Oregon Historical Quarterly/Volume 22/Number 1
THE
QUARTERLY
OF THE
VOLUME XXII
MARCH, 1921. DECEMBER, 1921.
Edited by FREDERIC GEORGE YOUNG <1
The Ivy Press, Portland,
TABLE OF CONTENTS
SUBJECTS OF PAPERS
Pages BOIT'S, JOHN, LOG OF THE COLUMBIA, 1790-3 (Reprint)
Annotations by F. W. Howay and T. C. Elliott 257-351
EMIGRANT ROAD INTO SOUTHERN OREGON, NOTES AND REMI- NISCENCES OF LAYING OUT AND ESTABLISHING THE OLD, IN THE YEAR 1846 By Lindsay Applegate 12-45
FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS IN THE PACIFIC NORTHWEST, THE
FIRST STAGE OF, 1849-52 By C F. Coan 46-89
GRAY, CAPTAIN ROBERT, REMNANT OF THE OFFICIAL LOG OF THE
COLUMBIA, 1792 (Reprint) Annotations by T. C. Elliott 303-11
INDIAN RELATIONS IN THE PACIFIC NORTHWEST, THE FIRST STAGE
OF THE FEDERAL, 1849-52 By C. F. Coan 46-89
OREGON, THE ORIGIN OF THE NAME
By T. C. Elliott 91-115
OREGON BOUND, CORRESPONDENCE OF S. H. TAYLOR, 1853 117-160
OREGON BOUNDARY QUESTION, THE LAST PHASE OF THE
By Andrew Fish 161-224
ROGUE RIVER VALLEY, A SKETCH OF, AND SOUTHERN OREGON
HISTORY By Alice Applegate Sargent 1-11
SAN JUAN ISLAND, THE STRUGGLE FOR, OR THE LAST PHASE OF
THE OREGON BOUNDARY QUESTION By Andrew Fish 161-224
SOUTHERN OREGON HISTORY, A SKETCH OF THE ROGUE RIVER
VALLEY AND By Alice Applegate Sargent 1-11
REVIEW
E. RUTH ROCK WOOD, Smith's Pacific Northwest Americana 252-6
DOCUMENTS BOIT'S, JOHN, LOG OF THE COLUMBIA, 1790-3 257-351
CARVER, JONATHAN, PETITION FOR PAYMENT FOR SERVICES AND EXPENSES IN CONNECTION WITH TRAVELS TO INTERIOR PARTS OF NORTH AMERICA 111-3
SECOND PETITION FOR PAYMENT FOR SERVICES AND EX- PENSES IN CONNECTION WITH TRAVELS TO INTERIOR PARTS or NORTH AMERICA 113-5
Pages
GRAY, CAPTAIN ROBERT, REMNANT OF THE OFFICIAL LOG OF THE
COLUMBIA 352-6
ROBERTS, REVEREND WILLIAM, THE THIRD SUPERINTENDENT OF THE OREGON MISSION, THE LETTERS OF, Second Installment Edited by Robert Moulton Gatke 225-251
ROGERS, ROBERT, PROPOSAL OF, TO EXPLORE FOR NORTHWEST
PASSAGE 101-5
SECOND PROPOSAL OF, TO EXPLORE FOR NORTHWEST
PASSAGE 106-110
TAYLOR, S. H., LETTERS OF, TO THE WATERTOWN (WISCONSIN)
CHRONICLE, OREGON BOUND 117-160
WHITMAN, DR. MARCUS, REQUESTS OF, AT BOSTON OF AMERICAN BOARD OF COMMISSIONERS OF FOREIGN MISSIONS, MARCH, 1843 357-9
AUTHORS
Applegate, Lindsay, Notes and Reminiscences of Laying Out and Establishing the Old Emigrant Road Into Southern Ore- gon in the Year 1846 12-45
Coan, C. F., Federal Indian Relations in the Pacific Northwest,
The First Stage of, 1849-52 46-89
Elliott, T. C., The Origin of the Name Oregon 91-115
Annotations on John Bait's Log of the Columbia, 1790-3. 303-311 Annotations on Remnant of Captain Robert Gray's Log
of the Columbia, 1792 352-6
Fish, Andrew, The Last Phase of the Oregon Boundary
Question 161-224
Gatke, Robert Moulton, Editing Letters of Reverend Wm.
