on the expediency of removing the 'chest of three keys' from Compostela to Guadalajara. Puga, Cedulario, 179.
33. He was a nephew of Bernardino Vazquez de Tapia, the noted captain at the conquest of Mexico. His wealth was great, for he was married to his cousin Doña Ana Vazquez de Tapia, who owned rich silver-mines in Tepic. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., v. 229.
34. Mercado died in 1558, after the founding of Zacatecas; and his family was left unprotected and ruined; his remains were interred in the Franciscan convent at Juchipila. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., v. 233; Frejes, Hist. Breve, 212-15.
35. The Franciscan custodio and definidores, in recommending, May 8, 1552, measures on behalf of the Indians of Michoacan and Nueva Galicia, complain of the cruelties inflicted by military captains, adding that it would be better to abandon all further attempts at conversion than to allow such tyranny to continue. The entire work of conversion should be left to the missionaries, they plead, and the military must confine themselves to affording protection. The oidores of the audiencias should attend to their duties and be held accountable for misconduct. Valencia et al., Carta al Emp., in Cartas de Indias, 103-18.
36. It is presumed this occurred in the latter part of 1560. The two Franciscans had been many years successfully at work in New Galicia, and everywhere won the good-will and friendship of the natives. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., v. 317-27; Vetancvrt, Menolog., 5, 6.
37. Frejes, Hist. Breve, 177-8. It is added that the eldest daughter of the widow Arias received the title of marchioness of Miravalles, and from her have sprung the distinguished family of that title.
38. The others definitely mentioned are Jaltepec, Guachinango, Purificacion, Jocotlan, Etzatlan, Guajacatlan (Ahuacatlau), and Istlan. Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 179-80.
39. The following items serve also as additional information: The Jocotlan and Ahuacatlan mines, with 30 miners, yielded well, but failed somewhat in 1569. Informe del Cabildo, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 494. Two hundred houses were occupied by miners at Guachinango in 1550; 214 veins of metals were open. Marcha, in Ternaux-Compans, Recueil, 198. The mines of Espíritu Santo first failed to pay in 1562. There had been 14 reduction works. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iv. 483. It was on account of the Espíritu Santo mines that a royal treasury was established at Compostela. The mines of Jocotlan, Guachinango, Ahuacatlan, and Istlan discovered by Juan Fernandez de Híjar yielded to the king for his royalties in 30 years 200,000 pesos. Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., i. 179-81.
40. Ibarra and Camino led several small parties into the Nochistlan region to tranquillize it by arms and reforms in the encomendero management. Beaumont also refers to the revolt of 5,000 Texoquines of Ostotipac, who were defeated by Diego de Colis. Crón. Mich., MS., 615-16, 636-7, 911, 920-1, 1088, 1542-3. In 1550 and 1558 the natives of Tepic and Compostela had to be suppressed. Somewhat later the Yocotequanes killed two friars, but Oidor Contreras marched against them with 100 Spaniards and 4,000 allies, and inflicted a loss of 600 men. Torquemada, iii. 622. Visitador de la Marcha recommended in 1550 the enslavement of the Indians to check revolt and vice. Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Recueil, 171-200.
41. The pest of 1545-8 carried off five sirths of the population, according to Beaumont, and caused the establishment of hospitals. The malady of 1551 was an inflammation of the throat. That of 1562 resembled the ravages of 1541. Comets appeared in 1567-8, and an earthquake which threw down many churches, and caused the death of two friars at Cocula. In 1577 some of the hospitals had 400 patients. A shower of ashes preceded the pest of 1590. Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 156-7, 237, 244; Beaumont, Crón. Mich., MS., 430, 623-4, 791-2, 913; Gil, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, viii. 495-6; Torquemada, iii. .506-7. The thousands of Indians in Banderas Valley had within 20 years dwindled to 300 men. Toral, Carta, 1559, in Cartas de Indias, 138-9. The Indians tributary to Guadalajara in 1569 were estimated at 24,300. Inform's del Cabildo, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 492-504.
42. Yet prices were low, a sheep costing 2 reals; 8 hens, 1 real; maize, 1 half real per fanega. Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 180.
43. Stock-raising early assumed such proportions that semi-annual councils were held to regulate it. Herrera, dec. vii. lib. v. cap. ii.
44. Fray Gerónimo de Mendoza, a nephew of the viceroy, was one of them; the names of the rest are unknown. Morfi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série iii. tom. iv. 329-30. Beaumont, Crón. Mich., v. 77, says the names are lost through the destruction of the Zacatecas convent by fire. See, also, Arlegui, Crón. Zac., 12.
45. Juan de Tolosa was married to Leonor Cortés de Montezuma, daughter of the conqueror and granddaughter of the Aztec monarch. On the lives of these pioneers of Zacatecas see Arlegui, Crón, Zac., 58, 134-5; Bernardez, Zac., 28-32; Frejes, Hist. Breve, 178-9.
