Life with the Esquimaux/Volume 2/Chapter 20
CHAPTER XX.
INNUIT OR ESQUIMAUX CHARACTER, CUSTOMS, ETC.
The Innuit Name—Character of the People—Their Domestic Life—Peculiar Customs concerning Women—Social and Political Life—Theological Ideas—Belief in a God—The Angekos—Mingumailo and his two Wives—His Rage against Koojesse—Superstitious Customs of the Innuits—Customs connected with Hunting—Innuit Christmas and New Year—Innuit Language—Innuit Costume—Native Sagacity in studying Natural History—Anecdotes of the Seal—Of the Polar Bear—Conclusion.
The race of people whom we denominate Esquimaux are, in their own language, called In-nu-it—that is, "the people." In-nu, in the singular number, signifies "man;" in the plural, In-nu-it, "people," "the people," or (as they understand it) "our people," as distinguished from foreigners. The name Esquimaux is entirely foreign, and not to be interpreted from any elements hitherto found in their language. In illustration of its origin, a friend, who is philologically devoted, has favoured the author with the following suggestions:—
The appellation "Esquimaux"—of which the traders' term "Husky" is a mere corruption—is obviously derived from some Algic dialect, doubtless from the Chippeway or the Cree. The Cree language is very nearly the same as the Chippeway, the difference being merely dialectic.
In the Chippeway, ush-ke signifies "raw." In the same language, um-wau signifies "he eats." From these elements we readily form the word ush-ke-um-wau, "raw he eats." And a noun derived from this verb, as a national denomination, must be some such form as Aish-ke-um-oog, "raw-flesheaters;" the double o being long, like oa in boat. Use has softened this name into Es-ke-moog (pronounced Es-ke-moag); the sh of the Chippeway becoming simple s, it would seem, in the Cree. All that remains is the consideration that the French traders, of course, used the French orthography.
According to Innuit mythology, the first man was a failure—that is, was imperfect, though made by the Great Being; therefore he was cast aside and called kob-lu-na, or kod-lu-na, as pronounced by the modern Innuits, which means white man. A second attempt of the Great Being resulted in the formation of a perfect man, and he was called In-nu.
As a general statement, it may be said that the Innuits, among themselves, are strictly honest. The same may be said as between them and strangers—that is, whites, though with some modification. The Innuits have an impression that the kodlunas (white people) possess plenty; that is, plenty of iron, wood, beads, knives, needles, &c. which is the reason why the Innuits, whenever they meet with whites, always cry "pil-e-tay! pil-e-tay!" ("give! give!") And the word kodlunas, in fact, signifies not only "white people," but the people who always have plenty. I have no hesitation in saying that, as respects honesty, these unsophisticated people, the Innuits, do not suffer by a comparison with civilized nations.
While with the Innuits, I saw enough to convince me that they are a kind, generous people. As between themselves, there can be no people exceeding them in this virtue—kindness of heart. Take, for instance, times of great scarcity of food. If one family happens to have any provisions on hand, these are shared with all their neighbours. If one man is successful in capturing a seal, though his family may need it all to save them from the pangs of hunger, yet the whole of his people about, including the poor, the widow, the fatherless, are at once invited to a seal feast.
Though there is occasionally to be found among this people an evil person, yet, taken as a whole, they are worthy of great credit. They despise and shun one who will shag-la-voo ("tell a lie"). Hence they are rarely troubled by any of this class.
Children are sometimes betrothed by their parents in infancy. As Tookoolito says, "The young people have nothing to do with it." The old men make the marriage entirely. When the betrothal is made, the couple can live together at any time, usually decided by the ability of the man to support the woman. In other cases, when a young man thinks well of a young woman, he proposes to take her for his wife. If both are agreed, and the parents of the girl consent, they become one. There is no wedding ceremony at all, nor are there any rejoicings or festivities. The parties simply come together, and live in their own tupic or igloo. It sometimes happens that two who are intended for each other live together as companions for a term of probation, always without consummating their marriage. It may happen, in such a case, that the trial develops a want of congeniality, or what is called in a higher state of civilization "an incompatibility of temper." Then the two separate, and the woman returns to her parents. In all cases, love—if it come at all—comes after the marriage.
There generally exists between husband and wife a steady, but not very demonstrative affection, though the woman is frequently subjected to violent usage by reason of some sudden outbreak of temper on the man's part, and though, when she is near her death, he leaves her alone to die.
