HOME EXPERIENCES WHICH GREW OUT OF WAR MEASURES edit
False Patriotism edit
Many trials were caused by the war, not the least of which were suffered at the hands of people who did their nefarious work under the name of patriotism, not realizing that instead of working for and with the government they were hindering it and actually aiding the enemy. Besides, mob rule never accomplishes permanent good. The very purpose of a mob is to perform some unlawful act and as a rule is made up in part of the worst elements in the community. Men are not normal at such times and one never knows what to expect.
President Wilson asked the people of this coun try to refrain from all mob violence, but in spite of the request during the drives for the Y. M. C. A., Red Cross, Liberty Bonds, etc., mobs were quite frequent. At first private homes, business places, and church buildings were daubed with yellow paint. Such expressions as, "Slacker," "You love the Kai ser," "You are stingy," and other things of a worse character were written on the doors and windows. Like other cowardly acts, these things were usually done at night.
These acts were intended to anger, to cause some unbecoming remarks, and immediate action to
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remove the paint. In most cases where it was put on church buildings it was simply left. One church thus daubed had a large Sunday school conference in it which brought all classes of people to the meet ing. The paint was still on. Public sentiment branded it as a disgrace to the community, and the paint became a reprimand to those who put it there.
Several brethren in Jasper County, Mo., received yellow slips of paper with the following printed on them :
"FIRST AND LAST WARNING
You have been reported to the ALL AMERICAN SQUAD as a person who has failed in your obligation.
YOUR COUNTRY IS AT WAR!
This committee does not tolerate SLACKERS. Do your full duty to your country NOW! Or get out of Jas per County or suffer the consequences.
ALL AMERICAN COMMITTEE STRONG ARM SQUAD"
It would have been more in keeping with the spirit manifested in the paper, as well as the way they were sent out to have used the word "mob" instead of squad.
As the feeling became more intense, mobs were more frequent and more violent. It is sad to know that some of our brethren who plead conscientious scruples against the support of war measures, when they were facing the mob supplied with tar and feathers or a rope, or both, they yielded to buying war papers or donating to some war charity. In some cases they claimed that they yielded because some of the other members of the family plead so hard, but whatever the cause, they yielded to that which they felt was wrong, or they were not true in making the claim of conscientiousness against it. An opportunity was lost, but let us cover it all with
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the mantle of charity. Both the perpetrators of the deeds and those who yielded need our sympathy. At the same time let us look closely to the admonition cf Paul, "Considering thyself, lest thou also be tempted."
A few experiences are given herewith. They are taken from widely different localities and show the different methods used. No one claims perfec tion for the sufferers nor are these things recorded here to hold them up as objects of glory and virtue. You may see some weakness in their actions, but in most cases decisions had to be made quickly and under very unfavorable circumstances. Two things should be considered: First, one is not quite sure what he will do under pressure, hence the need of being thoroughly grounded in Christ Jesus so that character is so deeply rooted that only the right thing will be done even if there is no time for care ful, premeditated decision; Second, in many cases at least some of these perpetrators are known. Many of them have had time to consider their actions and are now thoroughly ashamed of them and surely they should be ashamed but the highest good will be attained by showing that there is absolutely no ill feeling harbored but that all persecutors have been fully forgiven. The following speak for themselves:
Feb. 24, 1919.
Dear Brother M
I was asked several times during the liberty loan cam paign to buy bonds I gave the same reasons for refus ing to buy in every interview that I could not possibly loan money to carry on war any more than I could give my boy or go myself.
The next to the last day of the fourth drive, five or six men came to our home and when the girls told them that I
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was not at home they seemed very angry. They left papers and said that I must sign them and send them that day so they would get them in the morning. I ignored them, and on Saturday we thought that we were through the trial for this time; but about seven o clock in the evening three auto mobiles came, and four men came to the door. When my wife opened it they bolted in, and one of the men began to use abusive language and to say that I had refused just as long as I could, that the time had come when I must. I tried to reason but got little chance to have a say until I flatly refused. Several shots were then fired outside, and one of the men went to the door and called, "Come on, George." Then two or three others and "George" came in. He threw off his overcoat, laid his revolver on a chair and shouted and stormed like a mad man, calling me all the abusive names that came to his mind, such as, "liar," "thief," "slacker," "pro-German," "income-tax-dodger," "dirty dog," etc.