46. The name of Zacatecas comes from the Aztec zacate, meaning grass. A writer in the Museo Mex., iv. 115, derives the name from a Spanish general who preceded Chirinos in the country! The town was first founded between the mines and the present site. Arlegui, Crón. Zac., 16. For historical and descriptive account of the city, and a plan, see Bernardez, Descrip. Zac., 1-90. Brief notices on various towns and mining districts appear in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, viii. 21-4; x. 114-17.
47. Four days before his death, on May 30, 1548, Zumárraga wrote to the emperor that the letters and bulls making Mexico an archbishopric had arrived five days previous, but that he was too feeble to accept, and he felt that his end was near at hand. Carta, in Ramirez, Doc., MS., 387-9. Here the good bishop also states that he performed an ecclesiastical feat which, if true, would certainly make his last days eclipse the glory of his former achievements. 'I es verdad que havra quarenta dias que con ayuda de Religiosos comenze a confirmar los Yndios desta Cibdad i mui examinados que no recibiesen mas de una vez la confirmacion; pasaron de quatrocientas mill animas los que recibieron el olio.' It was indeed severe work closely to examine 400,000 souls during 40 days, and to see that they had not been previously baptized. Other authorities on the elevation of Mexico to an archsee, and the appointment and death of Zumárraga, are: Vetancvrt, Ciud. de Mex., 22; Giraua Tarragonez, in Apiano, Cosmog., 76; Dicc. Univ., x. 1132-3; Dávila, Continuacion, MS., 307; Torquemada, iii. 454; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 635-6; Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iii. 248-52; v. 61-3; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 60; Calle, Mem. y Not., 45-6; Medina, Chron. S. Diego, 236; Villa Señor, Theatro, i. 28. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 23, assumes that Zumárraga actually was archbishop.
48. Among the miracles attributed to him was that, when an attempt was made to introduce those unseemly dances in the Corpus Christi procession, he moved the heavens to pour down incessant rain, which made them impossible. Vetancvrt, Menolog., 62.
49. It was duly executed before a notary and witnesses on June 2, 1548, one day before his death. An attested copy of the whole document may be found in Ramirez, Doc., MS., 77-112.
50. In the will Zumárraga speaks of a house he had leased to his majordomo, Martin de Aranguren, for ten years; of several other houses he owned in Vera Cruz; of female slaves, one of whom he had given to Aranguren personally and now wishes exchanged; of a man slave who is to work six years and then be manumitted; of other slaves whose services had been hired by Father Torres; of his own attendant slaves, and provision is made for their emancipation. The episcopal building is set apart for hospital purposes, to which he gives for the use of the sick three of his chairs, but is careful to mention that 'they are not to be taken from the sick ones.' To Juan Lopez he donates 100 pesos de oro de minas, for having married, at that price, a daughter of 'Fray Gutierrez,' undoubtedly a conqueror who had taken the habit; this gift was made with reluctance, but the bishop had promised it. To others he gives his horses and mules with appurtenances, and to some, for services rendered, various sums of money; to the nuns he gives fifty fanegas of wheat. To the majordomo he leaves all the tithes of the prebend, and directs him to pay therewith the debts he may deem proper, and no others, and no accounting shall be required of him; there are many minor provisions and bequests which the viceroy is asked to execute. There is no doubt that Zumárraga had given a building for hospital purposes, besides the episcopal dwelling, but it is also shown that he had received it from a deceased Spaniard for that very purpose. Ramirez, Doc., MS., 77-112, 134-200.
51. He also begged the king to pay any debts he might leave, and Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 28, says an order to that effect was subsequently issued.
52. In connection with Zumárraga may be mentioned Andrés de Olmos, a Franciscan, who was selected by him as a fellow-laborer when appointed bishop of Mexico. For 43 years Olmos labored in New Spain, and many miracles are ascribed to him. Lighted arrows shot by savages at the roof of his dwelling would fail to ignite it, and when directed against his person they would return as if shot by an unseen force against themselves. He died about 1571, being over 80 years of age; and when this event occurred, perfumes and celestial music were observed by both Spaniards and natives. Torquemada, iii. 475; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 644-51; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 529.
53. Padre Pedro Gante was offered the diocese, but did not accept. Vetancvrt, Menolog., 67-8. He nevertheless remained the power at the episcopal court, owing to his great experience, ability, and influence, as archbishop Montúfar admits, and this till his death in June 27, 1572. He was interred in the chapel of St Joseph, one of the many temples built by himself, and there round his grave concentrated all the vast love he had won from Spaniards as well as natives, by his apostolic zeal, his benevolence, and his self-denying life. Ponce, Rel., in Col. Doc. Inéd., lvii. 181; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 607-11; Torquemada, iii. 426-32; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 10; Cartas de Indias, 762. Padre Francisco de Soto, then in Spain, was elected to fill the episcopal vacancy, but he also declined. In 1550 he returned to Tlascala, and died in 1551. Id., 92. Bishop Francisco Marroquin of Guatemala was then recommended by Licentiate Cerrato, but the petition was returned with the remark 'Sin duda esto seria solicitacion del opo.' Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 79.