When a child is born, the mother is attended by one or more of her own sex; even the husband is not allowed to be present. If it is a first child, the birth takes place in the usual tupic or igloo;[1] if it is a second, or any other than the first, a separate tupic or igloo is built for the mother's use, and to that she must remove. Male children are desired in preference to females, but no difference is made in their treatment, and there are always rejoicings and congratulatory visits when an infant is born. Immediately after the birth, the infant's head must be firmly squeezed side to side with the hands, and a little skin cap placed tightly over the compressed head, which is to be kept there for one year. This custom prevails throughout the region of Frobisher Bay, Field Bay, C. Grinnell Bay, Northumberland Inlet, and all places known to me and my Innuit informants. The infants are nursed until three or four years of age. The children, when old enough, find their amusement in playing with toys made of bone and ivory in the forms of various animals. When older, the boys are educated in rowing, hunting, and sealing; the girls are taught to trim the fire-light and keep it burning, to cook, dress leather, sew, help row the oomiens, and to do various other kinds of work.
The women are not prolific. I believe they consider children troublesome. The race is fast dying out. Not many years more and the "Innuit" will be extinct.
The affection of the parents for their children is very great, and disobedience on the part of the latter is rare. The parents never inflict physical chastisement upon the children. If a child does wrong—for instance, if it becomes enraged, the mother says nothing to it until it becomes calm. Then she talks to it, and with good effect.
On Saturday, February 28th, 1863, the infant son of Ebierbing and Tookoolito died in New York, aged eighteen months. The loss was great to both of them, but to the mother it was a terrible blow. For several days after its death she was unconscious, and for a part of the time delirious. When she began to recover from this state she expressed a longing desire to die, and be with her lost Tuk-e-lik-e-ta. The child was greatly beloved by both of the parents. In truth—I must be allowed to diverge here for a moment—there was cause for their great affection, and reason for peculiar grief on the part of the bereaved mother. I never saw a more animated, sweet-tempered, bright-looking child. Its imitativeness was largely developed, and was most engaging. Tukeliketa was a child to be remembered by all who ever saw him.
For a certain length of time after a child is born the mother must remain in her own home, visiting no other tupic or igloo. The period for which this limitation holds good varies, sometimes reaching to the length of two months. At the expiration of the time she makes a round of calls at all the dwellings about, having first changed all her clothing. She never touches again that which she throws off on this occasion, and which she has worn since the birth of the child. Another custom forbids the mother to eat by herself for a year after the birth of the child. When asked the reason of this, Tookoolito only said, "The first Innuits did so." In respect to Innuit customs in general, it may be observed that they are often adhered to from fear of ill report among their people. The only reason that can be given for some of the present customs is that "the old Innuits did so, and therefore they must."
Another custom in relation to their females is this:—
At certain periods separation igloos are built for them. The woman must live secluded for so many days, and it would be a great offence for her to enter into any other tupic or igloo during this time. On one occasion, while on my sledge-journey in the middle of Frobisher Bay, and at the place of the tenth and nineteenth encampments, I met Sampson, his wife, and family proceeding to another encampment. While I was talking with them the wife asked me for something to eat. I was surprised at this, for I knew Sampson's family were generally well provided with food. But an explanation followed. I was told that the Innuit custom is for females, at certain times, not to partake of certain kinds of Innuit food. In this case, Sampson's wife had been nearly a week without eating, and was very hungry. I gave her what little I had of pemmican. She insisted on my taking something for it, thrusting into my hands twelve miniature ducks and other sea-birds, carved in walrus ivory. These I retain as mementoes of the occasion.
The women, generally, are tattooed on the forehead, cheeks, and chin. This is usually a mark of the married women, though unmarried ones are sometimes seen thus ornamented. This tattooing is done from principle, the theory being that the lines thus made will be regarded in the next world as a sign of goodness. The manner of the operation is simple. A piece of reindeer-sinew thread is blackened with soot, and is then drawn under and through the skin by means of a needle. The thread is only used as a means of introducing the colour or pigment under the epidermis.
