History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 2/Chapter 7

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER VII.

THE PÁNUCO AFFAIR AND ITS SEQUEL.

1523-1524.

Alvarado Appears upon the Scene — Naval Strategy — Double Dealings — How Cortés Settled the Affair — Garay's Sudden Death — General Uprising in Pánuco — Massacres — Desperate Efforts of THE Settlers — Sandoval to the Rescue — His Ruse at the Pass — Terrible Retaliation — Burning of the Patriots — Garayan Conspiracy — An Estimable Judge — His Shipwreck and Island Life — Alvarado and Olid Depart for Southern Conquests — Marin's Campaign in Chiapas and Rangel's Entry into Zapotecapan.

The first step of Cortés on learning of Garay's arrival had been to despatch Alvarado in advance with all the forces ready for the Guatemalan campaign. He himself prepared to follow with additional troops, and had already sent his equipage to the first camp beyond Mexico, when, on September 2d, a messenger^[1] arrived with despatches from Spain, including a royal cédula forbidding Garay to interfere in any district conquered or held by Cortés.^[2] This document made his presence in Pánuco unnecessary, and he gladly availed himself of his good fortune to escape from the hardships of a march which might prove fatal in his present state of health.^[3] Diego de Ocampo was accordingly sent as alcalde mayor to represent him in Pánuco, supported by the cedula, and a force under command of Rodrigo Rangel. He must allow no hostile measures on the part of either Alvarado or himself till the peaceful injunctions of the cedula had been fully exerted and information sent to Cortés. Ocampo did not overtake Alvarado till he approached San Estévan, and found him escorting a large number of prisoners. It appears that the captain had been implored by the frontier people of Pánuco to protect them against the raids of Gonzalo de Ovalle. brother-in-law of Garay, who from his camp at Guazaltepec was raiding the country at the head of a score of cavalry and other forces. Approaching cautiously, he managed to present himself before the astonished and careless Ovalle in a manner that made it difficult for him either to escape or to resist, and since Alvarado possessed also the advantage of superior force, he agreed to surrender his arms and horses.^[4]

Encouraged by the success of the manœuvre with the land forces, the officers of Cortés combined to operate against the shipping under the probably fabricated plea that Garay had at last resolved to take up a strong position on the other side of the river, and supported by the vessels to defy the settlers.^[5] Before dawn one morning several boats with muffled oars approached two of the vessels which had been selected for attack. All was silent on board and the assailants gained the deck before the alarm was given. With a Viva Cortés! they rushed on the surprised watch and hastened to take up positions which rendered further or effective resistance useless. Indeed, little opposition was offered, owing in part to a secret arrangement with the captains.^[6] Alarmed by the noise, and suspecting the truth, Grijalva prepared to take steps for recapturing the vessel, When Vallejo's notary came with the formal demand for him to leave the river or to anchor under the fort, he sternly rejected the favorable propositions made, and signalled to his consorts to open fire on the captured vessels, he himself setting the example.^[7] Nothing daunted, the resolute Vallejo made conspicuous preparations for defence, probably in a great measure for effect. Whether real or not they succeeded, for abandoned by the land forces, and tired of waiting for further developments, with vessels rapidly decaying under the attack of worms, the captains all refused to expose themselves to needless danger. Grijalva could do nothing alone, and so after a brief conference he yielded,^[8] only to be made a prisoner, together with a number of his officers and crew, whom Alvarado replaced with trusty men.

Ocampo now stepped in to play his part. With an air of magnanimous consideration he ordered nearly all of the prisoners to be set at liberty.^[9] He thereupon declared himself ready to extend every aid to the expedition, but as the province pertained to Cortés, a large force of armed strangers could not be permitted to remain, as this would prejudice both settlers and natives and create trouble. They must leave. Almost sick with chagrin at this succession of mishaps, Garay met the alcalde mayor at Chiachacata, near San Estévan, in the beginning of October, there to arrange terms. He recognized the rights conferred on Cortés by the royal cédula, and agreed to leave the province for Rio de las Palmas or adjoining regions.^[10] In order to do so, however, his ships and men must be restored, with their outfit and belongings, and supplies were also required. This seemed reasonable, and Ocampo hastened to issue a proclamation enjoining all members of Garay's expedition, under heavy penalties of lash and fine, to assemble at Tacalula, and there place themselves at the disposal of the commander; all captured men and effects were to be restored, and the natives instructed to bring in supplies.^[11]