Among them was one who claimed to be an officer from Washington, sent to see whether these men did their work right, and he sat down beside my wife urging her to try to persuade me to buy, as there was no telling what they will do, for they were making all kinds of threats to tar and feather me, take me to jail, drive away my cattle, burn my barn, and compel my boy to take up military service, etc.
The officer pretended to check them at times but they told him to keep quiet till they were through, then he should have his say. When his turn came he asked us to go into another room where he began to "taffy" us and said that I should sign up this note for five thousand dollars, and that I might write across the end of the note, "To be used for Belgian relief work," and promised that it would be used for that. I decided to do that since it was to be used for relief. After that they treated me fine. They deplored the necessity of doing such work, but said that it must be done or Germany would come over here and destroy our property, take our men, drive out our women and children. We told them that was just what they threatened to do, and asked where the difference was. They claimed to be hungry. My wife told them that our Bible teaches us to feed our enemies, and that if they would wait she would get supper for them. But they refused.
Your brother,
- * * *
June 3, 1919.
Dear Brother, Greeting:
After the bond drives became quite insistent I received some threatening notices that unless I supported all these
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war measures I would suffer for it. I always gave Gospel reasons for not doing so, but showed that I gave freely to war sufferers through our own Church channels and through the Friends.
About the middle of April, 1918, I was called by tele phone by a government officer at Kansas City, demanding my reasons for not supporting war measures. I gave him the same reply that I did the others. On April 22, a flag was nailed to our church, and that night about two o clock, possbily fifty masked men drove into the yard of my former
home, then occupied by my son, C . The mob called
him out of bed and asked where I lived and several ques tions about the flag. Then they compelled him to remove his underwear and smeared him over with tar after which they applied the feathers.
They next went to the church and daubed the door and steps with tar, after which they came to my house and called me to the door. Two men grabbed me and pulled me out. They demanded that I buy bonds and support the Red Cross and other war measures. I replied that I could not conscientiously do that but would give to war sufferers through channels not under military control. I was then tarred and feathered and left with threats of a repetition if I did not support war measures.
On the night of June 3, a second mob of thirty-five or forty came to my home, called me out and threatened to pound me to pieces, using most abusive and ungodly lan guage. They demanded that I sign a check at once for the Red Cross. Because of the condition of my wife, who was nearly prostrated, and who at this writing is still suffering from the shock, I signed a check for fifty dollars for the Red Cross, but stopped payment on it in the morning. The next day, in company with one of our bishops, I met our banker and the county officials of the drive, and they agreed to accept a check for the Friends Reconstruction Service. I gave them a check for seventy-five dollars. I thought that this would settle the matter; but on the night of June 10, another masked mob of about twenty-five came to my home and called me out. They said that they would daub my entire premises with "dope" if I did not promise to support war measures. On my refusal they ransacked the house from cellar to garret. They took my watch and what money they found. They daubed my new house with yellow paint, inside and out, and did the same to the automobile. They tore off my underwear, struck me a dozen times or more with a large strap, bruising my flesh and cutting the skin open. I was dragged to the barn and abused, after which they applied carboline roofing paint to my body followed by feathers. The carbolic acid in the paint made me very sore,
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and my body, face, and hands were badly swollen. I was left with the threat that they would hang me the next time.
The men then went to the home of my son, C ,
and used him in a similar manner, ransacking the house, daubing it and the automobile with yellow paint, and apply ing carboline and feathers to his body.
Yours in His service,
- * * *
April 24, 1919.
Dear Brother , Greeting:
A very unfortunate thing occurred in our community between an over enthusiastic patriotic school teacher and some pupils with reference to saluting the flag. This cre ated considerable prejudice which spread from school to
school When the different drives came on we were
watched very closely, especially leaders. Newspapers mis represented our position. I was visited only a few times by solicitors and usually when my position was stated it was accepted and respected, but one came who held a prominent position, and he would not be convinced; failing in his undertaking, he determined to get even some way. He creat ed still more envy and hatred.