The longevity of this people, on the whole, in latter years is not great. The average duration of life among them is much less than formerly. The time was, and that not long ago, when there were many, very many old people, but now they are very few. Old Ookijoxy Ninoo, as I have already mentioned, once observed to me that there were no Innuits now living who were young when she was. She was, as I believe, over 100 years old when I saw her. She died a few months after my departure for the States. I learned this last fall (1863) by one of the American whalers, who saw her son Ugarng at Northumberland Inlet two months previous.
The Innuit social life is simple and cheerful. They have a variety of games of their own. In one of these they use a number of bits of ivory, made in the form of ducks, &c. such as Sampson's wife gave me, as just mentioned. In another, a simple string is used in a variety of intricate ways, now representing a tuktoo, now a whale, now a walrus, now a seal, being arranged upon the fingers in a way bearing a general resemblance to the game known among us as "cat's cradle." The people were very quick in learning of me to play chess, checkers, and dominoes.
If an Innuit stranger come among them, an effort is made to conform as closely as possible to the manners of the section from which he comes, for it should be observed that there exists a great diversity of manners and habits among the people of different regions not very far separated from each other.
Though in old times there were chiefs among the Innuits, there are none now. There is absolutely no political organisation among them. In every community, with them as with all the rest of the world, there is some one who, in consideration of his age, shrewdness, or personal prowess is looked up to, and whose opinions are received with more than usual deference; but he has no authority whatever, and an Innuit is subject to no man's control. The people are not naturally quarrelsome, and theft and murder are almost unknown. When a quarrel arises, the two parties keep aloof from each other, sometimes for a long time. Sometimes, however, a mutual and elderly friend arranges the matter, and then a quiet talk often shows that the quarrel—with them as with us—was the result of an entire misunderstanding of words reported by gossipping tongues. If a murder is committed, it appears, from what the Innuits say, that the nearest relative or most intimate friend of the slain has a right to kill the murderer; but this crime is very rare.
Innuit opinions upon theological questions are not easily obtained in an intelligible form. Their belief on some points may thus be very generally stated: There is one Supreme Being, called by them Ang-u-ta, who created the earth, sea, and heavenly bodies. There is also a secondary divinity, a woman, the daughter of Anguta, who is called Sid-ne. She is supposed to have created all things having life, animal and vegetable. She is regarded also as the protecting divinity of the Innuit people. To her their supplications are addressed; to her their offerings are made; while most of their religious rites and superstitious observances have reference to her.
The Innuits believe in a heaven and a hell, though their notions as to what is to constitute their happiness or misery hereafter are varied as one meets with different communities. Tookoolito says:—
"My people think this way: Kood-le-par-mi-ung (heaven) is upward. Everybody happy there. All the time light; no snow, no ice, no storms; always pleasant; no trouble; never tired; sing and play all the time—all this to continue without end.
"Ad-le-par-me-un (hell) is downward. Always dark there. No sun; trouble there continually; snow flying all the time; terrible storms; cold, very cold; and a great deal of ice there. All who go there must always remain.
"All Innuits who have been good go to Koodleparmiung; that is, who have been kind to the poor and hungry—all who have been happy while living on this earth. Any one who has been killed by accident, or who has committed suicide, certainly goes to the happy place.
"All Innuits who have been bad—that is, unkind one to another—all who have been unhappy while on this earth, will go to Adleparmeun. If an Innuit kill another because he is mad at him, he will certainly go to Adleparmeun."
They have a tradition of a deluge, which they attribute to an unusually high tide. On one occasion, when I was speaking with Tookoolito concerning her people, she said, "Innuits all think this earth once covered with water." I asked her why they thought so. She answered, "Did you never see little stones, like clams and such things as live in the sea, away up on the mountains?"
The subject of the religious ideas and observances of the Innuits is nearly connected with that of their angekos, who have a great influence among these people, and exercise the only authority to which they in any degree submit. With regard to these angekos, it appeared to me that man or woman could become such if shrewd enough to obtain a mental ascendancy over others.
The angeko's business is twofold: he ministers in behalf of the sick, and in behalf of the community in general. If a person falls ill the angeko is sent for. He comes, and, before proceeding to his peculiar work, demands payment for his services, stating his price, usually some article to which he has taken a liking. Whatever he demands must be given at once, otherwise the expected good result of the ministration would not follow.
