THE CONSTRUCTIVE ELEMENTS
OF SOCIALISM
II.
IN the first part of this article a detailed examination of the social and economic position or status of the two principal classes in present society was made. This investigation, we believe, has revealed to us clearly the economic functions performed by the different social classes; thereby also exposing the sources or seat of their respective social power. We can at least venture to assert that it has brought home the so important truism that all political or social influence exercised by a social category in a particular historic period is but a reflex of its economic influence or might, i.e., that political power or governmental control does not conquer and cement the industrial supremacy and hegemony for a class, but, on the contrary, that the industrial supremacy of a class is also bound to ultimately insure political power and governmental domination to it. The proper recognition of this fact by the proletariat—a fact which can be amply substantiated by historic and sociological examples—will eventually compel this class to organize and conduct its struggle against Capitalism accordingly. This further implies that the proper appreciation of this fundamental proposition will henceforth actuate the class-conscious workers to concentrate their energies upon the organization of their economic power; and this attempt will again animate them to seek to establish the original source of this potential force in the working-class.
In our last article we emphasized that the economic power of the workers did not rest in some form of ownership or property prerogative, as is and was the case with all previous ruling classes, but in the recognition of their proletarian status, in the recognition of their economic worth or indispensability—in their class-consciousness. From this deduction it follows that the economic and social influence or power of the proletariat is not, as it has been so often erroneously asserted, to be found in the form or particular function of an organization, but in its spirit and theoretical composition. Not the form or particular functions will affect and determine the principles of an organization, but the principles will determine the form and functions. Therefore, it cannot be too emphatically underscored that the power of the proletariat does not in the last analysis rest in the form or structure, but the spirit of an organization; Consequently, when certain Socialists attribute revolutionary vitality and creative power to Industrial Unionism as Industrial Unionism without qualifying it with the word Socialist, then they commit precisely the same error which certain pure and simple politicians fall into, when they seek to "organize the masses into a large political party" and in their anxiety for success forget and ignore entirely the Socialist character of the organization. Primarily, it is not the question whether the workers are organized on the economic field along craft or industrial lines, because we have both forms of organization in existence now (see Germany and America for classical examples); neither, whether the workers engage in independent politics, such politics having been Carried on for years by so-called liberal reform movements and alleged "Socialist" parties; but whether the economic and political activity is a Socialist activity: whether the industrial union is a class-conscious union; and whether the Socialist political party is a truly working-class organization. The yardstick with which to establish the status of a workers' organization has been provided in our previous article, and is to be found in the organization's conception of Capitalism and the consequent interpretation of the class struggle resulting therefrom. To a revolutionary Socialist only such an organization is considered class-conscious which affirms unequivocally the inability of the workers to improve their economic and social conditions under capitalism permanently and calls upon the workers to marshal their forces on the economic as well as political field under the banner of not palliation or reform, but revolution. Organizations, therefore, that devote their main efforts to the palliation of effects and the propagation of reforms, even if "ultimately" affirming and "demanding" Socialism, cannot be considered class—conscious organizations, and are in reality a greater obstacle to the formation of a genuine proletarian army of the revolution than all the chicanery, economic despotism and social and cultural prerogatives of the capitalist class combined. Class-conscious Socialist action can only be the product of a scientific conception of capitalist production, of a Marxian interpretation of economic and social phenomena, and can, in consequence, have only a certain meaning to the working-class. Therefore it can not mean one thing to one worker and something else to another. It will also be admitted that certain scientific premises and a scientific mode of investigation furnish certain deductions, which again will prescribe or determine a definite mode of action. The mode of action or tactics of a class-conscious movement, as it can be readily gleaned from the preceding, are, therefore, not the fruit of "expediency" or chance, but the product of theoretical clarity and scientific perception. Such being the case, the tactical department of the Socialist movement is, consequently, inseparably connected with the theoretical system of Socialism, being in reality a component part of this system. Therefore, tactical clarity and efficiency in a Socialist movement can only flow from theoretical clarity; a soundness in scientific consciousness and profundity being the father to class-consciousness, and class-consciousness again giving birth to effective class action—the dynamo of class movements.