54. Some say that Mendoza made the trip from Mexico to Panamá by land. This, however, is improbable. There was no highway through Central America to the Isthmus, and the viceroy was in delicate health; furthermore, the trip would have been hazardous even with a large escort. Mendoza took charge of the government of Peru in Sept. 1551, and died July 21, 1552.
     

    The authorities consulted for the preceding three chapters are: Herrera, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. x. — xii.; lib. v. cap. v.; lib. vi. cap. vii. xi.; lib. vii. cap. xiv.; dec. viii. lib. iv. cap. xii.; lib. vi. cap. xi.; Torguemada, i. 608-616; iii, 106-8, 258, 340-7, 468-76, 589, 610-11, 623; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 135; Ordenes de la Corona, MS., ii. 712; Squier's MSS., xix. 39-42; Puga, Cedulario, 100-91, passim; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 160-2, 203, 257-62, 404-58, 525 6, 714; Grijalva, Crón., 51-77; Recop. de Indias, i, 212; ii. 17, 108, 197; Ogilby's Am., 96, 266-7; Cartas de Indias, 33-4, 83-91, 119-20, 776; Oviedo, ii. 142; iii. 530-44, 552-4, 578; iv. 26; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., 118, 128, 369, 377; vi. 170-3, 484-515; vii. 209, 236-8, 538; viii. 30, 199-208; xiv. 151-65; xv. 447-8; xviii. 328-30; Benzoni, Nvovo Mondo, 38-9; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip. Oajaca, 1. 377; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., 22-8, 76, 86-9, 179; Méndieta, Hist. Ecles., 275-358, 471-7, 515; Provincia Santo Evang., MS., No. 1, 21-58; Mex. Actas Prov., MS., 36; Michoacan, Prov. S. Nicolas, 34-69; Medina, Chron. S. Diego, 236-57; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 235-7; Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., v. 156; Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fund. Mex., 117-18, 159-75; Concilios Prov. 1556-65, 245-6, 351-67; Dávila, Con. de la Crón., MS., 312-13; Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iv. 105-504, passim; v. 6-109, 134-40, 299-307, 483; Id., MS., 323-1089, passim; Arlegui, Chron. Prov. Zacatecas, 12-16, 143-5, 342; Vazquez, Chron. Guat., 529; Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., No. 5, 8, 50-1, 242-3; Calle Mem. y Not., 45-6, 62, 89-91; Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 333-5; Cortés, Diario 1812, xii. 348; Papeles Franciscanos, MS., série i., No. 1; Vetancvrt, Menolog., 49-68, 126-92; Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 23-7; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, iii. 347; vi. 277-8; viii. 21, 617-27; ix. 48; x. 114; Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 131-2, 217, 318-19; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 61-2, 131-4, 156-9; Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i, tom. x. 259-66, 289-306, 349-51; Pap. Var. cii. pt. vi. 7-12; cxciv. pt. vi. 12; Robertson's Hist. Am, i ii. 1005; Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 62-154, 198-230, 307-32; Peralta, Not. Hist., 19-20, 31-2, 158-74; Ramusio, i 1, 414; Pimentel, Mem., 151-88; Nouvelles An. des Voy., xcix. 192; Alaman, Disert., ii, 183-5; Id., Hist. Méj., ii. 38; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 93-4, 200-5, 227-9; ii. 125-7; Burney's Discov. South Sea, i. 219-20; Cabrera, Escudo Armas, 184-6; Bernardez, Zac., 2; Pimentel, Econ. Pol., 13-25; Id., Mem. Lit. Actual, 97-188; Ramirez, Proceso, xviii. xxili,; Ramirez, Doc., MS., 77-114, 134-200; Prescott's Mex., ii. 97; Mex. Hierogl., 92; Lacunza, Discursos Hist., 479-561; Masson, Olla Podrida, 91; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 131-57; Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt., No. 5, 262; Musco Mex., i. 54-7, 537-40; iv. 115-19; Monette, Hist. Disc. Miss, i. 63-4; Linschoten, Voy., 296-8; La Cruz, ii. 613-15; v. 686; Chevalier, Mex., 293-310; Galvano's Discov., 231-9; Villa Señor, Theatro, i. 28 et seq.; Salazar, Mex. en 1554, 59; Fossey's Mex., 51-2; Rivera, Gob, Mex., i. 31-3, 100-1; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 62-4; Id., Descrip. Zac., ii. 3, 4; Frejes, Hist. Breve, 161-73, 206-9, 261-70; Sanson, L'Amer., 34-5; Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., v. 419-62; Fonseca, Hist. Hac., 411-518; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., i. 691-715; v. 6-28; Dicc. Univ., 1. 173-4, 35; vii. 39, 56, 150; x. 788, 918-21; Garcilaso de la Vega, Com., ii. 80-1; Id., La Florida, 255-65; Nueva España, Breve Res., MS., 1. 205-453 Parecer de Salamanca, 1541; Jalisco, Mem. Hist., 154-169, 178-190; Id., Not. Geog. y Est., 15; El Indicador, ii. 37-523; Greenhow's Mem., 30-1; Id., Or. and Cal., 62; Gonzalez, Col. N. Leon, xiii.-xvii.