When the preliminary arrangements have been satisfactorily disposed of, the family of the sick person sit around the couch of the patient, and with earnestness and gravity join in the ceremonies. The angeko commences a talking and singing, the nature of which it is impossible to state more precisely than to say that it seems to be a kind of incantation or prolonged supplication, perhaps mingled with formulas which are supposed to charm away the disease. At intervals during this performance the family respond, frequently uttering a word corresponding to our amen. As to medicine, none is ever prescribed, nor do the Innuits ever take any.
The duties of the angeko, with reference to the community, consist in ankooting for success in whaling, walrusing, sealing, and in hunting certain animals; for the disappearance of ice, and for the public good in various particulars. These more public ministrations are accompanied by what sounds to a stranger's ear like howling, but is doubtless a formula, either handed down by tradition, or composed on the spot by the angeko, varying according to the talent of the operator. Some descriptions of ankooting have been given in the body of this work.
Even Tookoolito was not exempt from the general belief in the efficacy of the angeko's ministrations. One day, when visiting her, I found that she had parted with her cooking-pan, which she had always considered indispensable and of great value. On inquiry, I learned that she had given it to "Jennie," a female angeko, in payment for her attendance upon Ebierbing when sick; and, moreover, she had in like manner given nearly all her valuable things, even to some of her garments. I was hardly astonished, for I knew that the Innuits considered that in proportion to the value of what they give for an angeko's services, so are the benefits conferred upon the sick. "Make poor pay, and the help is poor; good pay, and the benefit is great."
On one occasion (it was at the time we were about to start for the States, but were suddenly frozen in at the commencement of the second winter), having seen the angeko very busy ankooting on the hills, I asked Ebierbing and Tookoolito what it was for. They replied, "To try and get the pack-ice out of the bay." It may be remarked here that this attempt to get the ice out of the bay was caused by the desire of the Innuits to have the George Henry leave the country, they having become tired of the presence of the sailors, and being, perhaps, somewhat jealous of them. On the occasion referred to, the angeko had told the people that on a certain day they were not to do any work. Then, in the evening, he commenced his incantations; and on that day it had been noticed by the ship's company that the Innuits went on board the vessel in their best attire, though no one then knew the cause.
The general deference to the wishes of the angeko has some exceptions, though they are rare. One such exception was this: One day in the month of July, 1861, the angeko Mingumailo, who had two wives, sent from his tupic among the mountains to Koojesse, who was then staying at Cape True, with an order for the exchange of wives. Now Koojesse's wife, Tunukderlien—"Isabel," as we sometimes called her—was something of a belle, and, though Koojesse had been a good disciple of the angeko, he would not now yield to his demands. He refused to exchange his Tunukderlien for either of the two wives sent for his choice, and the latter returned to their husband. Thereupon the angeko became so enraged that he immediately came from the mountains, and entered the village of tupics like a demon. He first tried to negotiate a peaceable exchange, and then attempted by threats to effect what he wanted. With a loaded musket and a large knife, he prowled all night long around Koojesse's tupic, trying to take his life; but Koojesse had been warned, and finally took up his abode in one of the white men's tents near by. The next day Mate Rogers arrived, and the angeko, fearing him, fled away to his haunt in the mountains.
Another instance of inattention to the angeko's advice I will relate here. One of the former husbands of Suzhi was sick. The angeko said Kokerjabin, who was at that time the wife of Sampson, must live with the invalid husband for two or three months, or he would die before spring. All the Innuits thought the angeko should be obeyed, but Kokerjabin refused to comply, declaring that she did not believe what the angeko said. Before spring, Suzhi's husband died as the angeko predicted, and therefore all the people despised Kokerjabin.
I will now mention various customs which have relation to the religious belief of the Innuits, though many of them can be explained only by the broad phrase, "The first Innuits did so." When they kill a reindeer, and have skinned it, they cut off bits of different parts of the animal, and bury them under a sod, or some moss, or a stone, at the exact spot where the animal was killed. When an Innuit passes the place where a relative has died, he pauses and deposits a piece of meat near by. On one occasion, when travelling with Sharkey, I saw him place a bit of seal under the snow near an island which we were passing. When I questioned him, he said that it was done out of respect for the memory of an uncle who had died there.