Roberts 225-251
Howay, F. W., Annotations on John Boifs Log of the Columbia,
1790-3 265-351
Sargent, Alice Applegate, A Sketch of the Rogue River and
Southern Oregon History 1-11
Taylor, S. H., Correspondence of, Oregon Bound, 1853 117-160
Whitman, Dr. Marcus, Requests of, at Boston of the American
Board of Commissioners of Foreign Missions 357-9
Young, F. G., Introduction to John Bait's Log of the Columbia,
1790-3 . .257-264 THE QUARTERLY
of the
Oregon Historical Society
Copyright, 1921, by the Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors to its pages
A SKETCH OF THE ROGUE RIVER VALLEY
AND SOUTHERN OREGON HISTORY[1]
By Alice Applegate Sargent
PART I.
Lying between the Cascade mountains on the east, and the Coast range on the west, and tempered by the warm oceanic current from Japan, the Rogue River Valley has a climate unsurpassed except perhaps by the coast valleys of Greece.
THE ROGUE INDIANS
About the year 1834 we find the Rogue River Valley a wilderness inhabited by a tribe of Indians. These Indians were a branch of the tribe living in northern California whom we now know as the Shastas. But the original name was not Shasta but Chesta. They were the Chesta Scotons and the Indians living in the Rogue River valley were Chesta Scotons.
The first white men to set foot in the valley of whom we have any authentic record, were some French Canadian trappers who were trapping for furs for that great British monopoly the Hudson's Bay Company. These men made their way into the valley and set their traps along the river, but the Indians stole the traps, and the trappers always spoke of them as the rogues; the river was the river of the rogues and the valley the valley of the rogues. Old pioneers have assured me that this is the way by which the river, the valley and the Indians came by the name.
Another story as to the origin of the name is this: That the river was called Rouge or Red river by some French voyageurs on account of the cliffs at the mouth of the river being of red color. By an act of the legislature in 1853-4 Rogue river was to be Gold river, but it has never been so called.
FIFTEEN PIONEERS, OPENERS OF THE SOUTHERN ROUTE
In the year 1846 fifteen pioneers from the Willamette valley came into the Rogue river valley, seeking a route by which immigrants could reach the Willamette valley without having to travel the long northern route across the Blue mountains and down the Columbia river as they had to come. Their names were: Jesse Applegate, Lindsay Applegate, Levi Scott, John Scott, Henry Boygus, Benjamin Burch, John Owens, John Jones, Robert Smith, Samuel Goodhue, Moses Harris, David Goff, Benit Osborne, William Sportsman and William Parker.
Lindsay Applegate was my father, Jesse Applegate, my uncle.
Each man was equipped with a saddle horse and a pack horse. As they 'made their way through the Rogue river valley they were constantly followed by the Indians and had to be on guard day and night. When they had to pass through heavy timber and brush they dismounted and led their horses, carrying their guns across their arms ready to fire. The Indians were armed with bows and poisoned arrows, the pioneers with the old-time muzzle loading rifles. They made their way through the valley, crossed the Cascade mountains into the Klamath country and thence east to the Humboldt river. Here they met a train of immigrants. They brought back with them one hundred and fifty people, the pioneers traveling ahead and making a road over which the wagons could pass. This train was taken through to the Willamette valley. Now that we have our splendid Pacific Highway, built at enormous cost, with all the modern implements, rock crushers, steam rollers, and plows, and by the labor of hundreds of men, it is well for us to remember that the first road in southern Oregon and through the Rogue River valley was built by the labor of fifteen men with nothing but axes in their bare hands, and amidst perils and hardships that would strike terror to any but the stoutest hearts. It was free to all, a work of humanity, the only recompense to the builders was a consciousness of duty nobly done.
PART II.
In 1848 a party of pioneers from the Willamette valley came into the Rogue River valley on their way to the gold mines in California. They prospected for gold on Rogue River and on the stream we now know as the Applegate and then pushed on to California. My father was with this party also and the stream and valley were named for him.
