History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 4/Chapter 25

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXV.

DEATH OF MORELOS.

1815.

The Revolutionists on Cóporo Hill — Positions of the Insurgent Forces — Determination of Calleja — Siege of Cóporo — Repulse of Iturbide — Attempted Surprise of Jilotepec — Ramon Rayon is Shorn of his Triumph — Claverino's Movement Southward — Iturbide Chases the Congress — Insubordination of Doctor Cos — He is Arrested and Condemned to Death, but is Discharged — Death of Doctor Cos — His Character — The Revolutionary Government Migrates — It is Overtaken at Tezmalaca — Capture of Morelos — His Trial — Degradation and Penance — The Last Auto-de-fé — Execution of the Great Leader — Reflections on his Character — Two Mexican Writers on This Period.

Amid the series of reverses inflicted by Llano and Iturbide on the revolutionists of Michoacan, Ramon Rayon alone preserved a really spirited and successful attitude, adding fresh lustre to the well known name that reflects also upon his compatriots. He had selected a retreat of great natural strength on Cóporo hill, near Yanzapeo,^[1] accessible on only one side, and this was protected by an imposing line of three batteries with four bastions and thirty-four guns. A wide moat, with a stockade in front of it, formed additional impediments, while within was an abundance of stores, with water from the brook at the foot of the hill.

With the confidence inspired by this position, and the late brilliant achievements of Ramon, a number of leaders had gathered round his standard, under which he led them from one success to another. So conspicuous and dangerous an enemy, on the line between Valladolid and the capital, could not be quietly tolerated by the royalists, and Llano resolved to reduce the stronghold. An effort in this direction, in November 1814, had been frustrated by Ramon in so ingenious and able a manner as to gain him great applause.^[2] This served only to rouse the determination of Calleja. He ordered a fresh attack with forces swelled to three thousand by troops from Valladolid and Guanajuato, the latter under command of Iturbide as second to Llano. The insurgents numbered about six hundred

Mount Cóporo.

and fifty men, only partly armed, fully a third relying for weapons on stones and boulders. In the vicinity roamed also several insurgent leaders, prepared to harass the supply trains, while Torres and others had come from the adjoining provinces to fall upon the weakened royalist garrisons around.^[3] Their movements were directed to some extent by Ignacio Rayon, who had arrived here after his flight from Zacatlan, and assumed the command.

The siege began on January 28th, and continued for more than a month without the least progress being made. A battery had been advanced to within short range of the fort, but effected little; and even the stockade before the moat resisted all efforts to destroy it. A stronger foe began however to work within the intrenchments in the form of sickness and prospective famine; yet the defenders held out manfully, cheered by more than one fortunate sally. Even the sanguine Iturbide now regarded the task as hopeless, and believed it more advantageous to maintain a close investment with a thousand men, while the rest scoured the surrounding districts for much needed supplies, and cleared them of troublesome guerrillas; yet for the sake of royalist reputation he was ready to head an assault on the fort, by the only accessible approach. The immense sacrifice of lives which the attempt would involve held Llano back, but finally he yielded, insisting however that the attack should be directed mainly along a steep path on the left, leading to the brook, against which Iturbide protested, although he accepted the hazardous leadership.

Iturbide selected 500 infantry and 200 horsemen, the latter intended mainly to cut off retreat or remedy any unfortunate break, and moved against the fort before day-break on March 4th, ordering a feint and cannonade to be directed at the proper moment against the front to distract attention. Shielded by the darkness a column under Filisola approached in single file by the brook path, and arrived within a few paces of the gate without being observed. All was still on this side. The besieged were evidently unsuspicious, and the fort could now be carried by surprise. "Malediction on it," exclaimed Filisola, just as he was about to direct the rush against the parapet. A favorite hound of his had broken loose to follow him, and came now bounding forward with a joyous bark of recognition. The insurgents were warned just in time to meet the assault. A hot fire was then opened by the revolutionists, from which the exposed Spaniards suffered severely while vainly trying to scale the walls.^[4] Iturbide saw that they would be slaughtered, and honor being satisfied he sounded the recall, "with the fortunate result of saving four fifths of the men," as he writes.