We endeavored to do our part by giving liberally for relief work through our own channels. When the fourth liberty loan drive came, we took bank certificates in lieu of bonds in an amount equal to our supposed share of the third and fourth loans. After the singing of the armistice another drive was made, and on November 15 a solicitor came to my home. I wrote him a check for ten dollars and filled out my card, designating that my money should be used for the support of the Salvation Army work. That night about nine o clock a mob came, consisting of forty or fifty men, unmasked, crowded around the door and rapped. I opened the door wide. The leader admitted that I had given to the cause but claimed it was not enough, and de manded a check for one hundred dollars. I tried to reason with them and showed that I had done more than my share. They began to hiss and gnash at me, took hold of me and pulled me out into the yard. With the crowd and a part of my family around me the conversation continued. I was accused of influencing people, going to camps and encourag ing the boys not to wear the uniform, and they called me Kaiser. I was given one more chance to sign up or suffer the consequences. I flatly refused, stated my position, and said that if they wanted my life they could have it; but that I would give nothing to a crowd like that, quoting a number of scriptures and referring to the President's mes sage, but to no avail.
They pulled me away from my wife and daughter who
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had hold of me and took me across the road where horse clippers were applied to my head, taking everything clean. My life and buildings were threatened. They claimed to have lots of work and must make haste, so they went to their machines and the entire crowd went east, stopping at two other places before disbanding.
A number of young people were at our home, learning some new songs, and when they saw what was going on they held a prayer service before leaving the room; but one of the young sisters present was obliged to take treatment for four months because of the shock upon her nervous system. We praise God for still caring for His own.
Fraternally,
- * * *
April 18, 1919.
Dear Brother, Greeting:
I was solicited for the various war measures, but usual ly an explanation of my position was all that was neces sary. I made a bank deposit in lieu of buying liberty bonds in the fourth drive. When the war-chest-drive was on an organization was formed with the motto, "Every man a subscriber." Two men came to my home one evening the latter part of July, 1918, called me out and asked me to go with them to the county seat. I told them that I could not go because my wife's mother was very sick, and that I must help her and the children to get to her bedside; but they showed me the silver star on their vests, claiming to be United States deputies, and said, "You must go."
They went to the home of my brother-in-law and got him. Other automobiles joined in. On the way back past my home they asked me to take my machine. We did so, and with two others in my machine we proceeded to the county seat.
On reaching the city we were ordered to leave my machine near the police station and get into their machine. They took us through a dark alley and into a large hall where from six to eight hundred men were assembled. All except a few in the back part of the hall were masked. I was to answer questions only.
I was questioned as to why I could not sign up for this fund. When I explained that I thought it was wrong to support war measures, they asked me whether I did not sell produce at war prices and said that I could not hide behind the cloak of religion. They had no respect for my convic tions and decided that I must sign up for a specific amount. Some said one thousand dollars but finally agreed on fifty dollars. I told them that I had some money along and that they might take that, but they said that they wanted my voluntary signature. I refused. The card was made out and
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I was given one minute to sign it. The chairman, also masked, held his watch in one hand and his pen extended toward me in the other, but when they found that availed nothing I was ordered to go back to the machine, followed by many epitaphs too vile to put on paper. Kicks and cuffs were in evidence. After I was out my brother-in-law was
taken into the hall He yielded, and that made them
more fierce toward me Finally we were taken back to
our machine and allowed to go home.
On August 14, near midnight A man wanted some
oil. I got up and got it for him. Then he wanted me to hold the lantern while he poured the oil into his machine. He and several others caught hold of me, put me into the machine. I had very little clothing on and was barefooted. They went about a mile to a woods and asked each other whether this would not be a good place to string me up. After a time they drove very fast. I got very cold and asked for some extra clothing. They answered me by put ting me under their feet while they drove wildly on. When they stopped, about seven miles away from my home, they placed a rope around my neck and led me to the side of the road. They asked whether I wanted to pray before being hung. I knelt down and prayed. References were made to the war-chest but they intimated that it was too late now. They asked me whether I was sorry that I had not signed
before. I said that I could not do it even now They
took off my shirt and painted the upper part of my body. They clipped from the front to the back of my head, and from ear to ear, the strip being about an inch and a half wide. They cut so close that in several places they took off the skin. Then they put on my shirt and took off the rope, and told me to make tracks toward home. About half a
mile from the scene I inquired the way home After
going about a mile farther I inquired the way to my cousin.
I awoke him, told him the whole story. He gave me
clothes and took me to my home.
We praise God for His protection, and for permitting us to meet again as a family after such a siege.