In 1850 two men, Cluggage and Pool by name, equipped a pack train at the mining town of Yreka, California, and carried supplies between Yreka and towns in the Willamette valley. They followed a narrow trail across the Siskiyou mountains and along the bank of Bear creek. It was their custom when they reached this valley, to stop to rest and recuperate their animals. The wild grass grew so high in the valley that the man who herded the mules had to stand on the back of his horse in order to locate the rest of the herd.
Cluggage had worked at mining and one day, while they were in camp in the valley, went up into the hills where Jacksonville now is. Following up a gulch or ravine, he came to a place where the heavy rains had washed the soil entirely away, leaving a ledge of rock exposed. Taking his bowie knife from his belt he dug around in the rocks and sand and found nuggets of gold. He returned to camp and reported his discovery to Pool. Together they went back to the spot and staked out their mining claims.
Returning to Yreka they bought a camp outfit and mining tools and returned to work their claims. They had kept quiet in regard to their discovery; but in some way it became known and in two months from the time Cluggage found the nuggets of gold a thousand men were on the spot. Claims were staked out and every man went to work to dig out the gold. No time was spent in building cabins; a man would throw his saddle blanket over a manzanita bush and put his bed under it. Some built shelters of bark and brush while others put up tents. Fortunes were taken out that winter, and many who had families in the east and elsewhere went back in the spring and summer and brought them to the Rogue River valley. This was the beginning of the settlement. Some took up land in the valley while others settled in Jacksonville and Ashland. The county of Jackson was organized by an act of the legislature on the 12th of January, 1852. Until 1853 there were but four white women in Jacksonville, namely, Mrs. McCully, Mrs. Evans, Mrs. Lawless and Mrs. Gore.
The winter of 1852 was an exceptionally hard one. Snow fell until all trails were completely blocked. Flour rose to one dollar a pound and salt was priceless. Some adventurous men went to California on snow shoes to buy salt. Provisions gave out and towards spring the people had to live on wild game, meat cooked without salt. The summer of 1852 was very dry, about such a summer as the one just past, and the wheat and potato crop were not a great success, but the following season was more favorable.
Ashland was founded in 1852 by Abel D. Helman and Robert Hargadine. A saw mill was built on Mill creek, and in 1854 a big flouring mill was built there, the first in the Rogue River valley. Ashland was named from Ashland, Ohio, Mr. Helman's native town, and called Ashland Mills on account of the saw and flouring mills. The town was known as Ashland Mills for many years.
The first school in the Rogue River Valley was taught by Mrs. McCully in Jacksonville, and was a subscription school.
The first white child born in the Rogue River valley was Walter Gore, son of a pioneer of 1852, born on December 3rd 1852.
In 1853 the Indians began war on the white settlers, but were soon subdued and a treaty made with them at Table Rock. Stockades were built at different places in the valley, for the protection of the settlers. Fort Lane was built in 1853-4 on a hill facing Table Rock and occupied by regular troops for three years. The old site is on a hill west of some old buildings at Tolo and south of Gold Ray Dam.
In 1853 many immigrants came into the valley; many buildings were erected, but as all supplies had to be brought from Crescent City by pack animals, not a pane of glass could be had that year for window lights; cotton cloth stretched over the openings was used instead.
During the spring steps were taken to found a Methodist church in Jacksonville. The pastor was Rev. Joseph S. Smith. The church was built and used jointly by Methodists and Presbyterians for many years.
The town of Phoenix was founded in 1854, the land being donated by Samuel Culver, whose old dwelling still stands by the roadside. The town was named originally Gasburg.
The first newspaper printed in southern Oregon was called "The Table Rock Sentinel", printed in 1855. The editor was G. W. T'Vault.