A council of war agreed only too readily with Llano that the siege would be a mere sacrifice of life, and two days later the royalists withdrew from what Iturbide calls the scene of his first repulse, amidst the undisguised joy of the garrison and the settlers of the district. Calleja did not conceal his displeasure, condemning the operations as badly planned, and the retreat as premature; yet he consented to Llano's suggestion of leaving Aguirre with about 600 to ravage the neighborhood and cut off supplies while watching the garrison. Llano made Maravatío his headquarters, and Concha was stationed at Ixtlahuaca to assist in operations, and in keeping open communications with Valladolid.^[5] Encouraged by the success of his former raid into Querétaro, the exultant Ramon Rayon proposed to surprise Jilotepec, the headquarters of Ordoñez' military section controlling the northern highway. Although inferior in strength, the latter was better protected than had been expected, and managed by a well calculated flank movement to overwhelm the left wing of the advancing forces. The disorder spread to the centre and right, and seemingly sure victory was turned into a disastrous rout, with the capture of over 100 fugitives, who were as usual executed, at the brink of one immense grave.^[6] And so were lost at one blow the fruits of Ramon's brave defence. The fame of Cóporo diminished, and the convoy routes to Querétaro and Valladolid were quickly cleared of several imposing bands, including that of Mariscal Cañas, who was overtaken and killed.^[7]

In Michoacan Aguirre's operations round Cóporo were supplemented by several others in the interior, notably under Claverino, who with nearly 500 men swept resistlessly southward into the Tiripitio region.^[8] More important were the movements of Iturbide, who, ever intent on great deeds, undertook to surprise the insurgent congress, and this without imparting his plans to Llano, to whose field it pertained.^[9] The preparations were made with all secrecy, and by forced marches Iturbide covered in four days the distance from Irapuato to Cínciro, not far from Ario, where the deputies then held forth in comparative confidence. He had proposed to fall upon the town before dawn on May 5th, but certain mishaps delayed him for one day. This saved the assembly; for warning came just as the session began, whereupon the startled members rose in tumultuous flight. Deeply mortified at the failure of his project, Iturbide allowed his resentment free play, leaving a bloody track to mark the return route by way of Pátzcuaro,^[10] and destroying the valuable though neglected stronghold of Chimilpa.^[11]

The three fugitive insurgent powers reunited at Uruapan, save Morelos, who had gone to the borders of Tecpan to assist the struggling guerillas,^[12] and Cos, who flattered by the appeal of several old followers cast aside his legislative duties to place himself at their head in the field, selecting for his headquarters the fortress of Zacapo, south of Puruandiro. This change was due to more than a military whim; for when the congress remonstrated against this infringement of the constitution, his choleric nature took fire, and he circulated a manifesto declaring that body arbitrary and illegal. The members had not been elected by popular vote and were exceeding their usurped faculty in controlling executive and judicial powers, and in authorizing abuses against the church, revealing besides a traitorous disposition.^[13] Such charges could not be left unchallenged, and Morelos was instructed to arrest the rebellious member. Doctor Cos prepared to resist, but his own men delivered him up at the command of the generalissimo, and the congress passed the death sentence. This raised a wide remonstrance, and the penalty was at the last moment changed to imprisonment in the dreaded hill dungeons of Atijo. Cos remained obstinate throughout, the effort to intimidate him provoking merely the observation, "A flea-bite would pain me more than the transition from life to death." A counter-revolution soon gave him liberty; but the decline of his influence, of which he had been so sadly convinced, induced him to accept the viceregal pardon, though with manifest bad grace. He retired to Pátzcuaro to resume the ministry, and died there in 1819, deeply regretted by his parishioners.^[14]

He was undoubtedly a worthy patriot, who had served the cause with credit in the field and in the council hall. His talents by right should rather have been devoted to the administration of affairs; and had he possessed the command of his temper he could have rendered far greater benefits to the cause. As it was, he destroyed with one hand much good performed with the other.

Since the disaster before Valladolid, which opened to the royalists the gate southward, the centre of the campaign had shifted to Puebla and Vera Cruz. This in itself was a sufficient incentive for the national assembly to transfer its sessions to that region. Another was the need of a strong effort to restore harmony there among the quarrelling leaders; and this could not be effected from a distance, as already proved. Hill-girded Tehuacan appeared a place where the congress might find a more stable abode, and recover the dignity and influence now rapidly deserting it as a fugitive body, flitting about in a remote part of the country, among petty haciendas, with scanty means and a ragged escort. It was decided therefore to leave a neighborhood which was becoming so unprofitable, and which was overrun by pursuers; yet a council was formed of the leading chiefs, including Muñiz and Ayala, to represent the migrating authority and keep the scattered bands in accord.^[15]

It was not so easy however to depart with a large body, while the royalists were scouring the provinces in all directions, ready to perform such marches as did Iturbide when within four days he came down in large force upon the devoted Ario from his distant headquarters in Guanajuato. To penetrate through the province of Mexico or northward seemed hopeless. The only way was to pass through Tecpan and the Mizteca, with the aid of the bands there scattered. As Morelos possessed the most influence in this region, and had the best knowledge of it, the members were only two glad to entrust the undertaking to him, and to this end he was specially empowered to assume direct command. Requests were sent to Nicolás Bravo, and other leaders along the Zacatula, who brought reënforcements to Huetamo, swelling the escort to about a thousand men,^[16] half of whom had fire-arms. The orders to Teran, Guerrero, and Sesma to assist were disregarded.