Your brother,
It is the duty of every Christian to give due regard to government and its officials, never to speak evil of them, but to pray for them that they may be directed of God so that His people may live in the land to His glory. It is the aim of government to
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give freedom of speech ; but there are always those who would abuse such privileges, hence there is need of some restrictions. This is especially true in times of war, as both pulpit and press would be used to aid the enemy if it were not for the law. It was with this in mind that the Espionage law was passed and later amended.
It was not the intent of this law, however, that every effort should be made to watch for any slight expression that some one would make in an unguard ed moment in the regular discharge of his duty, and then prosecute the case for vengeance. That this was done in some cases goes without saying. In stances where the party had not the least idea of violating any law nor of hindering the President in the prosecution of his work and least of all of aiding the enemy, were made the victims of the law.
An effort was made to indict those who signed the statement put out by the Mennonite General Conference. (See chapter V.) Federal representa tives visited many of the signers. Some of these officials were very reasonable and succeeded in get ting full information ; while others were very abusive and profane, using language which was very unbe coming for any one, especially in an official capacity. Naturally these last got very little information. What the result would have been, had these signers been convicted of violating the Espionage law is not easy to determine. All told, there were one hundred ninety-seven names on the paper. Some of these could, and possibly would have paid their fines at once; others were too poor for that, and some for conscientious reasons would not have paid if they could have done so nor allowed others to pay it
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for them. Under these circumstances doubtless a large number would have been made to serve long sentences in the federal prisons. This would have robbed the churches of their pastors, and the influ ence would have been felt over a wide range of territory.
The case of Brethren L. J. Heatwole and R. W. Benner will be given somewhat in detail. The first is a letter which Bro. Heatwole wrote and which was the basis for prosecution:
Dale Enterprise, Va, July 15, 1918. Dear Brother Benner, Greetings:
Your letter of the llth is here The clipping I en close is no doubt a similar proclamation by the governor of your state. The tenor of this proclamation is that all peo ple of the state and nation exercise the spirit of self-sacri fice. (Good). To pledge themselves to economy and thrift for the balance of the year. (Also good enough). To buy to the extent of their means as an evidence of their patriot ism, war saving stamps for the support of boys in France. (Here comes the test.)
The advice given by our brethren of the General Con ference Committee is that our brethren
Do not aid or abet war in any form.
Receive no pay while held in detention camps.
Contribute nothing to a fund that is used to run the war machine.
In a number of places where brethren have refused to contribute to the different war funds, outlandish threats have been made and in a few cases have been put into execution such as, tar and feathering, painting houses yellow, dec orating autos and buildings with flags to test them out on their principles of nonresistance.
I have continued to give the advice of the General Con ference committee to the brethren here, and would do the same to the brethren in West Virginia were I there, and take the consequences whatever they may be.
Some of our brethren here have yielded under pressure, others have subscribed to Red Cross funds and taken out war saving stamps, but of these so far as I know there are only a few.
If our brethren in camp can stand true to the faith of the Gospel, why should not we at home bear part of the
pressure
Hurriedly, L. J. Heatwole.
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Bro. Benner acted upon the instructions of Bishop Heatwole, advised his members as to what is the position of the Mennonite Church on these questions, with the result that both were later brought before the U. S. district court at Martins- burg, W. Va. Following is a recital of the case:
THE HEATWOLE-BENNER CASE
In the United States court, Martinsburg, W. Va., Sep tember 18, 1918.
Judge Alton Dayton, United States Judge, presiding.
Stewart W. Walker, United States district attorney.
George N. Conrad, attorney for the defense.
L. J. Heatwole and R. W. Benner called to the bar.
An array of United States clerks, marshals, bailiffs, messengers, jurymen and a lobby crowded with witnesses, spectators and curiosity seekers complete the scene, at 2:30 P. M., when the court was called to order by all persons rising to their feet as the judge, robed in a silk gown, took his seat.
District Attorney Walker's Address to the Court "If your honor please, the joint case, United States ^ vs. Heatwole and Benner is presented for your consideration. Rev. L. J. Heatwole of Dale Enterprise, Va., who is a bish op in the Mennonite Church and Rev. R. W. Benner of Job, W. Va., in charge of a mission at that place for the same denomination, have been indicted by the grand jury of this court, and are held on a charge of a violation of the Espionage law, through a correspondence of last summer by which the former conveyed to the latter by letter instruc tions that forbade members of his Church to buy war saying stamps, and the latter by conveying the same instructions to his members, the grand jury finds a case in which the honor and dignity of the United States government has been disregarded in maintaining its Espionage laws. Since these laws have been violated each party of this correspondence stands indicted in this court in the penalty of ten thousand dollars with another additional ten thousand dollars for both. It being known, however, that there are circumstances con nected with this case that call for exercising some degree of clemency, it is suggested that the defense enter a plea of guilty which allows that the reading of the indictment be omitted a proposition to which we agree since it is a lengthy document.