Having established the original source of working-class power, and knowing that it rests in the consciousness of the worker appertaining to his economic indispensability, it is now quite a simple proposition to formulate a tactical program for the organization of this industrial might. Before we proceed with this task, it is, however, imperative to re-state in short the objective or the aim of the proletarian struggle. This objective, as emphasized before, is determined first by the Socialist analysis of capitalist production and secondly by the proper appreciation with the aid of Materialistic Conception of History of the historic role allotted to the working-class in the period of evolution. From the application of Historical Materialism and Marxian Economics to social development in general and Capitalism in particular, we are compelled to conclude that the basic cause of the workers' misery and the original source of all class demarcations existing in present society, and the innumerable effects resulting therefrom are to be found in the capitalist or private ownership of the socially produced and operated instruments of wealth production; and that, in consequence, as long as the fundamental antithesis between social production and individual appropriation continues to exist the multifarious other economic and political contradictions would naturally continue to thrive. The immediate and ultimate objective of the Socialist movement must, therefore, concentrate and organize around the demand for the abolition of private ownership in the socially necessary instruments of production (including all land), i.e., must marshal its forces for the shattering of the commodity status in labor-power and the inauguration of the Industrial Republic. Consequently, at this late date of capitalist development, in this period of social turmoil and full-fledged Capitalism, the only demand, worthy of unstinted working-class support is the one which demands the unconditional surrender of the capitalist class—the Socialist Commonwealth, nothing less nor more. With this demand as the only immediate and ultimate aim to struggle for, with the social revolution as the objective before it, the Socialist movement can not fail to be a truly revolutionary movement, and must by necessity formulate tactics just as revolutionary as the aim that gave birth to them.
We have seen from the foregoing that the economic power of the workers slumbers in their class-consciousness; furthermore, that this class-consciousness can only be effectively aroused and reared in the proletarians with the aid of Socialist education predicated upon a Socialist or revolutionary objective. Therefore, all so-called "Socialist propaganda" and activity not based upon such an aim, or advancing it as the "ultimate demand", and advocating as "immediate demands" an endless string of palliatives or reforms, cannot be considered as Socialist activity, and the adherents and votes obtained through such a propaganda can not be considered class-conscious adherents or votes. The Socialist aim must, in consequence, be jealously guarded and kept intact by the Socialist movement and can not be sacrificed to the aspirations of political quacks or Charlatans. The question what organic form is this economic power, this proletarian class-consciousness, to take on in its battle against the economic power of the capitalist class is now in order, and will be taken up in as detailed a form as the limited space at our disposal permits.
As an introduction to this phase of Constructive Socialism we desire to affirm the necessity of utilizing both wings, of practising political as well as industrial action in the conduction of the class war. Admitting the imperativeness of both, it now remains to establish the function of each and their relative importance in preparing for and carrying out the act of emancipation.
We will first examine the function played by politics in the class struggle. It is now generally recognized that the existence of a political struggle presupposes the existence of an economic struggle: i.e., that political differences and antagonisms have their origin in economic differences, etc. Therefore, every political struggle is fundamentally an economic struggle; and the eradication of the industrial struggle of the classes spells, consequently, the eradication of politics. The existence of political parties and a political life in general is based upon the existence of classes, which again have their roots in the peculiar property prerogatives inherent in the economic system of a particular historical period. With the disappearance of economic classes social and political classes will also disappear. Therefore, as stated before, the abolition of all property prerogatives in economic life by the Socialist workers also implies the abolition of all political differences and the automatic ceasing of the political struggle. The political struggle, as carried on by the class-conscious workers and pursuing but one objective, can, therefore, be utilized and exploited by the proletariat for only one purpose, namely to abolish Capitalism. By using the political arm in this manner, the political victory of the workers will naturally be synonymous with the abolition of politics—the abolition of classes. Thus the political struggle is engaged in by the workers to carry on revolutionary Socialist propaganda. This struggle has, however, purely a destructive function, because a general political victory of Socialism spells the downfall of political government and the advent of the Industrial Republic, a society without classes and political antagonisms. The possibility of such a decisive Socialist victory, however, presupposes the existence of certain industrial organizations of the proletariat necessary, first, to impart power to the political demand and, second, to perform the act of socialization. And this leads us to the function played by industrial action in the class struggle.
We know that the economic power of the workers rests in the consciousness of their economic indispensability as productive agents. To organize this economic indispensability at the point of production along class-conscious lines and in accord with the dictates of modem economic evolution is, as already stated before, therefore, an urgent requirement of the hour and on par with generating and accumulating proletarian economic vitality. Class-conscious Socialist organization at the point of production, that is in the industries, however, is essential for a twofold reason and must be accomplished in a definite way.
