Inaugural Address of Michael Hahn, Governor of the State of Louisiana

by Michael Hahn

Layout 2

INAUGURAL ADDRESS

of

MICHAEL HAHN,

GOVERNOR

of the

STATE OF LOUISIANA

delivered at

NEW ORLEANS, MARCH 4, 1864.

Fellow-Citizens:

In diffident obedience to your sovereign behests, solemnly proclaimed through the ballot-box on the anniversary of the birth of the illustrious Washington, I appear before you as your freely elected Governor, doubtful of myself in all things save in devotion to my country, and sincere and heartfelt affection for all my fellow-citizens, irrespective of birth-place, creed, or political opinion. In the exercise of your dearest rights as American citizens, you have placed me in the exalted office of Governor of this noble State; and by your acts you have shown that although the people of a State may err, a State, as a member of the American Union, cannot die. Is there among us to day a man actuated by genuine American sentiments and true patriotism, who would even for an hour consent to have the Commonwealth consecrated to everlasting fame by the genius and valor of Andrew Jackson, abdicate her place in the national constellation? I hope not. I accept the great honor which has been conferred upon me at this important epoch in the history of our State, with a profound distrust of my own ability to adequately discharge its many accompanying duties and responsibilities; and if I do not wholly despond in anticipation, it is because of the cheering evidences everywhere present around me that a generous indulgence will be extended to my deficiencies, and that a cheerful alacrity will animate the people in sustaining me in all the efforts it will be my constant study to make in their behalf.

A resident of Louisiana from early boyhood, I have always felt proud of her history, and I have claimed the privilege on all occasions, public and private, in the Congress of the nation as in popular meetings, to deny that the sovereign people of this State had ever seceded from the Union, or had, at any time, or even in any apparently authoritative form, given their sanction to the act by which unfaithful agents precipitated her into the rebellion. I knew that in making this declaration on behalf of the people of this State, I did no more than give expression to the sincere sentiments of her patriotic citizens, native and adopted, and the immense concourse of every description of persons around and about me at this moment is strong testimony to its correctness. We, the people, have never seceded; we never intended to abdicate our proper place in the Union, and with the assistance of the national government, whose duty it is to protect us from invasion and guarantee to us a republican form of government, we are determined we never shall. We have had our trials, physical and moral—they have been many and grievous;—we have had our share of suffering and sorrow—God knows how sad and afflicting;—but at length, drawing a veil over the devastation of the past, the wants and sufferings of our people, the social interruptions, the severance of the dear, tender ties of life, the broken hearts, the hostile separation of members of the same household, the blood and death following in the footsteps of grim-visaged war—raising ourselves up from lethargy and inaction, we have again shown our ability to participate in the blessings of equal and just laws, and in the maintenance of the most perfect system of free government that has ever been vouchsafed to mankind. Where on earth was there a people, when the deamon of discord, cupidity and oppression possessed the hearts of the wicked men who plunged this country into fratricidal strife, so happy, contented or powerful as the American Union; and where a nation whose inhabitants were in the possession of the hundredth part of the liberty and prosperity which the United States enjoy, and could with certainty promise to their posterity? Many of our blessings we have endangered, and some privileges, looked upon by many as benefits, have been destroyed; still the foundation of our social edifice is not ruined or so damaged as to be beyond the reach of early reparation. How, it will be asked, shall this reparation be made? The answer is obvious: follow up the sensible and reasonable work you are this day with much civic pomp and circumstance inaugurating, by the determination to act, each in his own sphere, as becomes a living man, in the most progressive of existing nations. For the moment civil government must necessarily harmonize with military administration. There is no good reason, however, for permitting this—which will interfere but little with individual action—to deter any one from setting to work as energetically as formerly to make up for lost time, and recompense himself fully in the future for past losses.

In all things compatible with a steady and unflinching support of the national unity, and the efforts of the government to establish and sustain it on, if possible, improved foundations, my constant study will be how best to promote the substantial interests of the people of Louisiana; and to that end I invite the friendly counsel and support of all citizens.

The Union of these States, handed down by our revolutionary ancestors, is of more value than any falsely styled “State rights,” especially when these “rights” mean sectional institution, founded on a great moral, social and political evil, and inconsistent with the principles of free government. The institution of slavery is opposed alike to the rights of one race and the interests of the other; it is the cause of the present unholy attempt to break up our government; and, unpleasant as the declaration may sound to many of you, I tell you that I regard its universal and immediate extinction as a public and private blessing. It is not to be supposed that in the adjustment of the altered relations of labor to capital an immediate satisfactory result can be reached, although the happiest results have already been witnessed on many plantations now worked and cultivated under the compensated labor regulations of the distinguished commander of this military department. A desirable result will soon be generally attained, if the difficult matter is taken in hand as a practical question, free from the perplexities that cannot fail to encompass it were a return to the old system among us conceivable or possible. To profit, as it is in our power at once to do, by our situation, we must dismiss dreams of the past and accept accomplished facts as they are, and as they are evermore certain to remain. In the nature of things, if we will only act as becomes sensible people, the greatness we have momentarily had eclipsed will be ours again, and secured to us by a more binding and lasting tenure than ever before. It must be based on a devotion to the Union, on a love of liberty to all men, and on a spirit of justice and humanity. The losses, if any, incurred by this change in our labor system by the truly loyal citizens, will doubtless be properly returned to him in due season by a generous government.