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"At this juncture we introduce to the court as counsel for the defense Senator George N. Conrad of Virginia."
Senator Conrad's Address to the Court
"If your honor please, it seems appropriate and in good form for me to appeal to the court for every consideration it may allow for these two gentlemen whose names are mentioned in connection with this indictment. I am per sonally acquainted with both of them, and since they are ministers of the Gospel, neither having before violated the law, and further since both represent a denomination whose people have for centuries stood for the principle of nonre- sistance in time of peace as well as in time of war; and in view of the fact that the act of Bishop Heatwole in convey ing to Rev. Benner information as to the attitude of the Church in time of war, was done on solicitation of the latter and members of his charge in West Virginia, it would not be militant against the dignity of the law to allow the fullest degree of clemency for this case. My personal ac quaintance of these men, one of whom I have known for thirty years, prompts me to say that neither would inten tionally violate any law, and recognizing that the violation in this case is merely technical, and that the offense will not be repeated, we believe that the court will grant the clemency that the case demands."
District Attorney Walker's Rejoinder
"If your honor please, the prosecution is ready with the court's permission to recognize for the defense the plea of guilty, and since the honor and dignity of the United States government has been violated only technically, and since Bishop Heatwole wrote what he did from the promptings of a zeal which he had for a creed which I myself am not able to understand and since it appears from the facts in the case that both ministers were acting in the full capacity of their calling, the dignity of the Espionage law can be sustained by reducing the maximum fine to one thousand dollars and costs for each, with the understanding that the offense be not repeated, and that the fines and costs be paid within thirty days from date."
To this agreement between counsel, Judge Day ton assented, and the brethren were at once dis charged.
R. W. Benner, who had given out the informa tion received from L. J. Heatwole, was arrested by
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a U. S. marshal, given a hearing and declared to be worse than the Germans. Two brethren from his congregation followed him to Elkins, W. Va., and secured his release on bail to appear at Martinsburg for trial as above stated.
L. J. Heatwole, the writer of the letter, was not arrested but was informed of the affair by Bro. Ben- ner's attorney. He went to Martinsburg and found that a plea of guilty had already been entered for both Heatwole and Benner. This agreement had been reached and the fine fixed by the attorney for the defendants and the United States district at torney. At the trial neither of the two stood and plead guilty, as is usually done in such cases, nor was the indictment read in open court.
Senator Conrad's Statement
"Last June (1918) some members in the Mennonite Church in the neighborhood of Job, W. Va., were informed that every person was to buy war saving stamps, or give his reason for not doing so. Some members applied to Rev. R. W. Benner, the preacher in charge of the congregation, for information as to what they should do, and he wrote to Bishop L. J. Heatwole for advice as to what attitude the members should take in reference to the matter.
"Bishop Heatwole replied that the General Conference of the Church had advised that they should contribute nothing to a fund that was to be used to run the war machine and he would give the same advice to the brethren in West Virginia. (For General Conference advice, see "Mennonites on Military Service, Chapter V.) After receiving that letter, Rev. Benner wrote to a number of members at and rear Job, advising them to go and give their reasons, but rot to buy stamps.
"The Congress of the United States had, in May, 1918, amended what is known as the Espionage law so as to provide that no person should say or do anything except by bona fide and not disloyal advice to an investor with the in tent to obstruct the sale by the United States of bonds or other securities of the United States, and provided as a penalty a punishment by fine of not more than ten thousand dollars or imprisonment for more than ten years or both.
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Agents of the government obtained one or more of the letters which Rev. Benner had written, and also obtained the letter which Bishop Heatwole wrote, and the grand jury of the United States court at Martinsburg, brought an in dictment against both Rev. Benner and Bishop Heatwole, charging that by their letters they had violated the espionage law.
"There was no dispute as to what the facts were. Inas much as the representatives of government had concluded that the writing of these letters and mailing them was a violation of the law, it was considered proper for both Rev. Benner and Bishop Heatwole to accept the conclusions that government officials had reached, and to pay such fine as might be placed upon them.