Morelos sought to confuse the royalists by a series of feints and false rumors; and on November 2d, he brought to Tenango his party, including less than half a dozen members of the congress the rest having either leave of absence, or instructions to join later three judges, the secretaries, two members of the executive, and Antonio Cumplido, the successor of Cos.^[17] At this point they forded the river and arrived on the following day at Tezmalaca, six leagues from Tenango. Elated with their success so far in avoiding the enemy, and relying on the river barrier behind them, they resolved to rest here for a day,^[18] dreaming of safety beyond the mountains. A rude awakening was to follow.

Calleja had been duly notified of the migration, and to some extent of the direction taken,^[19] although the measures adopted by Morelos had baffled him with regard to the exact route. This uncertainty induced him to make greater efforts. Commanders were sent out to hunt the trail from all the garrison posts west and south of the capital, Claverino having besides orders to pursue with 500 men as far as the banks of the Zacatula, and Aguirre to advance within easy reach of Concha, who also hastened toward the Zacatula with 600 men, while Villasana of Teloloapan scoured his section, and Armijo moved onward to Tixtla. It so happened that after a month of tiresome marches, following now one rumor, now another, Concha stumbled, with the aid of Villasana, upon Tuliman, and there obtained positive news which sent him in hot haste toward Tezmalaca, guided also by the still smoking ruins of Tenango, which had proved disobedient to Morelos. He arrived there on the morning of the 5th of November, just in time to perceive the rear of the revolutionary party disappearing beyond the near ridge.

The consternation of the latter may be imagined, and but for Morelos' firm attitude a disorderly flight would have ensued. He promptly sent in advance the deputies and the non-fighting men with part of the baggage and a small escort, and remained with the rest to protect their march by detaining the pursuers. As Concha approached he gradually fell back, but found it necessary after a while to take a stand; which he did in three divisions, the right and left under Lobato and Bravo respectively, he himself occupying the centre with his two solitary field pieces. Concha then gave orders to charge. Bravo received the first shock, but held his ground well.^[20] Not so the right wing. At the first onset of the royalists, Paez and his command took to their heels, demoralizing the whole of Lobato's section. After a few blows it broke in flight, carrying disorder into the centre and left, and with a fresh effort from Concha's column the entire line followed; the royalists after them slashing and cleaving.^[21]

Seeing that all was lost, Morelos called out to Bravo, "Go, protect the congress; it matters not if I perish." After vainly seeking to keep his men together, he bade the remnant near him escape as best they could, he himself with a single attendant striking out for a steep hill. He dismounted at the base of it to remove his spurs for climbing afoot. At this moment a squad of pursuers came up, headed by Lieutenant Carranco, who had once served under his standard. "Surrender!" came from behind the levelled carbines. Resistance was useless. Turning to the lieutenant, Morelos removed the cigar he had all the while been smoking, and said in a tone of indifference, "Señor Carranco, it seems we know one an other."^[22]

He was conducted back to camp, and as the intelligence spread before them that the great leader had been captured, vivas and salvos rose in every direction, accompanied by yet more tumultuous demonstrations of joy. Concha was so delighted that he omitted further pursuit, to the saving of not a few distinguished lives, and gave his soldiers free access to the captured baggage train.^[23] Mexico also went into ecstasies, and the viceroy distributed rewards and promotions with liberal hands.^[24] The decline of Morelos' influence was little understood or considered among the royalists. To them his name towered in all the magnitude of the once ruler of the south and creator of the congress, whose victories stood uneclipsed by those of any rival chief.

On the way to Mexico the prisoner passed through Tenango, now in ashes, to become there as elsewhere the object of the curious who lined the thoroughfares and crowded the approaches. The attentions accorded him, and the varied demonstrations of the curious, seemed at first to flatter his vanity, but soon they be came annoying. Among others Colonel Villasana pressed him with needless questions, asking after an impatient reply what he would have done with him and Concha if the capture had been reversed. "I would have given you two hours for confession and then have shot you!" was the curt answer of the cura as he turned his back upon them. To a woman, however, who grossly insulted him, he said mildly, "Have you naught to do in your house?"^[25]