Jackson county in 1855 was the richest and most populous county in Oregon. Rut in that year the Indians again began war. The 9th of October has been called the most eventful day in the history of southern Oregon, for on that day nearly twenty people were murdered by the Indians and their homes burned. The settlers were totally unprepared and taken by surprise. A Mrs. Haines was taken prisoner and her fate is still wrapped in mystery, although the Indians claimed she died a week later; her husband and two children were killed. Mr. and Mrs. Jones were killed. The next family in their path was the Wagner's. A woman had made her way to the Wagner home who wished to go to Jacksonville. She spent the night at the Wagner home and next morning Mr. Wagner agreed to take her to Jacksonville as he had a span of horses and a wagon. On his return two or three days later nothing was found of his home but a heap of ashes. Long afterwards, when the war was over and the Indians had become friendly towards the whites, some members of this war party told of Mrs. Wagner's fate. When they surrounded the house she barricaded as best she could. The Indians wanted to get possession of her and tried to induce her to come out of the house, fearing to try to enter as they knew she was armed. Finally they set fire to the house hoping to drive her out and then capture her. While the house was burning she stood where they could see her. Taking down her long hair, she combed it out before a mirror and then sat calmly in a chair until the flames closed around her. Her little girl had been captured and died soon after, so the Indians claimed. At the Harris' home were Mr. and Mrs. Harris, their two children, a boy aged ten and a girl twelve, and a man who was employed about the place. This man was in a field and was killed. Mr. Harris was shot while on the porch near the door. Mrs. Harris dragged him into the house, bolted the door and collecting a number of firearms prepared for defense. The daughter was shot in the arm and disabled and Mr. Harris died in about an hour. Mrs. Harris continued to fire at the Indians through the crevices between the logs. After a time an Indian messenger arrived with some message to the Indians who all immediately ran towards the river. As soon as they had disappeared Mrs. Harris and her daughter fled from the house, knowing the Indians would set fire to it on their return. They hid in a thicket of willows until they were rescued by a company of troops the following day and taken to Jacksonville. When Mrs. Harris ran to meet the soldiers, carrying her little girl in her arms, covered with blood and blackened by powder, Major Fitzgerald, the officer in command cried out, "Good God! are you a white woman?" while tears ran down the cheeks of the bronzed and bearded men.
The little son of Mrs. Harris had disappeared. Every ravine and thicket for miles around was carefully searched by men aided by the soldiers, but not a trace of the missing child was ever found. What pen could picture the grief of the sorrowing mother as the long years rolled by bringing no solution of the awful mystery. I have not the time to go farther into details.
The war was brought to a close in 1856 and the Indians taken to the reservation in the Willamette country.
During the Indian wars there was quite a body of troops in the Rogue River valley. Two companies of volunteers from California, six companies, which were organized here in the valley, and one from Douglas county, besides the regular troops stationed at Fort Lane.
The toll road was built across the Siskiyou mountains in 1857-8 under authorization of the Oregon legislature. The Oregon and California State Company was organized in 1860 to carry mail between Sacramento and Portland. A wagon road was built between Jacksonville and Crescent City this same year and a stage line established.
A company of volunteers was organized in Jacksonville in 1861 called the "Baker Guard." In 1863 a company of state troops was organized in Ashland. It was Company A 1st Regiment, 1st Brigade of Oregon Militia and was called the "Mountain Rangers."
A telegraph line was established in 1866 and the little valley of the Rogue, was put into communication with the outside world.
8 ALICE APPLEGATE SARGENT
A woolen mill was built in Ashland in 1867-8 at a cost of $32,000. This mill was destroyed by fire some years ago.
When I was a child there were eight large flouring mills in the valley, and hundreds of pounds of flour were carried out of the valley by pack animals and wagons, besides what was con- sumed in the valley. From the old Barron farm at the foot of the Siskiyous to Rogue River the valley was golden with grain, and the yield was from thirty to fifty bushels of wheat to the acre. Almost every farmer in the valley had planted an orchard, many of them very large. I have never seen finer fruit, for in those days the fruit was perfectly free from dis- ease a wormy apple was unheard of. Spraying was not nec- essary and smudging was never resorted to, as there was always an abundance of fruit. When the orchards came into bearing the country east of the Cascades, and the mining towns in California were supplied with fruit from the Rogue River valley. The first apples raised in the valley were Gloria Mundis, raised on the Skinner place on Bear Creek and sold to a wealthy miner from Gold Hill for two dollars and fifty cents each.