"A plea of guilty was therefore entered and a fine of one thousand dollars each with costs was placed upon Bishop Heatwole and Rev. Benner respectively, granting them thirty days, however, within which to pay the fine and the costs. It. was considered by representatives of the government that these fines should be imposed, not so much as a punishment to Bishop Heatwole and Rev. Benner, but as a precedent and a warning to all other persons belonging to the Men- ncnite Church, or persons holding similar doctrines.
"It became necessary to employ an attorney in behalf of Bishop Heatwole and Rev. Benner in connection with this matter, and the fee to be paid to the attorney, together with the costs and the fine amount to two thousand two hundred fifty-six dollars."
Another case which attracted wide attention was the arrest and fine imposed upon Brethren S. H. Miller and M. E. Bontrager.
An article appeared in the Sugar Creek Budget, Sugar Creek, O., written by M. E. Bontrager of Dodge City, Kan. S. H. Miller was editor of the paper and in his absence from the office the article was published. The position which he held made him the responsible party for what appeared in its columns. The article was very innocent in its con tent, but the grand jury of the United States district court interpreted it as being "intended to promote the success of the enemy now at war with the Unit ed States;" that the parties "did then and there,
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unlawfully, wilfully, and feloniously make and con vey false reports and false statements by publishing and causing to be published in a certain newspaper known as the Weekly Budget. .. .with the intention to interfere with the operations and success of the military and naval forces. .. .did then and there un lawfully, wilfully and feloniously cause and attempt to cause, and incite and attempt to incite insubordi nation, disloyalty, mutiny and refusal to duty in the military forces of the United States...."
To put said article and these charges side by side, or to read these charges in the light of that article twenty-five years hence will surely provoke a smile on the face of any reader; for there was ab solutely nothing in the article to merit such an in dictment.
An officer came to interview Bro. Miller and the latter went at once to Cleveland, O., without be ing under arrest ; but when he refused to plead guilty of the charges he was placed behind the bars until bail could be secured, regardless of the fact that one of his friends offered to supply an amount of money equal to the amount of bail asked, into the hands of the court.
When the trial was called, Bro. Miller, not hav ing an attorney, asked permission to make a state ment. It was granted. He told the court that he could not plead guilty to the charges in the indict ment, but confessed that the article in question was published in the Budget of May 15, 1918, and stated that he was sorry that it happened, and explained how it was done. The court accepted his statement and fined him five hundred dollars, which with the cost amounted to about nine hundred dollars.
From the experiences given in the last few chapters, we draw the following conclusions:
First, that the freedom of worship guaranteed by the Constitution of the United States is not to be construed to mean that you have an undisputed right to live and teach the whole Gospel as you understand it. When we apply that Gospel to technicalities, others will undertake to say whether we dare teach and live it.
Second, that suffering for Christ's sake is not a thing of the past, but found even in this enlightened day and in this country of boasted freedom.
Third, that God will care for His own if th^.y must pass through hard trials for His sake^ that with every trial He gives a blessing which repays all the hardships suffered.
Fourth, that violations which occurred in the faithful discharge of duty with no intention to harm any one nor hinder government violations that are such only in a very technical sense were watched and prosecuted the same as any other.
Fifth, that fines were not always based on the offense, but were sometimes made large so that oth ers might fear and avoid getting into the same diffi culty. In other words, some fines were intended to cover the extent of the wrong done plus paying the expenses of giving warning to others. (See Sena tor Conrad's statement in this chapter.)
Sixth, that some who for conscience* sake pur sued a course that subjected them to the charge of disloyalty have since the war is over lived a loyalty that says more than the loyalty of self-proclaimed patriots who in so many cases have since proved
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untrue to their fellowman, their country, and their God.
While it seems to us very wrong that a government (or individuals in it) should have the right to prosecute any one who faithfully teaches the members of his flock the Bible as he understands it and as God has called him to do, and that officers in the employ of government should try to compel young men to do what they actually believed to be wrong, it is a comfort to know that those remaining true to their convictions and to God, though they were compelled to suffer, are doing so for Christ's sake. "If, when ye do well and suffer for it, ye take it patiently, this is acceptable with God." "They departed rejoicing that they were counted worthy to suffer shame for His name."