When a child dies, everything it has used, either as a plaything or in any work it did, is placed in or upon its grave. When Tukeliketa, Tookoolito's boy, died, some weeks after the mother collected all his playthings and put them upon his grave.[2] Visiting the spot some time after, she found that one article, a gaily-painted little tin pail, had been taken away, and her grief was severe at the discovery. In March, 1862, while I was in the Northern country, the wife of Annawa found beneath the tuktoo bed of their recently-deceased child a toy game-bag. A consultation among the Innuits who were then there was held, and the bag, together with all the articles that had been presented to the child by the ship's hands from time to time, consisting of powder, shot, caps, tobacco, and a pistol, was deposited at the grave of their beloved boy.
There exist also among the Innuits many curious customs connected with hunting. They cannot go out to take walrus until they have done working upon tuktoo clothing; and after beginning the walrus hunt, no one is allowed to work on reindeer skins. One day in March, I wanted Tookoolito and Koodloo's wife to make me a sleeping-bag of tuktoo skin; but nothing could persuade them to do it, as it was then walrus season. They "would both die, and no more walrus could be caught."
When a walrus is caught, the captor must remain at home, doing no work, for one day; if a bear is killed, he must remain quiet, in like manner, for three days; after the taking of a whale, two days. If, however, he is on a hunt and game is plentiful, the Innuit frequently keeps on at the sport, making up all his resting days at the end of the hunt.
When a seal is captured, a few drops of water are sprinkled on its head before it is cut up. If there is no water to be had, the man holds snow in his hands till he squeezes out a single drop, the application of which answers every purpose.
Women are not allowed to eat of the first seal of the season, and this rule is so strictly enforced that they do not feel at liberty even to chew the blubber for the sake of expressing the oil. When Tunukderlien and Jennie were with me on my sledge-journey up Frobisher Bay, the first seal of the season was caught, and Henry was obliged to pound the blubber to obtain the oil we needed, because the women were not allowed to do it.
There is a regular order for cutting up a walrus. The first man who arrives at the captured animal cuts off the right arm or flipper; the second, the left arm; the third, the right leg or flipper; the fourth, the left leg; the fifth, a portion of the body, beginning at the neck, and so on till the whole is disposed off.
One very curious custom among the Innuits is this: At a time of the year apparently answering to our Christmas, they have a general meeting in a large igloo on a certain evening. There the angeko prays on behalf of the people for the public prosperity through the subsequent year. Then follows something like a feast. The next day all go out into the open air and form in a circle; in the centre is placed a vessel of water, and each member of the company brings a piece of meat, the kind being immaterial. The circle being formed, each person eats his or her meat in silence, thinking of Sidne, and wishing for good things. Then one in the circle takes a cup, dips up some of the water, all the time thinking of Sidne, and drinks it; and then, before passing the cup to another, states audibly the time and the place of his or her birth. This ceremony is performed by all in succession. Finally, presents of various articles are thrown from one to another, with the idea that each will receive of Sidne good things in proportion to the liberality here shown.
Soon after this occasion, at a time which answers to our New Year's day, two men start out, one of them being dressed to represent a woman, and go to every igloo in the village, blowing out the light in each. The lights are afterward rekindled from a fresh fire. When Tookoolito was asked the meaning of this, she replied, "New sun—new light," implying a belief that the sun was at that time renewed for the year.
When one of these meetings and outdoor ceremonies took place, I was absent from the village where most of my Innuit friends were living. Koojesse, Sharkey, and others wished to have me sent for, thinking I would like to be present; but old Artarkparu objected, fearing that I should grow weary before the ceremony was complete, and, retiring from the circle, break the charm. So I was not sent for, but was obliged to gain my information from the natives.
The language of this people is peculiar to themselves. They have nothing written, and all that they can tell is derived from oral tradition, handed down from parent to child for many generations. The pronunciation of the same words by Esquimaux living a considerable distance apart, and having little intercourse, is so different that they can hardly understand each other on coming together. It was with the greatest difficulty that the Innuits who came to Field Bay from Sekoselar, or any other place on the northern shores of Hudson's Strait, could make themselves understood by Innuits residing north of them. Sometimes Innuits arrive from Igloolik (which is at the entrance to the Strait of Fury and Hecla), at Northumberland Inlet, and it takes a long time for the two parties to understand each other. Still more difficult is it for a Greenland native to be understood by those on the west side of Davis's Strait. The Innuits with whom I was acquainted could count only ten, as follows:—
At-tou-sen, one.
Muk-ko, two.
Ping-a-su-it, three.
Tes-sa-men, four.
Ted-la-mon, five.
Ok-bin-er-poon, six.