All this was a farce, for the men of Cortés did not intend to lose for their chief so valuable an acquisition of men and vessels, or to surrender the arms, horses, and other effects obtained. The poor prospects of receiving pay for the required supplies was another objection, but the strongest lay with the members themselves, who, instigated by the settlers, and allured by the tales and specimens of wealth in Mexico, by the fame of Cortés as a great and generous leader, and by the projected expeditions to the gilded regions of Honduras and Guatemala, were almost unanimously opposed to follow the inefficient Garay to the wild north lands. Many, indeed, had already wandered away to Mexico, regardless of the hostile tribes on the way, and others only waited their time to do likewise, hiding meanwhile in the forests by day, and seeking by night the sheltering houses, and camps of the army of Cortés. Garay issued appeals to his men, with abundant promises, and, nothing availing, he turned for assistance to Ocampo. After his many protestations, the latter felt obliged to do something, and his lieutenant was instructed to scour the district for fugitives. At the same time he renewed the demand for Garay's departure, under penalty of confiscation.^[12] The result of the measure was the seizure of a certain number of men, chiefly of the Velazquez party, and uncongenial persons, who came forth in a formal protest. Garay was wholly unfit to lead any expedition, and they had followed him so far under misrepresentations. It was certain, however, that Pánuco was their proclaimed destination, and they were not bound to proceed elsewhere, the more so since their pay had not been forthcoming. To depart under such a leader into an unknown wilderness, in rotten vessels, unprovided with ammunition and supplies, could only result in disaster, and they preferred to submit to any punishment rather than encounter the risk.^[13]

Recognizing the objections to the vessels, he proposed to go by land, but this was equally objected to, and perceiving the futility of further efforts in Panuco, he asked permission to confer personally with Cortés at Mexico. Ocampo agreed, insisting however that a number of noted adherents of Velazquez belonging to the party should leave the province in one of the vessels, lest they should create trouble.^[14]

On reaching Mexico, Garay received an impressive welcome from his rival, who, having nothing to fear from him, was quite prepared to play the magnanimous part, and to entertain him as an old friend. He even thought seriously of aiding him, and in token of his good-will agreed to the betrothal of his natural daughter, Catalina,^[15] with Garay's eldest son, then acting as his father's lieutenant in Pánuco, the defect in the bride's birth being covered with a large dowry in lands and gold. The latter was to be expended in the proposed expedition to the Rio de las Palmas region, for which Cortés promised his assistance in men and means, with a view of sharing in the profits.^[16] While the project was maturing the two leaders maintained the most intimate relations, and on Christmas eve, about six weeks after his arrival in Mexico, Garay accompanied the governor to midnight mass and then to breakfast. That same day he was laid low with pain and fever, aggravated by previous indisposition. The doctors declared his case hopeless, and a few days later he expired, leaving Cortés his executor.^[17] The funeral was conducted with great

14 Cortés names Gonzalo de Figueroa, Alonso de Mendoza, Cerda, Juan de Ávila, Ulloa, Taborda, Medina, and Grijalva, as the leading exiles. Cartas, 297. Permission was nevertheless given to one or two to proceed under supervision to Mexico, and Figueroa figures there as witness. It was permitted to Cortés by royal orders to exile persons supposed to be dangerous to the peace. Garay exchanged letters with Cortés on the way, for his march was comparatively slow, and received assurances of welcome. See Provision, ubi sup., 131-2. pomp. There were not persons wanted who whispered that so sudden a death of a late arrival was significant of poison, though the doctor under oath declared the cause to be a very prevalent disease to which a number of soldiers had succumbed.^[18]

 

Soon after Garay's arrival^[19] at Mexico a messenger arrived in hot haste from Pánuco with the report that all the natives were in arms, slaughtering Spaniards in every direction, and resolved not to leave one white man alive. The trouble was ascribed to Garay's men: already mutinous before his departure, they wholly ignored the son he had left i charge. A large number felt also absolved from all restraint by the absence of officers, whom Ocampo had exiled for their well-known sympathy with Velazquez, or taken with him to Mexico.^[20] Abandoning the camps assigned to them, some disbanding, they scattered over the country in small parties,^[21] pillaging the native villages of provisions and other effects, laying hands on the women, killing those who sought to defend their wives and daughters, and committing every conceivable outrage. A warlike people could not be expected to long endure what amounted to slow extermination by famine and assassins. They had already been aroused through the raids suppressed by the followers of Cortés, and encouraged by the jealousies and quarrels between the two Spanish parties. The departure of Alvarado's imposing forces emboldened the conspirators, who so far had numbered but few. Now every native felt it a solemn duty to join, and within the month the whole province had arisen. Every straggling party was promptly slaughtered, and with tortures that should in some degree compensate injured husbands and fathers for the anguish suffered. Growing bolder with success and number, the natives attacked the camps, notably one at Tamiquil,^[22] containing more than a hundred soldiers, all of whom were killed, a native Jamaican alone managing to escape.