At an early day an election will be held for members to a Convention for the revision of our State Constitution. The importance of such an election can scarcely be exaggerated. Every citizen is deeply interested in the organic law and that it may in all respects faithfully mirror the wishes of the people and harmonize with the spirit of the age, the people must themselves exercise all due circumspection in the selection of delegates to represent them. The Convention will doubtless provide for an early election of a Legislature. On the meeting of the latter, the absorbing labor question will at once demand its most serious attention and the importance of this alone will appeal strongly to the minds of all good citizens, so that in the selection of members none unworthy from vicious habits or educational unfitness may, be chosen. With the natural advantages Louisiana possesses, in her inexhaustible soil her genial climate, her domination of the river of rivers, her facilities for commerce, manufacturing and the most varied agricultural pursuits, nothing can prevent her present population, or, if they will not do it, then the emigration that will speedily supersede them, from soon becoming what our people once aspired with reason to be, namely: the most flourishing portion of the most powerful of nations. Proper legislation, such as we may look forward to obtain before many months, will enable the people to profit by the new life that is being infused into our social system; and in presence of the change no man of observation, enterprise and enlightenment need have a discouraging apprehension. I shall do all that can be required of me in the meantime to put society into healthful and useful activity, and if our foundries, our workshops, our manufactories and shipyards remain closed, no charges of indifference to them on my part will be with justice preferred against me.

No person able to work will be allowed, with my consent, to be a burden on the community; the condition of man is to earn his bread by the sweat of his brow, and useless, unproductive drones must comply with the law of our being or remove from among us.

The cause of public education shall find in me a watchful and zealous friend; everything needful for its support and extension within the sphere of my duties will be done for it. The blessings of education ought not, as heretofore, to be excluded from the blacks. It is our duty to render them such assistance towards their education and enlightenment as will fit them for the higher conditions and privileges of which they may in time show themselves deserving.

In my appointments to office I shall scrupulously exact, as requisites in candidates, loyalty to the Union, sobriety, industry, integrity and special fitness. The constitutional prohibition against the holding of two or more offices by the same individual will be rigorously enforced.

Among the many important questions which may be expected to demand attention upon the reestablishment of civil government and the assembling of a Legislature, will be that of the public credit of Louisiana, exposed as it has been to a rude shock by the bad men whose machinations have plunged us into war. The faithful recognition and discharge of the interest upon the public debt have ever been held as among the most sacred of obligations by the people. I fully partake the public solicitude in regard to this subject, and the fair fame of the State will be indelibly tarnished should the present default be continued one day after the termination of the present abnormal condition of our domestic concerns.

The exertions made to recruit the national army at this point by our citizens are graciously recognized by the Commanding General, who has given official testimony to the valor and fidelity of the Louisiana volunteers. Unfortunately the deprivations of a civil State government has prevented us from having a bounty fund wherewith to reward the patriotic and heroic volunteers of Louisiana, and until a thorough reorganization of the State government takes place and legislative provisions be made, there is reason to fear that great injustice will be done these our faithful volunteer defenders. A recognition of their services at Baton Rouge, Fort Bisland, Port Hudson, Donaldsonville, and all the principal battle-fields in this State, and a just compensation for their sacrifices, should be among the earliest acts of the State government. In view of the peculiar circumstances which surround us, it may be well to afford such assistance as ought not to be withheld in a national crisis of the highest magnitude. The increase of the volunteer force of the State upon the basis of compensation adopted in other States, will assist materially in the early restoration of peace and the prosperity of the people, and present to the country the soundest proof of loyalty.

From every light before me I am constrained to believe that the cause of rebellion is in extremities. At all points the national arms are either victorious or prepared to deliver deadly blows, and it seems to me not extravagant to look upon this year as the final one of the most senseless, causeless and murderous rebellion that ever occurred in a civilized nation. Where on earth will the conspirators, who took up arms to destroy the most perfect temple of liberty ever erected, flee, to shelter themselves from universal execration when the nation has triumphed? The loyal men of Louisiana have suffered much and deeply, but with the blessings of God upon our exertions all will soon be right again, and peace, happiness and prosperity will smile upon our thresholds as of old.

Fellow-citizens, again from the bottom of my heart I thank you for the confidence you have reposed in me, and the honors you have now and heretofore lavished upon me. My fondest and most cherished hope is that when my term of service shall have ended, you may enjoy the inestimable blessings of “a more perfect Union,” with its accompanying justice, domestic tranquillity and liberty, and that you may be able to assure me that I have not disappointed your expectations or proved unworthy of the distinguished trust which I have this day assumed, and which, as a true son of Louisiana, I shall feel more ambition to discharge meritoriously than any other upon earth.