He was confined in the inquisition building until the viceroy arranged with the ecclesiastical authorities for his surrender to the military courts. Meanwhile two judges from both jurisdictions proceeded to try him as a rebel and a traitor, mainly on the charges that he had ignored the king, promoted revolution, disregarded episcopal decrees, cruelly ravaged the country, and executed loyal subjects. Morelos replied that no king existed in Spain during the earlier period of the war; his subsequent restoration was either doubted or ascribed to a Napoleonic compact prejudicial to Spain. Episcopal decrees were inapplicable against an independent people, unless sanctioned by the Vatican. Ravages were the inevitable consequences of war, and executions of royalists were reprisals authorized by circumstances and by insurgent powers. The defence of the counsel covered the same ground, except in assuming the reasons to have been based on erroneous judgment. Morelos had warred rather against the córtes; and the king having dissolved this body as illegal, and annulled all acts passed during his absence, the accused stood absolved, if not justified.

The church now took the prisoner in hand. Intent above all upon branding the revolution, the inquisition condemned him, its reputed leader, as a heretic for having profaned the sacraments, neglected religious duties, ignored the ecclesiastical authority, and led an immoral life, the latter fault being intensified by his sending an ill-begotten son to a protestant country to be educated. In partial expiation he was arrayed in penitential robe in which to adjure his errors and perform certain religious exercises, before a vast assembly. During the attendant ceremony of reconciliation the culprit knelt to the recitation of the miserere, and was purified by the infliction of blows gently applied. The torture chamber and the stake had passed out of date, and the inquisition itself, now only a semblance of the former dread reality, soon disappeared. The auto-de-fé of Morelos was its last imposing spectacle. Of greater significance was the act of degradation from clerical office already decided upon by the church authorities. This was solemnly performed by the bishop of Oajaca, who burst into tears during the ceremony, and roused the first and only visible emotion in the otherwise passive prisoner.

Stripped of the sacerdotal character and privileges, Morelos was surrendered to the military authorities and removed to the citadel under increased guard and with shackles, from which he had been free while in charge of the ecclesiastical officers. Greater strictness was also enjoined to prevent the use of poison, although later rumor attributed it to fears that he might escape. The inquisition jailer is said to have been so moved by his fame and elevation of character, as well as by sympathy with his priestly office, that he offered to let him escape, but Morelos declined, saying: "God forbid that I should imperil you and your innocent family to prolong my own life."^[26]

Sentence had been passed, involving confiscation of property and capital punishment, with the impalement of the head and right hand at Mexico and Oajaca respectively; but it was deferred in the hope of inducing timid insurgents to submit,^[27] and of drawing from Morelos valuable information, on the strength of the offer by his counsel to make revelations in exchange for his life. If such an offer was ever made or authorized by him it is the only weakness that reflects upon his character, for unlike many other leaders he did not seek to relieve himself of blame at the expense of others, nor did he implicate his adherents, although he might be considered somewhat indiscreet in making the declaration on insurgent forces and operations which was drawn from him.^[28]

On December 20th the viceroy decreed his execution, which out of respect for the church should take place beyond the capital, and without dismemberment.^[29] Early in the morning of the 22d he was taken in a coach to San Cristobal Ecatepec, a village north of the lake, with a palace then converted into a fortress, and famed as the spot where outgoing viceroys used to tender welcome to their successors. The last prayer over, Morelos himself bandaged his eyes and was led forth with arms tied, slowly dragging the heavy shackles. "Kneel!" said the officer in charge. He complied, calm as ever, murmuring: "Lord, thou knowest if I have done well; if ill, I implore thy infinite mercy!" The next moment he fell, shot in the back;^[30] passing through a traitor's death into the sphere of patriot-martyr and hero immortal.

His countrymen have placed him next to Hidalgo in the rank of patriot liberators, and justly so, for if the latter started the revolution, Morelos nobly carried on the great work, and more ably, it must be admitted. While possessing little book learning, he

had what far outweighed it genius—which, when the summons came, transformed the benign cura into the greatest and most successful military leader among the insurgents, at least till Iturbide joined them. He revived an almost extinct cause, found for it a new cradle in the mountains of Mizteca, laying at its feet the whole rich south; he raised it to the greatest height attained ere came the end, crowning his work with the declaration of absolute independence from Spain, and the formation of a true republican government. His task was done. From that moment his star declined, to set within a year.

Even during this gloomy period, that restless energy reverberating in his thunder voice did not fail him; that determined valor and serenity sustained him to the last. Modest as he was astute and reserved, he yielded once only in any marked degree to ambition, in creating himself generalissimo, with a congress to do his bidding; yet it was a justifiable effort, for the cause needed then one firm controlling hand. He yielded also to a prevalent vice around him, in breaking his vows of continence; but in all beside he was most exemplary. During his period of decline he remained true to the self-assumed appellation, 'servant of the nation,' zealously serving a wilful and exacting congress which doomed to comparative inaction its most brilliant soldier.^[31] He shines indeed as the most unselfish of men, caring little for fame and nothing for wealth, and working solely for

the cause. Finally, at Tezmalaca, he lays down for it his life in willing sacrifice.