CONCLUSION
Jacksonville, besides being the first town founded in the Rogue River Valley, was at one time the richest and most flourishing. It had been settled by people of education and culture who were wide awake and progressive. I marvel now that people so isolated could have kept so abreast of the times.
When this valley was dotted with beautiful farms and Ash- land called Ashland Mills, Phoenix known as Gasburg, and Jacksonville was the hub of the universe (so to speak), my father moved his family from Douglas County where I was born, to southern Oregon, and we lived for two years at the toll house on the Siskiyous.
FREIGHT OVER SISKIYOU TOLL ROAD
Looking back to that time, I realize that it was a wonderful
THE ROGUE RIVER VALLEY 9
experience for a child. Every day the road was thronged, there were immense freight wagons drawn by six and eight yoke of oxen, towering Marietta wagons drawn by six span of horses ; these we called the "bell teams." The leading span had, fastened to the collars, bows of iron which were hung with little bells. These bells were worn to warn other teams, as there were only occasional places on the narrow mountain grade where these teams could pass one another. When the driver of a team came to one of these places he would stop and listen. I f he heard the faintest sound of bells there was nothing to do but wait until the other team passed. Then there were the long trains of fifty, sixty, and eighty pack mules all follow- ing the bell mare in single file.
Twice daily the great red and yellow stage coaches went swinging by, drawn by six splendid horses. Unless a horse weighed so many hundred pounds and was so many hands high, the Oregon and California Stage Company would not so much as look at him. They were all matched horses and I recall especially the sorrels and the grays. There were long trains of travel stained immigrants with their weary ox teams. Think what the feelings of these people must have been when they crossed the Siskiyou mountains and beheld far below them the promised land, the Rogue River Valley, lying like a beautiful garden between the mountain ranges.
FORESTS FULL OF GAME
I must not forget the wagons loaded with apples on their way to the mining towns in California. The wagon boxes were lined with straw and the apples piled into them. These apple peddlers advertised their fruit in an unique way by having a pointed stick fastened to a corner of the wagon bed on which was stuck an apple.
When winter came and the snow fell deep on the Siskiyous, as it sometimes docs, father used several yoke of oxen and a big bobsled to keep the road open to travel. Sometimes the snow would fall steadily, filling the road behind them and all day
10 ALICE APPLEGATE SARGENT
long the weary oxen would have to travel back and forth over the long mountain grade. The forests were swarming with wild animals, panther, wild cats, black, cinnamon and grizzly bear, and great gray timber wolves which would howl in a blood curdling way in the forest at dusk.
Immigrants were pouring into Oregon over the old road laid out by the fifteen pioneers in 1846. The Modoc and Piute Indians made travel unsafe even at that late date. A report came to my father that a train of immigrants coming over that route was in great peril. Father called for volunteers and in a very short time forty-one men were equipped and ready to go to the help of the immigrants. They rode rapidly for several days before they met the train. I have no recollection of my father's or brother's return, but I distinctly recall the story that father told of the rescue. When the party finally discovered the immigrants they had corralled their wagons and prepared to defend themselves as best they could against the Indians. The rescuing party prepared a flag of truce by fastening a white cloth to a long pole, to show that they were friends, -and then rode slowly forward. They had ridden almost up to the wagons before they saw any signs of life, then a wagon cover was thrown up and an aged woman with snow white hair called out to them "Glory be to God, we are saved." They brought this train in safety to the Rogue River valley and we, no doubt, have some of these same people living in Medford today.
COMING OF RAILROAD
The next great event in the history of the valley was the coming of the railroad which was built into Ashland from the north. The first train of cars ran into Ashland on May 4th 1884, an event celebrated in an imposing way. Ashland was the terminus until 1887 when the railroad was completed and the Rogue River Valley was linked by bands of steel with the outside world.
Medford, the little city of which we all feel proud, was
THE ROGUE RIVER VALLEY 11
founded in December, 1883, by J. S. Howard. It was not in- corporated until a year later. Bear Creek, which runs through the city, was named originally Stewart River for Captain Stewart, an army officer who was killed in a fight with the Indians on the banks of the stream on the 17th of June, 1851.