Alarmed for their own safety, and appealed to by the different settlements, the main corps at San Estévan sent several parties to warn and assist their comrades; but the hostile warriors swept everything before them, and one of the expeditions, consisting of fifteen horse and some two dozen foot soldiers, was actually surprised and cut to pieces at Tacetuco,^[23] the lieutenant and two horsemen alone escaping from the burning quarters, wherein those still alive were roasting amidst the triumphant songs of the enemy. Every other field party was driven back to the fort, to which siege was laid with persistent determination. Vallejo himself headed the settlers in several encounters, till a well-directed arrow stayed his efforts forever. Emboldened by the death of this valiant captain, the warriors pressed the siege closely, attempting also to surprise the place by night. The besieged fought with the energy of despair, and though numbers of natives succumbed, every repulse proved costly, while famine began also to add its quota to the misery. Not knowing whether the message by land had reached Mexico, they sent news to Villa Rica by one of Garay's vessels; but assistance could in any case not come at once, and the delay seemed interminable with the daily addition of victims, now exceeding three hundred.^[24]

Still disabled by his broken arm, Cortés could not yield to the desire of personally relieving the province, but Sandoval was immediately despatched with fifty horse, one hundred foot, and thirty thousand natives, reënforced with four field-pieces and a considerable number of arquebuses and cross-bows.^[25] His instructions were to inflict a punishment that should remain an ineffaceable warning to rebels. With great alacrity he hastened northward; for when engaged on important affairs this gallant leader scarcely allowed himself time for sleep, as his admirer, Bernal Diaz, declares. On approaching the province, he learned that the enemy had occupied both passes leading into it, and thought it best to divide his force, sending part against each, not knowing which passage might be more readily forced. The archers and arquebusiers were ordered to alternate, so as to maintain a steady volley, and create a confusion of which advantage might be taken. This expectation was not fulfilled, for the natives stoutly kept their ground, responding to the volleys in a manner that laid low quite a number of the assailants, and prevented any advance. Both parties held their positions during the night, and dawn was ushered in with a renewal of the conflict. Nervous over the prospective delay,^[26] Sandoval reunited his force, and retreated as if returning to Mexico. This brought forth the enemy in triumphant pursuit: but their joy was brief; for one night the horsemen swooped down upon them, and taking advantage of the rout, the army hastened back and forced their way through the easiest pass, though not without the loss of three horses and other casualties.

Once through, they found large forces gathering to resist the advance, and hardly had they formed before the attack was made. The natives flung themselves heedlessly upon the lines, and even sought to wrest the lancers from some inexperienced cavalrymen. "Curse the fellows!" cried Sandoval as he rushed to their relief. "Better a few soldiers than a host of such imbeciles!" The repulse effected, he led the cavalry to a return charge, with instructions to keep the lances levelled against the faces of the warriors, and maintain a gallop so as to give no opportunity for a hand-to-hand conflict. In this manner the path was opened, and the army made its way to the river, where camp was formed for the night. The horses were kept saddled, and all prepared^[27] for instant action, for the constant sound of drums and pipes, in increasing volume, showed that the foe was gathering round them. Shortly after leaving camp next morning they came upon three bodies prepared for battle. Sandoval directed his cavalry in two parties against them, and was warmly received, he himself being wounded in the leg, and nearly overthrown by a stone which struck him full in the face.^[28] Previous lessons had not been in vain, for the foe soon wavered before the resolute advance, and when the foot and allies came up, the battle turned into a chase and slaughter. A large number of prisoners were also taken, and every village on the way was ravaged and burned by the auxiliaries.

Sandoval arrived most opportunely at San Estévan. "Three days' more delay," says Cortés, "and all there would have been lost." So reduced were the besieged by wounds, hunger, and fatigue, harassed day and night by the natives, that but for the resolute demeanor of a few of the veterans of Cortés they would have yielded.^[29] The besiegers having now dispersed, two expeditions were sent out in pursuit, and to forage, with the injunction to secure every rebel of note. Sandoval remaining behind among the disabled, no restraint was placed on the troops in observing the order of Cortés to inflict severe punishment. Sacking, slaughtering, and burning went hand in hand,^[30] the example being set by the Spaniards and eagerly excelled by the auxiliaries with the intensity customary among those cruel warriors. The captain himself set forth a few days later, marking his advance with comparative leniency, even where submission was tardy, yet he failed not to take prisoners all sturdy and prominent rebels, swelling the total of captured chiefs and notable men alone to fully four hundred.^[31]