In the first place such an organization or Socialist Industrial Union is an organized expression of proletarian class-consciousness in a certain industry. This organized expression announces to society that the productive facilities of this particular industry are not only socially operated, but also in the control of Socialist workers, who are only waiting for the signal to supplement social production with social ownership. Of course the form of such an organization must also be in accord with the requirements of economic evolution; and being the product of class-conscious workers is bound to be in line with a scientific conception of capitalist production. Such a conception clearly shows the insufficiency and antiquatedness of the craft form of unionism, a form absolutely out of joint with the highly centralized character of capitalist industry. The Historical Materialist, and every scientific Socialist is a Historical Materialist, constructs and adapts his organization to meet the demands of social requirements. He studies economic and social conditions with a view of employing the knowledge gained therefrom to improve the position of the working-class in its fight for emancipation. Therefore, when the Historical Materialist emphasizes the necessity of organizing the workers along the lines of Socialist Industrial Unionism his plea is pivoted upon certain sound perceptions. The reason for the class character of every form of proletarian organization has been sufficiently underscored and need not be dwelled upon any more. What must now be shown is the necessity for this particular form of unionism: the necessity for Industrial Unionism.
Industrial Unionism, like all previous forms of economic organization which preceded it, is but a product of the particular character of the industries from which it emanated. The complex and centralized form of production, which gave birth to Industrial Unionism, can again on the one hand be attributed to the concentration of wealth into ever fewer hands, and on the other to an ever increasing social character of the machines or instruments of production. The competitive struggle with its process of elimination, and the discoveries and inventions on the field of mechanical and economic evolution are responsible for the highly corporate and at times monopolistic character of industries, and have given the death blow to small production and also every form of craft organization bound up therewith. Industrial Unionism is, therefore, but a reflex of industrialized (understand highly centralized) capitalist production, and as such only an obedient servant of economic evolution. Therefore, to expect proletarian class-consciousness to assume any other form of organic expression on the industrial field than that of Industrial Unionism would be to expect the impossible to be possible, or the sharp observers to be blind.
The Socialist Industrial Union, as the organized expression of proletarian economic indispensability on the industrial field, fulfills two functions in the present struggle. Aside fom waging the every-day struggle of the workers against exploitation, a struggle that is waged distinctly with the view of abolishing exploitation, and which is, similar to the Socialist political struggle, purely destructive, the Socialist Industrial Union also performs a constructive function of great importance. This constructive function consists in organizing the productive faculties of the workers not only in line with the requirements of highly socialized capitalist production, but also in line with the requirements of Socialist production in the making. It is an axiom of Historical Materialism that the shell of every new society develops within the womb of the old. We also know that the social elements in capitalist production symbolize the formative stages of a new economic order. However, a class-conscious organization along the lines of highly centralized social production, and truly manifesting the economic power of the workers, does more than give social expression to these formative stages—it really symbolizes the future structure of the Industrial Republic in the process of formation. Therefore, in the same proportion as the Socialist Industrial Union movement develops, in just that degree does the economic and political power of the capitalist class diminish, and the economic and political power of the Workers increase. The growth of the Socialist Industrial Union Movement signifies the ever quicker approaching destruction of capitalist production on the one hand, and the ever more efficient organization of Socialist production on the other. Upon the economic power vested within the Socialist Industrial Union, historical evolution has, consequently, conferred two duties: the first, to stand as the organized economic might behind the revolutionary objective of the proletariat—to serve as the buckler and sword of the social revolution; the second, to insure and organize the fruits of the revolution—to take and hold the industries in the interest of the Industrial Republic. In the first capacity, it serves as the agent and executor of the Socialist political party, and in the second it functions as the organized productive administration of the Industrial Republic.
In concluding we wish again to emphasize that the economic and social might of the proletariat does not rest in a certain form of economic organization, as for instance Industrial Unionism; furthermore, that the structural or organic phases can never impart power to an organization; but that this economic might is lodged in the class-consciousness of the workers; however, that this class-consciousness can only be derived from a Socialist conception of Capitalism, which again imparts to the workers the Constructive Elements of Socialism, clearly outlining the functions of revolutionary Socialist political action and Socialist Industrial Unionism. In consequence, a worker can be an Industrial Unionist without being a Socialist, but not a Socialist without being an Industrial Unionist. Industrial Unionism to be effective and to bare the historic significance accorded to it above must, therefore, be squarely planted upon Socialist principles and be vitalized by the dynamic forces of class-consciousness.