And now, as the years roll on, let us not forget the brave and self-reliant men and women who brought civilization into the wilderness and made it possible for us to have peaceful homes in the Rogue River Valley.
NOTES AND REMINISCENCES OF LAYING OUT
AND ESTABLISHING THE OLD EMIGRANT
ROAD INTO SOUTHERN ORGEON
IN THE YEAR 1846.
By LINDSAY APPLEGATE
After the lapse of thirty-one years (as there has been no history of this circumstance placed before the public), I pro- pose to give a plain statement of facts from notes taken at the time and from memory, giving 1 motives that led to the enter- prise. Our immigration of 1843, being the largest that had ever crossed the plains, our progress was necessarily slow, having to hunt out passes for our wagons over rivers, creeks, deep gullies, digging down the banks where nothing but a pack trail had been before, cutting our way through the dense for- ests before we could reach the valley of the Columbia, and then it appeared as though our greatest troubles had begun; for here we had to encounter cataracts and falls of the Columbia and the broad and lofty Cascades, with their heavy forests.
At Fort Walla Walla, on the banks of the Columbia river, with our teams about exhausted, we were advised to leave our wagons and animals over winter at that place in the care of the Hudson's Bay Co. A portion of the immigrants, includ- ing my two brothers' families and my own, accepted the prop- osition, providing we could secure boats in which to descend the river, as it was supposed we might secure them from the Hudson's Bay Co. Under these considerations we made ar- rangements with the said Company for the care of the latter through the winter. We failed in our efforts to obtain boats ; having a whipsaw and other tools with us, we hunted logs from the masses of drift wood lodged along the river banks, hewed them out, sawed them into lumber, and built boats, and with our families and the contents of our wagons, com
THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 13
menced the descent of the river. Dr. Whitman procured us the service of two Indians to act as pilots to The Dalles. From there we thought we would have but little trouble by making a portage at the Cascades. We did well till we reached The Dalles, a series of falls and cataracts. Just above the Cascade mountains one of our boats, containing six persons, was caught in one of those terrible whirlpools and upset. My son, ten years old, my brother Jesse's son, Edward, same age, and a man by the name of McClellan, who was a member of my family, were lost. The other three who escaped were left to struggle the best they could until we made the land with the other boats. Leaving the women and children on shore while we rushed to the rescue, it was only with the greatest effort that we were able to keep our boats from sharing the same fate. William Doake, a young man who could not swim, held on to a feather bed until overtaken and rescued. W. Parker and my son Elisha, then twelve years old, after drift- ing through whirlpools among cragged rocks for more than a mile, rescued themselves by catching hold of a large rock a few feet above water at the head of Rock Island. At the time of the disaster it was utterly impossible to render them any assistance for it was only with the greatest skill that we suc- ceeded in saving the women and children from sharing the same fate. It was a painful scene beyond description. We dare not go to their assistance without exposing the occupants of the other boats to certain destruction, while those persons were struggling for life in the surging waters. The whole scene was witnessed by Gen. Fremont and his company of explorers who were camped immediately opposite, and were powerless to render us any assistance. The bodies of the drowned were never recovered, though we offered a reward to the Indians who searched the river for months. We reached the Cascades without any other incidents worth relating.
We then made a portage around the falls, packing the most of our effects on our backs, dragging our boats over the rocks,
14 LINDSAY APPLEGATE
reloaded and proceeded on our way to Vancouver, ascended the Willamette river to the falls, there made another portage around the falls, reloaded again, ascended the river twenty- five miles, coming to a place called Champoeg, where we fi- nally left our boats and made our way across the valley to Lee's Old Mission, ten miles below where Salem now stands, and on the first day of December entered one of the old build- ings to remain for the winter.