Sandoval now reported to Mexico the pacification of the province, and asked for instructions concerning the prisoners and other matter. In answer, Cortés sent the alcalde mayor Ocampo, to whom pertained the administration of justice, while the captain should continue to effectually assure tranquillity. A trial was held at Chachopal, near the fort, where bribery and policy played important parts in securing the acquittal of a few, while confession and testimony consigned the rest to the stake and halter. The condemned pleaded in vain that they had been driven to rise in defence of their homes by the outrages of the Garay party, against whom the followers of Cortés had incited them; if some of the latter had fallen, it was but the accident of war.^[32] But they were pagans who had dyed their hands in the blood of Christians; and, above all, they had dared to disobey their masters, and for such crimes the perils to which their own insignificant lives were exposed could be no excuse. White men must be respected at all hazards, and thoroughly to impress this, the pardoned prisoners, including the friends and families of the condemned, were compelled to attend the execution; to witness the agonies of the ringleaders at the stake, and the struggles of the less prominent who were strangled in the noose. Yet it did not need the witnessing of death-throes to teach the lesson: the number of the victims was sufficient. There were whole lines of smoking columns, each enclosing a writhing form and shielding an agonized face; a succession of human bodies suspended amidst revolting contortions. It was one long continuation of horrors, until horror grew tame, and darkness brought rest.^[33]

The security of the province was provided for by a politic distribution of the vacant chieftaincies, with due regard to the claims of rightful heirs, and the lieutenancy was bestowed on a resolute man named Vallecillo. An additional weeding had also to be performed among the Garay party, whose excesses had been the main cause of the revolt. This measure appeared more necessary since they exhibited signs of mutiny at the disregard shown for them in the appointment of captains during the campaign, and on subsequent occasions. A number are even said to have formed a conspiracy,^[34] but this charge may have been made to give color to the proceedings against certain disorderly persons. Sandoval lectured them soundly on their ingratitude to Cortés, who had saved them from destruction, and on their disregard for the claims of the old settlers and soldiers. A number of the party were enrolled for the campaigns in Mexico, and the more objectionable left for Jamaica, many of them willingly, since the death of Garay must have frustrated the plans which connected them with his expedition. This accomplished, Sandoval and Ocampo returned to Mexico, though not until they had joined Father Olmedo in solemn thanksgiving for the success awarded to Christian arms. Neither the good friar nor the worthy commander could see aught of mockery in such an act. They were naturally well pleased at the pacification, which proved effectual, for the province never again revolted. Yet even its conqueror lived to recognize that it was unworthy of the cost and lives expended. The harbor, which had formed one of its chief attractions, proved of no value to New Spain, though a viceroy once did land there, and cause the road to Mexico to be restored for a time. The settlement dwindled, and even the name of San Estévan disappeared.^[35]

 

It has been mentioned that when Garay touched at Cuba, on the way to Pánuco, his fear of Cortés induced him to seek a meditator in the person of Licentiate Alonso de Zuazo, a prominent and respected lawyer who had been appointed juez de residencia in connection with the audiencia of Santo Domingo, and who as judge of Velazquez had lately held the government of Cuba.^[36] The mediation had probably been suggested by the audiencia, which certainly favored it, assured that the mere presence of so influential a personage might prevent much trouble. His mission in Cuba concluded the licentiate accordingly, in the beginning of 1524, set out for new Spain in a small vessel, accompanied by two friars of the order of Mercy, intent on promoting the labors of Father Olmedo.^[37]

When about half-way, their vessel was driven by a gale upon the reefs near one of the Triángulos group.^[38] Fortunately they were able to reach in safety the adjoining isle, and to save a few effects, though in fishing them from the sea one of the sailors was snapped up by a shark. The island being small, and devoid of water, the shipwrecked crossed in their boat^[39] to a larger island containing plenty of turtles, some of them so large in the eyes of the famished crew "that they could move away with seven men on their backs." Refreshed by this food, they proceeded to a still larger island, the resort of innumerable birds, manatees, and turtles — a paradise, in brief, to the castaways, could they only have found fresh water. The want of this, together with the change of dict, and the hardship, had quite reduced the men,^[40] and they were on the poit of despair, when the discovery of a somewhat brackish spring infused new spirit.^[41]

They now took steps to accommodate themselves to circumstances, by building huts and establishing a routine for the performance of daily duties. Fire was obtained by the well-known method of rubbing together two pieces of wood, and sustained by shrubs; there was a variety of food, and material existed for apparel and implements. A tool-chest had been saved, and two carpenters began to construct a strong boat from the remains of the wreck, wherein to seek aid from a Spanish settlement. In this three men, named Gomez, Ballester, and Arenas, together with an Indian boy, volunteered to seek Villa Rica. For this hazardous undertaking they had taken a vow to observe perpetual chastity if heaven should grant them success.^[42] Their prayers were answered, for a favorable wind carried them in eleven days to the coast near Medellin, whence their message and a letter from Zuazo were forwarded to Mexico. Cortés immediately ordered a vessel to be sent to their rescue, and after nearly four months of island life Zuazo and his companions, numbering a dozen survivors,^[43] were released from their sufferings. The reception of the licentiate in New Spain was worthy of his rank and character, and of the high personal regard of Cortés, who lodged him in his own palace, and tendered him rich presents, though the worthy judge would accept but little.^[44] We shall meet him soon under trying circumstances, as a ruler, where he came as visitor.