 

 

1. North of Zitácuaro.
2. This success referred to by Bustamante as the battle of Los Mogotes, Cuad. Hist., iii. 119-21, took place on November 10th, near Tuxpan. Ramon first disabled Llano's cavalry by scattering poisoned forage, and then lured his men into ambush, killing over 200 during the main action, with a loss to himself of 28 out of 800 men, Llano bringing 2,000. More leaders now offered to join Ramon. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v. 773. Llano admits only 8 deaths, and places the insurgent forces at 1,500, and their losses at over 150. Gaz. de Mex., 1814, v. 1277-80.
3. Acámbaro was attacked Feb. 4th by 800 men under Torres, Obregon, Saucedo, and others, but was repulsed by Commandant Barrachina with a loss to one section alone of 45, the royalists having 22 killed. His report is in Id, 1815, vi. 219-22.
4. It would seem that the troops had brought no scaling ladders, to judge by the quoted observations of Calleja, in Bustamante, Cuad. Ilixt., iii. 130.
5. Llano had pleaded lack of supplies as an excuse, and insisted that of infantry alone 3,000 were needed for the siege. Calleja maintained that the batteries should have been better employed for opening a breach or covering attacks, and that the garrison could have been starved out. Bustamante reproduces the text of these letters, together with Llano's boastful order for retreat, etc. Cuad. Hist., iii. 137-42, 122 et seq. 'Hombre estúpido y calmado,' is what he calls Llano. He places the loss of Iturbide alone at over 400, which is of course exaggerated. Llano admits only 27 killed, and 60 wounded. Reports in Gaz. de Mex., 1815, vi. 211-14, 335-42, 353-71. Céspedes, later republican president, distinguished himself here. The dog story was told by Filisola to Alaman, Hist. Méj., iv. 270. Bustamante speaks of a 'mute dog' among the insurgents as giving warning. Torrente alludes to brilliant deeds to compensate for a failure which cost over 100 royalist lives. Hist. Rev., ii. 188-9. See also Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., vii. 169-92.
6. This occurred on May 12th. Ramon narrowly escaped. Ordoñez places the insurgent force at 1,200 and the loss at 160 killed and 121 prisoners. Gaz. de Mex., 1815, vi. 522-4, copied in Torrente, while Bustamante reduces the force to 300 and the loss to 72 killed and 123 prisoners. Cuad. Hist., iii. 422-4. Ordoñez' total force did not exceed 300.
7. The leader Gutierrez fell in June, near Nopala, and Concha in September destroyed the stronghold on Huatepec near Chapa de Mota, dispersing Vargas' followers. Gaz. de Mex., 1815, vi. 582-3, 655, 1007-9, 1168-9. The insurgent Enseña stands forward to retrieve some of the disasters in this region and to commend himself for exceptional leniency.
8. The tour occupied six weeks in May and June, and included Uruapan and Pátzcuaro on the return. Hardly any resistance was met. Id., 761-71.
9. Llano was furious, but Calleja had given his consent.
10. Among those who succumbed before his anger was Commandant Abarca, of Pátzcuaro, a worthy citizen who had accepted the position from Cos under compulsion, as related from original sources by Alaman. Hist. Méj., iv. 281. Cos and others took terrible vengeance for this act. Diary of Iturbide's march in Gaz. de Mex., 1815, vi. 612-16. Bustamante reproduces a part in Cuad. Hist., iii. 151-5.
11. Seven leagues from Uruapan. It covered a fertile spot three leagues in length surrounded by steep ravines and approachable only on one side. Doctor San Martin discovered the place and added stockades and other fortifications, but it had not been appreciated.
12. With him went as prisoner a priest named Muñoz, who soon escaped to reveal the misery of this march, during which several men died of hunger. His report in Gaz. de Mex., 1815, vi. 815-20.
13. The document is reproduced in Zamacois, Hist. Méj., ix. 899-906, from the Gazeta of Oct. 19, 1815.
14. He had made it a condition that no questions should be put regarding his past conduct, and that he should not be sent back to his former parish. He feared the persecution of Bishop Cabañas of Guadalajara, but this prelate joined with others to befriend him. Throat disease was his malady. Bustamante adds that impatience with a servant caused the doctor to expose himself while on the sick-bed, with fatal result. This writer claims that he often remonstrated with Cos, whom he really loved, and predicted a tragic fate. Cuad. Hist., iii. 214-15.
15. Rojas, Pagola, and Carbajal were the other members. Morelos, Declaracion, 31.
16. Morelos, Declaracion, 32. Bustamante intimates a similar number, yet concludes by saying '500 soldiers,' assuming the rest to be rabble probably. Cuadro, iii. 217.