Mok-ke-nik, seven.
Ping-a-su-nik, eight.
Tes-sa-men-ik, nine.
Kood-lin, ten.
However, there was this exception: Koooulearng (Suzhi), whose native place was on the north side of Hudson's Strait, could count to twenty. She said that all the people of her country—meaning Kar-mo-wong, which is on the north side of the strait—could do the same. By signs—that is, by throwing open the fingers, Innuits everywhere can and do count much larger numbers.
The dress of the Innuits is made of the skins of reindeer and of seals; the former for winter, the latter for summer. The jacket is round, with no opening in front or behind, but is slipped on and off over the head. It is close-fitting, but not tight. It comes as low as the hips, and has sleeves reaching to the wrists. The women have a long tail to their coat reaching nearly to the ground. These jackets are often very elaborately ornamented. In one of my visits to Sampson, I noticed that his wife's jacket was trimmed thus: Across the neck of the jacket was a fringe of beads—eighty pendents of red, blue, black, and white glass beads, forty beads on each string. Bowls of Britannia metal tea-spoons and table-spoons were on the flap hanging in front. A row of elongated lead shot ran around the border of the tail. Six pairs of Federal copper cents, of various dates, were pendent down the middle of the tail; and a huge brass bell, from an old-fashioned clock, was at the top of the row of cents.
On another occasion, Tweroong, the wife of Miner, came on board with a dress made of the fur of very young deer, with a spencer of reindeer hair cut off short, and so evenly that I could not well understand how it was done. I made her a present of a lady's hand dressing-glass, which sent her into ecstasies, especially when she found it would enable her better to arrange her hair.
All the jackets have a hood made at the back for carrying their children or covering their heads in cold weather. In winter they wear two jackets: the exterior one with the hair outside, the inner one with the hair next to the body. Before the men enter into the main igloo they take off the outer part of their jackets, and place the same in a recess made in the snow wall of the passage-way.
Their breeches reach below the knee, and are fastened with a string drawn tightly around the lower part of the waist. Those worn by the women are put on in three pieces, each leg and the body forming separate parts.
The fall winter dress for the feet consists of, 1st. Long stockings of reindeer fur, with the hair next the person; 2d. Socks of the eider-duck skins, with the feathers on and inside; 3d. Socks of sealskin, with the hair outside; 4th. Kumings [native boots], with legs of tuktoo, the fur outside, and the soles of ookgook.
All wear mittens, though the women generally wear only one, and that on the right hand; the left is drawn within the sleeve. Finger-rings and head-bands of polished brass also form part of the female costume.
The Innuits show a remarkable sagacity in studying the habits of their animals, and gaining therefrom lessons of value for their own guidance. They observe how the seal constructs its igloo or snow hut, and their own winter dwelling, is formed upon this model. The following illustration gives a sectional view of a seal's hole and igloo,[3] with the young one lying within, and the mother coming up to visit it. By the time the sun melts off the covering snow, exposing and destroying the dome of the igloo, the young seal
NO. 1, SECTIONAL VIEW OF SEAL HOLE AND SEAL IGLOO.
is ready to take care of itself. The second engraving represents a seal that has just come up through the water to its
breathing-hole, which is covered by snow. Above it sits an Innuit, who has pierced the snow with his spear just over the
NO. 2, SECTIONAL VIEW OF SEAL HOLE.
seal's hole in the ice, and who watches till he hears the animal puff, then quickly and almost unerringly strikes.[4]
From the polar bear, too, the Innuits learn much. The manner of approaching the seal which is on the ice by its hole basking in the sunshine is from him. The bear lies down and crawls by hitches toward the seal, "talking" to it, as the Innuits say, till he is within striking distance, then he pounces upon it with a single jump. The natives say that if they could "talk" as well as the bear, they could catch many more seals.
The procedure of the bear is as follows: He proceeds very cautiously toward the black speck far off on the ice, which he knows to be a seal. When still a long way from it, he throws himself down on his side, and hitches himself along toward his game. The seal meanwhile is taking its naps of about ten seconds each, ultimately raising its head and surveying the entire horizon before composing itself again to brief slumber. As soon as it raises its head the bear "talks," keeping perfectly still. The seal, if it sees anything, sees but the head, which it takes for that of another seal. It sleeps again. Again the bear hitches himself along, and once more the seal looks around, only to be "talked" to again, and again deceived. Thus the pursuit goes on till the seal is caught, or till it makes its escape, which it seldom does.