 

The Pánuco conquest ended, Cortés resumed the southern expeditions for which he had already prepared. Alvarado set out December 6, 1523, with over four hundred Spaniards, of whom one hundred and twenty were horsemen, and an equal number archers and arquebusiers, supported by fully twenty thousand picked warriors, and well provided with field-pieces and war stores. The force embraced the flower of New Spain chivalry, all eager to participate in the opening of the new Dorado, and to share in the enter prises of the dashing Tonatiuh, for whom even the natives seemed nothing loath to abandon their home and country, to judge from their enthusiasm. The whole city, with Cortés at the head, turned out to bid them God-speed in the undertaking, which had grown even more attractive with the delay interposed. The first step therein was the resubjugation of Soconusco, the rapidity of which served not a little to infuse awe among the peoples to the south. Nevertheless a long and bloody campaign was in store for Alvarado, whose fame as a leader was to be made yet brighter by sanguinary successes. The details of the exciting struggles and surprising incidents within the domains of the Quichés and Cakchiquels have been fully related in a previous volume.^[45]

A month after the Guatemala expedition the fleet for Honduras left the port of San Juan de Chalchiuhcuecan to take up one end of the new chain of conquest, which might thereupon be stretched southward under the combined banners of veterans, perhaps to the very empire of the Incas just then looming forth in mystic distance with a splendor surpassing even the dazzling visions of the legions of Cortés. Although Honduras proved comparatively barren in gain and glory, yet the incidents connected with the expedition, and its effect on the fortunes of Cortés and New Spain, through the disloyalty of the leader, invest it with remarkable interest.^[46]

 

In his march from Tehuantepec to Guatemala, Alvarado skirted the southern slopes of the Cordillera, whose northern straggling ranges here unite to form a more distinct barrier, crowned with lofty peaks. The plateau and slopes extending northward from this barrier embraced the well-watered region of Chiapas, once the busy haunts of a cultured race whose glories lay enshrined within the matchless ruins of Palenque, guarded by dense and gloomy forest, now the abode of less elevated peoples, notably the dominant Chiapanecs, who from their mountain fastnesses had successfully defied the encroachments of adjoining rulers, even Montezuma. Awed by the fall of his great empire, however, they had hastened to send in what was regarded as unqualified allegiance to the children of the sun. Their land was assigned to the settlers of Espíritu Santo, who soon began to exact tribute, a measure which the people, already recovered from their first surprise, were quick to resent. Luis Marin, lieutenant in Goazacoalco sought aid from Cortes for enforcing respect, and in Lent of 1524 he marched against the rebellious people with somewhat over a hundred men, one fourth cavalry, all inflated with the confidence born of numerous successes. Equally confident were the Chiapanecs in the sheltering strength of hills which so far had guarded their liberties. Protected by good cotton armor, and armed with formidable pikes, they managed so well to sustain even in open field the first onslaught of the bearded ones, that the latter were quite dismayed. So severe proved the campaign, that when Marin at last thought himself master in the main district, his force was so reduced in number and efficiency that the formation of a settlement could not be undertaken, and the result was an inglorious retreat.For details of these and later expeditions, see vol. ii., Hist. Cent. Am., this series. They are based on the rare and curious accounts of Godoy, Relacion, written by a participant; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa; Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Crueldades; Mazariegos, Mem. Chiapa; also Bernal Diaz, Juarros, and other standard historians.

An equally severe campaign was undertaken about the same time in the mountainous regions of Zapotecapan and Miztecapan, hitherto avoided as too difficult to penetrate. Following the path of Alvarado, Rodrigo Rangel had in 1523 entered them to demand allegiance and tribute, only to meet with fierce resistance. Rainy weather and ruggedness of country favored the natives, and he was obliged to retreat.^[47] This success emboldened them, and, incited partly by escaped negro slaves, they made inroads on the adjoining districts. It would never answer to encourage a defiant robber in the midst of the country, and with the allurement of gilded river-beds, a new expedition was formed under the same captain, consisting of one hundred and fifty soldiers, chiefly arquebusiers an archers, with four field-pieces and ample stores, supported by a large force of warriors.^[48] Rangel left Mexico February 5, 1524, and taught by previous reverses, he took the utmost precaution to render secure his advance. The natives on their side were less cautious, and thus a prospectively hard campaign among the mountains was concluded within quite a brief period, and so thoroughly that no revolt took place again. A fair amount of spoils was obtained in gold, fabrics, and slaves; the latter numerous, since it had been decreed that all captured natives should be enslaved as a warning to rebels.^[49]