17. Liceaga had gone for three months to the Bajío; deputies Argandar, Isasaga, and Villaseñor remained awhile in Michoacan; Sanchez and Arias were to take another route. Verdusco's term having expired he had withdrawn to his curacy at Tusantla; and several members were absent on commissions. Among those present were Alas, Sesma y Gonzalez, Sotero, Castañeda. and Ruiz de Castañeda, judges Ponce, Martinez, and Castro, and secretaries Bermejo, Calvo, Arriaga, and Benitez, the last two for the government. They had left Uruapan Sept. 29th, carrying goodly supplies, archives, some $20,000 intended for the U. S. to buy arms; and a quantity of personal effects. Each supreme member received $600, Morelos alone declining. The sources for these and following details are based mainly on the declarations at Morelos' trial, under Declaracion, and other titles; Morelos Causa, with documents bearing on his trial; reports of royalist commanders, especially Concha, in Gaz. de Mex., for Nov. and Dec. of this year; the diaries and statements of Cumplido, Arechederreta, Concha's chaplain Salazar, Morales, and others, reproduced or used in Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., iii. 215 et seq.; Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., vii. 249 et seq.; Alaman, Hist. Méj., iv. 304 et seq.; and especially in the voluminous collection of Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v.vi., with briefer allusions in Liceaga, Torrente, Ward, etc.
18. This was due also to a rain shower during the night, which made progress less convenient.
19. Rosains and certain priests appear to have contributed information.
20. Gaz. de Mex., 1815, vi. 1219-21.
21. Lobato excused himself on this ground, and Bustamante confirms it by stating that Paez reached Tehuacan with his own baggage in good condition. He was a royalist deserter with a certain reputation for fleetness. Cuad. Hist., iii. 219.
22. Bustamante adds that he gave him one of his watches in return for sparing his life.
23. Save five bars of silver which were reserved for the government. The insurgents lost not less than 300 men, says Concha, including Lobato, Gallardo, and Sesma, senior. Gaz. de Mex., 1815, vi. 1263; Noticioso Gen., Nov. 24, 29, 1815. Concha began the charge at 11 a. m., with somewhat over 500 men. Capt. Gomez Pedraza of the famous Fieles de Potosí gave the first shock to Bravo, and repeated it as the disorder began. Concha is rated cruel of character in Gachupines, Etern. Mem., 1-4; Pap. Var., xxxvi. pt 102.
24. Concha was promoted to colonel of militia, and all the officers of his and Villasana's divisions were advanced a grade, the men receiving a month's pay. Carranco obtained also a badge of honor. Villasana managed to send in the first report, and take so much credit for his advice, etc., as to be regarded as the hero for a while; as it was, he received promotion. Morelos, Causa, 57.
25. His 27 fellow prisoners were shot at Tenango, all but the priest Morales, who like himself was shackled during the journey. On approaching Mexico it was found prudent to avoid the throng by taking him in by coach, before dawn, on November 22d.
26. Bustamante adds that this jailer, by name Martinez, alias Pampillon, frequently neglected his charge through drunkenness. He could hardly have effected release, with the extra guard all around, and he probably never offered to do so.
27. Calleja might no doubt have stopped the execution, but he feared the Spaniards, says Bustamante. 'Quieres que mañana amanezca preso como mi antecesor Iturrigaray?' was his observation to the petition of his wife. Cuad. Hist., iii. 231. The insurgent congress sent in a remonstrance addressed to 'General' Calleja, offering to stop useless bloodshed if he would be lenient; otherwise let him and all Spaniards tremble. Id., 221-3. Bustamante drafted it, but had to copy the text from Beautés de’l Hist. Mex. It may be consulted in the English. Revol. Span. Amer., 339-42.
28. By Concha, Nov. 28th to Dec. 1st. It forms one of the most valuable contributions to the history of this period. There is still a doubt as to what part of the suggestions for crushing the insurgents is really his, for the royalists did not scruple to invent declarations in order to tarnish the fame of their opponents. Hence the statement is also doubtful that Morelos had proposed to abandon the revolution as hopeless, and after leaving the congress at Tehuacan to depart for abroad, preferably to Spain, and there ask pardon of the king. He is also said to have offered to persuade insurgent leaders to stay the war; but the very fact that an offer so promising was not accepted indicates that it was not seriously made; yet Alamani is inclined to credit the story. A retraction issued over his name is not in his style.