Previous to this, we had been in the rain most of the time for twenty days. Oh, how we could have enjoyed our hos- pitable shelter if we could have looked around the family circle and beheld the bright faces that accompanied us on our toil- some journey almost to the end! Alas, they were not there! That long and dreary winter, with its pelting rains and howl- ing winds, brought sadness to us. Under these sad reflec- tions, we resolved if we remained in the country to find a bet- ter way for others who might wish to emigrate, as soon as we could possibly afford the time. From what information we could gather from old pioneers and the Hudson's Bay Co., the Cascade mountains to the south became very low, or terminated where the Klamath cut that chain ; and knowing that the Blue mountains lay east and west, we came to the conclusion there must be a belt of country extending east towards the South Pass of the Rocky mountains, where there might be no very lofty ranges of mountains to cross. So in 1846, after making arrangements for subsistence of our families during our ab- sence, we organized a company to undertake the enterprise, composed as follows :
Levi Scott, John Scott, Henry Boygus, Lindsay Applegate, Jesse Applegate, Benjamin Burch, John Owens, John Jones, Robert Smith, Samuel Goodhue, Moses Harris, David Goff, Benit Osborn > William Sportsman, William Parker. Each man had his pack-horse and saddle-horse, making thirty ani- mals to guard and take care of.
A portion of the country we proposed to traverse was at that time marked on the map "unexplored region." All the in- formation we could get relative to it was through the Hudson's Bay Co. Peter Ogden, an officer of that company, who had led a party of trappers through that region, represented that portions of it were desert-like, and that at one time his com- pany was so pressed for the want of water that they went to the top of a mountain, able to cross the desert. He also stated that portions of the country through which we would have to travel were infested with fierce and war-like savages, who would attack every party entering their country, steal their traps, waylay and murder the men, and that Rogue River had taken its name from the character of the Indians inhabiting its valleys. The idea of opening a wagon road through such a country at that time, was counted as preposterous. These statements, though based on facts, we thought might be exaggerated by the Hudson's Bay Co., in their own interest, since they had a line of forts on the Snake river route, reaching from Fort Hall to Van- couver, and were prepared to profit by the immigration. One thing which had much influence with us was the fact that the question as to which power, Great Britain or the United States, would eventually secure a title to the country, was not settled, and in case prove successful, it was important to have a way by which we cotuld leave the country without running the gauntlet of the Hudson's Bay Co.'s forts and falling a prey to Indian tribes which were under British influence. ed sacks with snow, and were thus war should occur and Britain On the morning of the 20th of June, 1846, we gathered on the La Creole, near where Dallas now stands, moved up the valley and encamped for the night on Mary's river, near where the town of Corvallis has since been built. June 21-Moved up the valley and encamped among the foothills of the Calapooia mountains. June 22-This day we traveled along the base of the Cala- pooias, our course being nearly southeast, passing near a prominent peak since called Spencer's Butte. In a little valley near the butte, on the south side, we discovered Indians digging camas. On perceiving us, most of them secreted themselves in the timber. One of our party succeeded in capturing an old Indian, and representing to him by signs the course we wished to follow, the old fellow preceded us two or three miles, and put us on a dim trail which had been marked by twisting the tops of the brush along the route. It had only been used as a foot-trail and but seldom at that. It led us into a prairie at the base of the main Calapooia chain. Crossing the prairie, we found the little trail where it entered the mountains with dif- ficulty, and being guided by the broken brush, reached at sun- down a little stream on the Umpqua side, where we camped for the night in a beautiful little valley where the grass was good and the ground almost covered with the finest straw- berries I had ever seen. The next morning, June 23, we moved on through the grassy oak hills and narrow valleys to the north Umpqua river. The crossing was a rough and dangerous one, as the river bed was a mass of loose rocks, and, as we were crossing, our horses occasionally fell, giving the riders a severe ducking. On the south side we encamped for the night. On the morning of the 24th, we left camp early and moved on about five miles to the south branch of the Umpqua, a con- siderable stream, probably sixty yards wide, coming from the eastward. Traveling up that stream almost to the place where the old trail crosses the Umpqua mountains, we encamped for the night opposite the historic Umpqua canyon. The next morning, June 25th, we entered the canyon, fol- lowed up the little stream that runs through the defile for four or five miles, crossing the creek a great many times, but the canyon becoming more obstructed with brush and fallen tim- ber, the little trail we were following turned up the side of the ridge where the woods were more open, and wound its way to the top of the mountain. It then bore south along a narrow
THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 17
back-bone of the mountain, the dense thickets and the rocks on either side affording splendid opportunities for ambush. A short time before this, a party coming from California had been attacked on this summit ridge by the Indians and one of them had been severely wounded. Several of the horses had also been shot with arrows. Along this trail we picked up a num- ber of broken and shattered arrows. We could see that a large party of Indians had passed over the trail traveling southward only a few days before. At dark we reached a small opening on a little stream at the foot of the mountain on the south, and encamped for the night.