The advocacy of uncompromising Socialist principles is, in consequence, a fundamental demand for all Socialist agitation. Such Socialist propaganda can revolve around only one demand—Socialism fighting and repudiating all other agitation and principles as reactionary or capitalistic.
Advertisements of
Books on Socialism
and kindred subjects
Radical Review's Book Department
202 EAST 17th STREET
| Tel., Stuyvesant 1446 | NEW YORK CITY |
| Ancient Lowly—Osborn Ward, 2 Vol | @ $2.00 |
| Ancient Society—L. H. Morgan | 1.50 |
| Capital—Karl Marx | @2.00 |
| Critique of Political Economy—Karl Marx | 1.00 |
| Wage, Labor and Capital and Discourse on Free Trade—Karl Marx | .50 |
| Value, Price and Profit—Karl Marx | .50 |
| The Communist Manifesto with Liebknecht's "No Compromise" | .50 |
| The Paris Commune—Karl Marx | .50 |
| Revolution and Counter-Revolution, or Germany in 1848 —Karl Marx | .50 |
| The Eighteenth Brumaire—Karl Marx | .50 |
| Philosophical Essays—Jos. Dietzgen | 1.00 |
| Positive Outcome of Philosophy—Jos. Dietzgen | 1.00 |
| Feuerbach, Roots of Socialist Philosophy—Fred. Engels | .50 |
| Origin of the Family—Frederick Engels | .50 |
| Landmarks of Scientific Socialism—Fred. Engels | 1.00 |
| Socialism, Utopian and Scientific—Frederick Engels | .50 |
| Essays on the Materialist Conception of History—Labriola | 1.00 |
| The Class Struggle—Karl Kautsky | .50 |
| Ethics and the Materialistic Conception of History—Karl Kautsky | .50 |
| Evolution of Property—Paul Lafargue | .50 |
| Woman under Socialism—August Bebel | 1.00 |
| High Cost of Living—Karl Kautsky | .50 |
| High Cost of Living—Arnold Petersen | .15 |
| Vulgar Economy—Daniel De Leon | .15 |
| Marx on Mallock; or Facts vs. Fiction—Daniel De Leon | .05 |
| Fifteen Questions—Daniel De Leon | .20 |
| Flashlights of the Amsterdam Congress—Daniel De Leon | .15 |
| Two Pages from Roman History—Daniel De Leon | .15 |
| Berger's Hits and Misses—Daniel De Leon | .15 |
| Industrial Unionism—Debs and De Leon | .10 |
Add 10 cents per volume for postage.
A work presenting a thorough examination of
Opportunism; lucidly exposing the unscientific
position and popular fallacis of so-called So-
cialist reform movements: A Marxian indict-
ment of Revisionism in action
Price, 10 Cents (12 Cents postpaid)
Special Rates to Dealers and Organizations
The Radical Review Publishing Association
202 East 17th Street, New York City
THERADICALREVIEW
is devoted to
The Critical Investigation of Scientific Socialism
It represents a partisan Effort to spread Socialist Education, and to establish Clarity in the Labor Movement.
Its Editorial Policy is outspokenly Marxian—aggressive, revolutionary and destructively constructive.
It advocates Revolution not Palliation; the Industrial Republic not State Capitalism; and holds that the Reconstruction of Socialist Principles and Tactics must essentially be predicated upon the Recognition of that irrefutable Contention that
Right without Might is Moonshine
It considers the Socialist Industrial Union as the Dynamo of Socialist Activity—the power inherent in class-consciousness organized at the point of production. Furthermore, it holds that the growth of the Socialist industrial organizations is synonymous with developing the embryo of the future society within the shell of the old.
Industrially organized Class-Consciousness is the Might behind the Right.
Every number of the magazine contains 112 pages of interesting reading matter, including translations of works by famous European Marxists, contributions from the pen of authoritative writers, editorials, book reviews, etc.
Published Quarterly By
THE RADICAL REVIEW PUBLISHING ASSOCIATION
202 EAST 17th STREET, NEW YORK CITY
25 cents per Copy$1.00 a Year
Are you with us? Send us your Subscription to-day.