In Chapter xv. of this volume there occurs a description of the manner in which a young seal is often used to lure the mother within striking distance of the hunter. This is copied by the Innuits from the habits of the polar bear. This animal finds by his keen scent where a seal's igloo has been built under the snow. He then goes back a little distance, runs and jumps with all his weight upon the dome, breaks it down, and immediately thrusts in his paw and seizes the young seal. Then, holding it by one of its hind
flippers, he scoops away all the snow from the seal hole leading up through the ice into the igloo, and afterward allows the young one to flounder about in the water. When the old seal comes up, the bear draws the young one slily on toward him, till the anxious mother gets within reach, when he seizes her with his other paw.
The natives tell many most interesting anecdotes of the bear, showing that they are accustomed to watch his movements
BEAR KILLING WALRUS.
closely. He has a very ingenious way of killing the walrus, which is represented in the accompanying engraving.
In August, every fine day, the walrus makes its way to the shore, draws his huge body up on the rocks, and basks in the sun. If this happen near the base of a cliff, the ever-watchful bear takes advantage of the circumstance to attack this formidable game in this way: The bear mounts the cliff, and throws down upon the animal's head a large rock, calculating the distance and the curve with astonishing accuracy, and thus crushing the thick, bullet-proof skull.
If the walrus is not instantly killed—simply stunned—the bear rushes down to it, seizes the rock, and hammers away at the head till the skull is broken. A fat feast follows. Unless the bear is very hungry, it eats only the blubber of the walrus, seal, and whale.
The bear can catch a seal in the water. He sees it, drops his body beneath the surface, allowing only his head to be visible, that having the appearance of a piece of ice. While the seal has its head above water, and is looking around, the bear sinks, swims under it, and clutches it from beneath.
When the sea-ice begins to make, we will say about the middle of October to the 1st of November, the female bear captures and kills several seals, which she hides away among the hummocks. Then she retires to the land and eats moss, the object being to produce an internal mechanical obstruction called "tappen." After this she goes to her deposits of meat, and feasts upon seal-blubber to her utmost limit of expansion. She is now ready for retiring to her winter's home, which is generally an excavation she has "chiselled out" of a glacier. Some time after entering she brings forth her young, which sometimes number one, more frequently two, and sometimes three. In this crystal nursery she continues exercising her progeny daily by walking them to and fro till about the 1st of April, at which time seals begin to bring forth their young. The bear family then walks forth, the matron snuffing the air. Perhaps it is charged with seal-scent. She then follows up the scent till it brings her to a seal igloo. When she is satisfied that all is right below, she prepares herself, gives a fearful leap—high and far—striking forcibly with her paws upon the roof, crushing it in, and seizing the young occupant of the house, soon making of it a dainty feast for the young polars.
It is a custom among the Innuits, dating from time immemorial, that whoever first sees a Ninoo is entitled to the skin, no matter whether the fortunate person be man, woman, or child. If the captured bear is a male, his bladder, with certain instruments belonging to the men, must be placed for three days on the top of the igloo or tupic. If the bear be a female, her bladder, with one of the women's brass head-ornaments and some beads, must be hung in like manner.
The Innuits show a remarkable degree of ingenuity in all the operations of life, and an astonishing readiness in emergencies. They thoroughly know their waters and coasts. An illustration of this is shown in the accompanying facsimile of a chart made by Kooperneung, which I have in my possession.
When travelling with a sledge they are accustomed to coat the bottom of the runners with ice, thus making a shoe which is smoother than anything else that could be invented. The manner of performing this operation is curious. The sledge is turned bottom up, and the Innuit fills his mouth with water in which has been mingled a little seal's blood, in order to give it tenacity. He then sends it out in a fine, well-directed, and evenly-applied stream upon the runner, where it at once congeals. When, after some hours' travel, the coating is worn away, it is renewed in the same manner. But the question naturally arises. How can the water be carried without freezing? The Innuit does this by filling a bag of sealskin or ookgook bladder, and slipping it down between his shoulders, under his clothing, the warmth of his body keeping it liquid.