The cost of these expeditions was quite heavy to all concerned, for arms, horses, clothes, and other effects were exceedingly dear, despite the influx from Spain and the Islands.^[50] Soldiers brought nearly all their own outfits, including arms and horses, yet Cortés was obliged to supply war stores, provisions, and articles from what he calls his private estate, though tributes and exactions must have been applied. 'The least of the expeditions," he writes to the emperor, "must cost my estate more than five thousand pesos de oro, and those of Alvarado and Olid cost fully fifty thousand." The expense was the greater in the latter case, owing to the fleet being kept waiting during the Pánuco campaign, with crews in receipt of pay.^[51] Indeed, he had not only spent his fortune, but incurred debts, while for certain revolts which imperilled the interests of the crown and its subjects he had been obliged to borrow sixty thousand pesos and more from the royal treasury. Yet nothing should deter him from doing what was necessary for the service of his sovereign; so he affirmed.^[52]

 

 

1. Gomara supposes the messengers to be Paz and Casas, but he is evidently wrong. Herrera differs in several points from Cortés, partly through misinterpretation; and Cavo blunders repeatedly. Tres Siglos, i. 25 et seq.
2. It was dated April 24, 1523, and based on the representations of Cortés concerning the danger of outside interference in provinces already subdued by him, as instanced by the revolts which followed the meddling of Narvaez and Tapia, The sovereign desired Cortés to be unembarrassed in the government till the crown should have been informed of the condition and extent of the country, so as better to define the limits for other governments. The document was exhibited at Mexico on Sept. 3d.
3. 'Porque habia sesenta dias qiie no dormia, y estaba con mucho trabajo, y á partirme á, aquella sazon no habia de mi vida mucha segúridad.' Cortés, Cartas, 291.
4. Garay protests that some of the men were compelled by fear or want to sell their horses. The party was living peaceably in quarters when surprised. Provision, ubi sup., 88. Many were disgusted with Ovalle for his ready surrender, and Oviedo, iii. 450, who evidently regards one party as bad as the other, observes, 'no paresçiera mal alguna escaramuça ú otro medio.'
5. So affirms Lúcas, in Cortés, Residencia, i. 279-80, leaving the impression that there was some truth in the report.
6. Castromocho and Martin de San Juan, according to Cortés. Salazar writes Juan de Lepuscuano and Torre Mocho. Hist. Cong., 108. 'As worthy of being called good mutineers as Ovalle of receiving the term captain,' says Oviedo. Nearly all the authorities follow the diplomatic version of Cortés that these captains voluntarily surrendered, either by persuasion, or intimidated by the formal notifications issued. Lúcas speaks on the other hand of a treacherous capture, attended by pillage; but he takes an extreme view, and does not perhaps believe in the perfidy of the captains.
7. A number of shots being fired. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 710.
8. Herrera assumes that Ocampo arrived in the midst of this excitement, and exhibited the royal cédula, whereupon Grijalva followed the other ships into the harbor. dec. iii. lib. v. cap. vi. Cortés is contradictory about the date of the occurrence, whether before Ocampo's arrival or after; but a statement in Provision, loc. cit., confirms Bernal Diaz in giving Alvarado at least a share in the capture.
9. With restoration of all effects, writes Cortés, who naturally seeks to place his acts in the best light, Cartas, 294-5; but the followers of Cortés managed nevertheless to retain the best and largest portion of their arms and belongings.
10. Rio del Espíritu Santo was among the points suggested. On an old map relative to Garay's expedition this river is placed near the Espíritu Santo Bay in Texas. Collection of Mex. Maps, No. 10.
11. The necessary sustenance to be given free of charge, under penalty of 2,000 pesos de oro for any opposition on the part of the settlers. The latter must also restore any arms and horses bought from the expedition, on 'receiving back' the money paid. The penalty for members who refused to join their commander was confiscation of effects, or 200 pesos de oro fine for noblemen, and 100 lashes for common persons. See Provision, in Pacheco, and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxvi. 78, 92, et seq.
12. And even 'so pena de muerte,' yet Ocampo aided to deter the men. Cortés, Residencia, i. 279, 282.
13. The fleet was no royal navy to which they were bound; the outfit had been furnished partly at their own expense; and yet they had been robbed, starved, and maltreated by the leader. Protest, in Provision, ubi sup., 110-15. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. vi.
14. Surnamed Pizarro, and wrongly supposed by Lorenzana to have been the child of his first wife. Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 361. Chimalpain assumes her to be the offspring of Elvira, descendant of Montezuma, and consequently still an infant. Hist. Conq., ii. 98. The marriage evidently did not take place, for in the bull of 1529, making Cortés' natural children legitimate, she is mentioned as a maiden, and in Cortés' will of 1547 she is said to be in the convent at Coyuhuacan. Yet, in a Memorial of Cortés to the sovereign, not long after, he writes: 'Chinanta, que señale á una hija por dote suyo, y con esto la casé con el hijo mayoradgo del adelantado . . . Garay.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 279. This may be in anticipation of the actual marriage, with a view also to strengthen his claim to the town thus bestowed as dowry.