    The following additional details of the trial may prove interesting: Oidor Bataller and the ecclesiastic, Doctor Alatorre, provisor of the archbishopric, were the joint judges, who took up the case on Nov. 22d. The latter being requested by Morelos to choose an advocate for him, selected José María Quiles, a youth still studying at the seminary. The defence is brief, and while admitting the errors of the accused attributes them to wrong information and false judgment, and offers to condone for them by revelations. Jealous of the privileges and sacredness of their profession, rather than in sympathy with Morelos, the archbishop, two other bishops, and several other dignitaries implored the viceroy on the 24th to spare the life of the prisoner, 'ni le aflixa con efusion de sangre.' Causa, 47. This sentence reveals their real motive. The lower clergy appeared no less eager, to judge from the placards nailed to the cathedral door, threatening with divine vengeance those who should profane the church by taking priestly blood. The result was the arrangement between the viceroy and archbishop for expelling Morelos from the priesthood. The sentence in accordance was passed by a council including the very members who had signed the petition. The inquisition took four days to deal with the prisoner, and on the 27th was performed his penance, before the two inquisitors, Flores and Monteagudo, and a distinguished assembly of several hundred persons. The charges by this tribunal, 23 in number, included disregard for the decrees of bishops and of the holy office, manifested by his continuing to confess and receive the communion after being excommunicated; contempt for papal bulls and indulgences; desecration of cemeteries and temples; unauthorized appointments to ecclesiastical offices; endorsement of heretical dogmas by Voltaire and others; immorality, etc. Morelos answered that the excommunication had been based on false charges and was consequently invalid; the war had interfered with the due observance of bulls and religious observances; the people needed spiritual care and he had been obliged to provide priests. He admitted irregularity of life, but not a scandalous one. His children were not regarded as his own. His son would not have been safe in New Spain, and he therefore sent him to the United States, but to a catholic college. In three additional charges his humble origin was adduced to support the charge of heresy; whereat Bustamante waxes indignant. Was not Christ the son of a carpenter? Cuad. Hist., iii. 229. In speaking of insurgent leaders Morelos gives the first rank for ability to Teran and Ramon Rayon; Bravo had been successful, and Osorno deserved prominence for his influence. See also Zerecero, Rev. Mex., 161-4.

29. For fear of public commotion, says Bustamante.
30. At 3 p. m. on Dec. 22d. A second volley was required to produce death. He was buried by the curate of the village an hour later. Reports of Concha and curate, and orders for execution, in Gaz. de Mex., 1815, vi. 1394-8; and Noticioso Gen., Jan. 5, 1816, followed by the retraction attributed to him. Bustamante speaks of his coolness; how he enjoyed a meal with his usual marked appetite, followed by a cigar and small talk with Concha, his captor and jailer, whom he finally embraces. He objected to be confessed by a friar, whereat Father Salazar, who attended him, took umbrage and came forth in denial of several of these points, in Eco de la Justicia, Oct. 24, 1843. Bustamante angrily retorts, referring as authority to his brother-in-law, Colonel Camacho, who received the information from his lieutenant. As he fell he gave a terrible shout, 'con que invocó la justicia del cielo.' Cuad. Hist., iii. 234. See more fully among my collection of Bustamante's autograph MSS. Muerte de Morelos, in Diario, Exact., MS., pt v.; Supl, Cavo, Tres Siglos, iv. 120-6.
31. His praise has been spoken and sung time and again on the national feast day, and in articles and books. Among the earliest to offer his tribute is Bustamante, who devotes a special Elogio Historico, Mex. 1822, 1-32, ending with an ode. Pedraza, Oracion, 8, attests his calmness and intrepidity: Pap. Var., civ. pt xi., xlii. pt iii. Lancaster Jones, Oracion, 5, sees a prodigy of genius. Arroniz, Biog. Mex., 244-9, and Gallo, Hombres Ilustres, iv. 7-171, join in according him the second place among revolutionary heroes. See also, besides the main authorities already referred to, Arrangoiz, Mej., i v 284-90; Mendíbil, Resúmen Hist., 237-8; Peña, Areng. Civic., 21-3; Pap. Var., cxlix. pt vi.; Carriedo, Estud. Oaj., ii. 25-6. The only property left by Morelos, a house at Valladolid, was confiscated. In later years the site was bought by his sister, to whom he and his brother, Nicolás, had assigned the maternal patrimony in 1808. He nevertheless managed to set aside something for his unrecognized family of marked Indian blood, of whom Juan Nepomuceno Almonte had already been sent to the United States to be educated, whence he returns to take a prominent place in the republic, rising in 1863-4 to be regent for the chosen emperor Maximilian, thus overthrowing in great measure the plans of his father. Bustamante alludes to him in the conventional term of 'nephew.' Cuad. Hist., iii. 217. Several honors were bestowed on Morelos 1 name. By act of July 19, 1823, he was included among the nation's benemérltos. The legislature of Michoacan changed the name of their capital, Valladolid, to Morelia, on Sept. 12, 1828, and on April 17, 1869, the southern part of the state of Mexico was formed into the state of Morelos. See Dublan y Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. x.; Mex. Col. Ord. y Dec., ii. 149-51. The attention so exclusively absorbed by Morelos served to shield his fellow-prisoner Morales, late chaplain to the congress, and enabled the archbishop to save him.