Once, while I was on a sledge-journey with Koojesse, I was suffering from thirst, and we had no water. Koojesse turned aside, and went off with his seal-spear upon a little fresh-water pond. I knew that the ice there would naturally be ten feet thick at that season, and therefore wondered how he expected to find water. After looking about carefully for some time, he selected a place where the snow seemed to be very deep, and there, after clearing it away, he struck with his spear upon the ice, and very soon made a hole through ESQUIMAUX CHART, No. 2,
DRAWN BY KOOPERNEUNG (CHARLEY) WHILE WE WERE AT CAPE TRUE, AUGUST, 1862.
A. Frobisher Bay.
B. Countess of Warwick's Sound.
C. Lupton Channel, which leads down to Bear Sound. On the right is Lok's Land; on the left, Bache's Peninsula.
D. Cyrus W. Field Bay.
E. Cornelius Grinnell Bay.
F. Robinson Sound.
G. Resolution Isles.
H. Hudson's Strait.
X. Cape True, on Blunt's Peninsula.
which he obtained water. When I inquired about it, I learned that a heavy body of snow falling upon the ice would press it down, allowing the water to come up and collect above it. The surface of this collected water would freeze, forming a comparatively thin coating of ice, but leaving a reservoir of water inclosed, which could be easily reached, as I found to my relief.
On another occasion, while travelling in a bitter cold day, facing a cutting breeze, I found great difficulty in keeping the lower parts of my body from freezing. The Innuits saw me trying to shield myself and gain additional warmth by adjusting a thickly-folded scarf; this they took from me, made it into a girdle, and tied it tightly round my body just above the hips. This restored warmth to me at once, and warded off the danger of freezing.
- ↑ There is an occasional exception to this rule, as in the case of Tookoolito. She was obliged to have a separate tupic. This was so ordered by the angeko, because of Ebierbing's sickness.
- ↑ The remains of Tukeliketa rest in Groton, Connecticut, in the burial-ground near the residence of Captain Budington.
- ↑ The horizontal lines extending across the lower part of the engraving represent the sea-water, as do the short lines running in the same direction within the seal hole which is through the ice. The ice is represented by the perpendicular lines on either side of the seal hole. Resting on the ice are a young seal and the igloo, the latter shown by the dark half circle. On either side and above the igloo is the snow covering the sea-ice. Before the igloo is made, the prospective mother, to get herself upon the ice, scratches away the inverted tunnel-like-shaped ice, as seen in the second engraving. The igloo is then made by the seal scratching an excavation from the snow with the sharp, lady-like nails with which its fore flippers are armed, the excavated snow being taken down beneath the thick ice from time to time by the seal. Soon after this house is prepared a little seal is born. Seal igloos are made about the 1st of April, the time when the "pupping" season commences. None but very sharp-scented animals can find these igloos, and they are the seals' worst enemies. These animals are the polar bear, the fox, and the seal-dog. The latter, however, simply scent out the igloo, leaving the master to catch the game, while the bear and fox not only find, but capture it. When the dog has led his master to the secret seal lodge beneath the snow, the man retreats from fifteen to twenty paces, and then runs forward swiftly, leaping high and far on concluding his race. As he comes down he crushes in the dome, and quickly thrusts his seal hook this way and that around in the igloo, till he has the young seal quivering in the agonies of death.
- ↑ The water, ice, and snow of the second engraving are represented in like manner as in the preceding one. The appearance of the seal hole, and the bed of snow above, as they are during the winter season till about the 1st of April, is well represented. The sealer is awaiting the seal's blow. It is time he was up and ready to strike, for as soon as a seal has its nose out of the water, as the one here represented, its puffing noise is heard. When the sealer, by the aid of his dog, has found the seal hole, he has sometimes to watch there two or three days and nights. The dog has indicated the precise point within a circle of about ten inches in diameter. The sealer, therefore, thrusts the spindle of his seal-spear down through the hard snow, seeking to find the breathing-hole, which is not more than one to two inches in diameter. After perhaps a dozen attempts, he finally strikes the hole. Now he carefully withdraws his spear, and marks with his eye the hole, which leads down through perhaps eighteen to twenty-four inches depth of snow. When now he hears the seal, he raises his spear, and strikes unerringly through the snow to the seal's head. The animal at once dives, and runs out the full length of the line, one end of which is fast in the hand of the sealer. He proceeds to cut away the deep snow, and to chisel the ice so as to enlarge the top of the seal hole, from which he soon draws forth his prize.