15. 15
16. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 227. Enemies have declared the promises illusive, Cortés, Residencia, i. 283, but without good reason, for Cortés himself regarded an expedition to that region with favor years after.
17. Bernal Diaz adds Father Olmedo.
18. The sickness lasted usually three or four days. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 170-1. The rumor of poison was freely ventilated in the accusations sent to Spain by royal officials a year later, and in Cortés, Residencia, 1.-ii. Gomara ascribes one rumor to the supposed change of feeling between Cortés and Garay when the latter removed from his palace to the house of an old friend named Alonso de Villanueva, where he frequently conversed with Narvaez. Hist. Mex., 227. Neither is said to have spoken there of Cortés save in flattering terms, according to Bernal Diaz. Cortés does not allude to the sickness, but attributes his death to the disappointments suffered in Pánuco, to remorse for the revolt then raging in that province, caused by his men, and to fears for the safety of his son. Cartas, 299-300. The audiencia of Santo Domingo, which had looked coldly on Garay's expedition, received a royal decree dated December 27, 1523, instructing them to prevent any quarrel between him and Cortés, each to confine himself to their respective discoveries. Cédula, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 498-9. The sons did not take advantage of the privilege this implied, but sent to collect what remained of the father's estate. One of them, named Antonio, received a regimiento in Santo Domingo city, and the lieutenancy of the forts at Santiago in Cuba, and Yaquimo in Española, with a remission of half the 1,000 ducats due by his father to the royal treasury. Herrera, dec. iii. lib, vii. cap. i. In 1532 he figures as regidor of Santiago, while claiming the restitution of certain estates of his father in Jamaica. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 127-33.
19. I the beginning of December 1523, evidently.
20. Bernal Diaz differs from Cortés and others in assuming that these very men of Velazquez gave occasion for the anarchy by quarelling for the supreme command. He supposes them to be exiled afterward in consequence. Hist. Verdad., 171.
21. By order of the lieutenants of Cortés, says a witness, in Cortés, Residencia, 1. 284, but this must be an exaggeration of the fact that they were quartered in different villages, subject to rules for obtaining supplies. Some of the parties numbered less than half a dozen men, says Cortés.
22. Also written Tamiquitl, Tamiquistl, Tamuy, Tancanhuichi, and Taquiuitl.
23. Now Tanjuco, says Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 364. A fugitive from here brought the news to Mexico. Cortés, Cartas, 300.
24. More than 300, according to the declaration of Garay witnesses, Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxvi. 123; 400 says Comara, followed by Herrera; 600 is Bernal Diaz' round figure, while Cortés fixes the losses of his party at 43, and those of the Garay faction known to have perished, at 210, though he believes that the latter number should be made larger. Oviedo, iii. 458, writes 43 and 270, respectively, while assuming that Garay must have lost over 400 in reality.
25. Cortés calls the 100 foot archers and arquebusiers. Cartas, 301. The allies are given by Ixtlilxochitl as 15,000 Acolhuas, under Yoyontzin, the youngest brother of Prince Ixtlilxochitl, and 15,000 Mexicans, under a nephew of Quauhtemotzin. Hor. Crueldades, 65. Bernal Diaz, in reducing the number to 8,000, as usual with him, composes them of Tlascaltecs and Mexicans.
26. Three days of inactivity followed, according to Bernal Diaz; if so, in effecting the reunion and in reconnoitring.
27. Fearful of confounding the allies with the foe, in case of attack, Sandoval ordered the former to camp at some distance from the Spaniards. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 172.
28. Three horses and two young soldiers are said to have fallen, besides allies, whose losses are seldom thought worth while to mention.
29. Bernal Diaz, who naturally seeks to give all the credit possible to his own set, names Navarrete, Carrascosa, and Alamilla among these veterans. He assumes that they had 28 horses left. Others place the garrison at 100 men with 22 horses. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 227. Cortés places the whole cavalry force now mustered, including Sandoval's, at 80. Cartas, 302.
30. 'Quemando todas las casas, de modo que dentro de pocos dias lo saqucaron todo, y mataron una infinidad de indios.' Ixtlilcochitl, Hor. Crueldades, 653.
31. Herrera specifies 60 chiefs and 400 rich and prominent natives. dec. iii. lib. v. cap. vii. Bernal Diaz refers to five as ringleaders, and states that wives and children were left, unmolested, those not guilty of murder being also set free.