    It is but fitting that I should here acknowledge my indebtedness for historic material to the labors of Juan E. Hernandez y Dávalos. Ever an ardent student of national records, he became finally so enthusiastic in the cause as to barter a competency for a set of original documents relating to the trial of Hidalgo. This formed the nucleus for his collection, which he has sought to complete by ransacking the archives at Mexico and other places and employing copyists to assist him. As a first result he began to issue in 1877 Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de la Guerra de Independencia de Mexico, de 1808 á 1821, which by 1882 reached six bulky folios of about 1,000 pages each, presenting copies of all important documents bearing on the war of independence. A great proportion of them are new to historians, and have enabled me, in connection with my other material relating to this period, to add much valuable information, filling the gaps and correcting the errors left by my predecessors. The only objection to the collection is a lack of system in the arrangement, but this disappears before the consideration of the toil and sacrifices of the editor, as well as a modest reserve concerning them, for over 30 years he has devoted all spare hours to the work, and he has even pinched his family upon a portion of his pay as clerk in the treasury department, in order to save wherewith to pay assistants and printers. Public indifference and prejudice have also had to be struggled against. The publication of documents adverse to the virgin of Guadalupe cost him at one time several hundred of the hard acquired subscribers.

    In contrast to this appears Mexico en el Siglo XIX, o sea su Historia desde 1800 hasta la Epoca Presente, Mexico, 1875-82, 7 volumes large 8º, which cover the period from 1800 to 1817. The author, Emilio del Castillo Negrete, informs the reader in an elaborate and imposing preface that history-writing is the grandest and most difficult of all literary efforts, partly from the vast research it demands in almost every branch of knowledge. He enters upon it after long and arduous studies of the country, its people and politics, and perceives at once how deplorably his predecessors in the field have failed in their mission, through partisan spirit and lack of information. To remedy these defects and harmonize conflicting elements is a task worthy of an Herodotus or Tacitus—he is not certain which—it shall be his, to serve a noble mission of enlightenment and guidance. Self-confidence is one of Castillo's most striking virtues, and it sustains him to his own satisfaction in forming a series of extracts and synopses, mainly from the two leading historians whom he has just condemned, swelled by reports on military movements and political occurrences from one or two ready sources, pointed out by his predecessors. He improves upon them however by reproducing the documents in full with introductions, details, and flights of fancy which their inferior judgment had omitted as useless and tiresome. The chapters are graced at the close with a paragraph conspicuously headed Reflections, wholly from his own brain, wherein he veils over the mistakes committed by his heroes and the defects of the writers whom he has copied. What those mistakes and defects are he generally leaves to the imagination of the reader, offering occasionally a reverie, which, if somewhat mazy of theme, is also stamped by refreshing simplicity of tone. His eagerness to fill pages is not hampered by scruples about correctness of dates or facts, or completeness of narrative, and thus he can soon point triumphantly at seven bulky volumes for a period covered by prolix Bustamante in only half as many. At the close of the seventh, however, he suddenly awakes to find so large a surplus of neglected material by his side that he resolves with conscientious integrity to write a second work on the same period under the slightly changed title of Historia Militar de Mexico en el Siglo XIX, which shall cover a portion at least of his many omissions. And so he starts anew, consoling his subscribers with the assurance that no nation possesses so complete a military history as he offers, for he has seen the Commentaries of Cæsar, and similar later books, and found them circumscribed and of little use to him. The present work is to comprise six great episodes, the first to cover the war of independence, the rest foreign invasions and civil war. As the first volume does not exhaust even the opening campaign of Hidalgo, there is a prospect of a whole series for the revolution alone. Meanwhile the former work is still pending, with its pretension to more connected narrative of political, social, as well as military matter. Castillo divides his pages into numbered paragraphs, a method which affords a certain relief to wearied and perplexed readers. It would have been still better had he consigned most of his text to foot-notes.