32. Por que nos quemays pues que vosotros los de Mexico nos mandastes que mataramos estos xpianos.' Lúcas, in Cortés, Residencia, i. 283.
33. Cortés himself admits that upward of 400 were burned. 'Señores y personas principales se prendieron hasta cuatrocientos, sin otra gente baja, á los cuales todos, digo á los principales, quemaron por justicia.' Cartas, 302. Gomara increases this number to 400 rich men and 60 chiefs. Hist. Mex., 228. Lúcas reduces it to 306, while Herrera seeks to cover Spanish fame by writing 30. Bernal Diaz avoids stating a figure, for the same reason, and to shield his friend Sandoval, whom Robertson charges with the act, Hist. Am., ii. 137, not aware probably that Ocampo was the judge who inflicted the punishinent, by the general order of Cortés. While not blameless, Sandoval must not be rated too harshly, as Clavigero observes. Storia, Mess., iii. 9. The number appears to correspond pretty nearly to that of the supposed Spanish victims, and suggests the intention to exact life for life, with the same cruelties perpetrated on the Christians, of whom many had been tortured or burned alive. Whatever may be Christian ethics, the rules of Christian warfare are not far different from those of the savages, an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth. After all, this was but one of the series of barbarities which followed in the train of invasion. On the act of conquest devolved the chief blame of every atrocity, since incidents of war entailed cruelties, and self-preservation demanded them; their nature having to correspond to the exigency of circumstances, and the character of the people and the age.
34. The plot was revealed to Sandoval before it had matured, says Bernal Diaz.
35. One cause was that the bar grew shallower, says Lorenzana. Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 340. A new villa was founded in later times about half-way between the river and the lagoon, the Tamheagua, and in modern times the present Tampico has been established on the opposite bank of the river forming the southern boundary of 'Tamaulipas state. The old towns, now knownas Tampico el Alto and Pueblo el Viejo, are included in the state of Vera Cruz.
36. Suspended by Colon through false reports of mismanagement, says Oviedo, 1. 541, who adds that he was a personal friend of both Cortés and Garay.
37. Their names were Gonzalo de Pontevedray and Juan Varillas.
38. Oviedo, iv. 484, 499, 507. Bernal Diaz supposes the Víboras, near the Alacranes Islands, and states that through an error of the pilot, or by currents, she drifted ashore. Hist. Verdad., 173. This is less likely, since the islands lie on the route.
39. Oviedo states that Zuazo found an old canoe in which to cross to the adjoining islands, where some of the effects had been cast up by the waves.
40. A number of men died in consequence, says Oviedo; but he appears intent chiefly on making a strong narrative.
41. Oviedo assumes that a vow of chastity for one year induced heaven to reveal the precious liquid; the three men sent in search making the vow perpetual. Gomara applies this to a later occasion. Oviedo continues that the water was found on an adjoining isle devoid of animals, yet they all removed to it, bringing supplies from the larger island. One day a gale swallowed boat and crew, six men.
42. 'É de se meter frayres de ... Francisco,' writes Oviedo, stating that they were the same who had made the vow on going in search of water. Yet on a previous page he seems to name them as Espinosa, Arénas, and Simancas, iv. 492, 498.
43. Thirteen, says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 173, though he leaves the impression that this was the total number escaping to the islands. Oviedo states that those who escaped from the wreck numbered 47, and that only 17 reached. New Spain; Friar Gonzalo died on the rescue vessel. iv. 484-510. His account is very full, and may have been obtained from Zuazo's lips, at Santo Domingo; yet it does not appear very reliable. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 228, gives a briefer version than Bernal Diaz, and Herrera follows. dec. ui. lib. v. cap. v. The important character assumed by Zuazo in Mexico lends an interest to this adventure.
44. Of the 10,000 in gold offered, he would accept but 1,300 worth in absolute necessaries, such as clothes and horses for himself and party. Gomara makes these effects worth 10.000.
45. Hist, Cent. Am., i. chap. xxii. et seq., this series.
46. See Hist. Cent. Am., i. chap. xvii. et seq., this series, for details of Olid's uprising and fate, and the connected expeditions of Casas and Cortés.
47. 'Faute de chevaux, il ne réussit pas,' says Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 572; but horses were found useless in so rugged a region, and were not taken on the subsequent campaign, as Gomara observes. Hist. Mex., 234
48. Acolhuas 20,000, and 5,000 to 6,000 Tlascaltecs. Ixtlilzochitl, Hor. Crueldades, 72.
49. Los herrasen del hierro de V. A., y . . . se repartiesen por aquellos quelos fueron á conquistar.' Cortés, Cartas, 307.
50. For prices, see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 526, this series.
51. The cost of sending Casas after Olid increased the expense to 40,000. Id., 528.
52. Letter of October 13, 1524, in Cartas, 305.