On the morning of the 26th, we divided our forces, part go- ing back to explore the canyon, while the remainder stayed to guard the camp and horses. The exploring party went back to where we left the canyon on the little trail the day before, and returning through the canyon, came into camp after night, reporting that wagons could be taken through.
We found everything all right on the morning of the 27th, although the Indians had hovered around us all night, frighten- ing our horses a number of times. From the tracks we could see that they approached very closely to our encampment. Making an early start we moved on very cautiously. When- ever the trail passed through the cuts we dismounted and led our horses, having our guns in hand ready at any moment to use them in self-defense, for we had adopted this rule, never to be the aggressor. Traveling through a very broken country the sharp hills separated by little streams upon which there were small openings, we came out at about noon into a large creek, a branch of Rogue river, now called Grave creek, on which we rested about two hours. During the afternoon our course was over a more open country through scattering pine and oak timber. Towards evening, we saw a good many In- dians posted along the mountain side and then running ahead of us. About an hour by sun we reached a prairie of several hundred acres, which extends down to very near the bank of
18 LINDSAY APPLEGATE
Rogue river. As we advanced towards the river, the Indians in large numbers occupied the river bank near where the trail crossed. Having understood that this crossing was a favorite place of attack, we decided as it was growing late, to pass the night in the prairie. Selecting a place as far from the brush as possible, we made every preparation for a night attack.
In selecting our camp on Rogue river, we observed the greatest caution. Cutting stakes from the limbs of an old oak that stood in the open ground, we picketed our horses with double stakes as firmly as possible. The horses were pick- eted in the form of a hollow square, outside of which we took up our positions, knowing that in case of an attack there would be a chance of losing our horses and that that would be a complete defeat. We kept vigilant guard during the night, and the next morning could see the Indians occupying the same position as at dark. After an early breakfast we be- gan to make preparations for moving forward. There had been a heavy dew, and fearing the effects of the dampness upon our fire-arms ? which were muzzle-loaders, of course, and some of them with flint-locks, we fired them off and re- loaded. In moving forward, we formed two divisions, with the pack horses behind. On reaching the river bank the front division fell behind the pack horses and drove them over, while the rear division faced the brush, with gun in hand, until the front division was safely over. Then they turned about, and the rear division passed over under protection of their rifles. The Indians watched the performance from their places of con- cealment, but there was no chance for them to make an attack without exposing themselves to our fire. The river was deep and rapid, and for a short distance some of the smaller ani- mals had to swim. Had we rushed pell mell into the stream, as parties sometimes do under such circumstances, our expedi- tion would probably have come to an end there.
After crossing, we turned up the river, and the Indians in large numbers came out of the thickets on the opposite side and
THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 19
tried in every way to provoke us. Our course was for some distance southeast along the bank of the river, and the Indians, some mounted and some on foot, passed on rapidly on the other side. There appeared to be a great commotion among them. A party had left the French settlement in the Wil- lamette some three or four weeks before us, consisting of French, half-breeds, Columbia Indians and a few Americans; probably about eighty in all. Passing one of their encamp- ments we could see by the signs that they were only a short distance ahead of us. We afterwards learned that the Rogue Rivers had stolen some of their horses, and that an effort to recover them had caused the delay. At about three o'clock, we left the river and bore southward up a little stream for four or five miles and encamped. From our camp we could see numerous signal fires on the mountains to the eastward. We saw no Indians in the vicinity of our camp, and no evidence of their having been there lately. They had evidently given us up, and followed the other company which the same night en- camped in the main valley above. Under the circumstances, we enjoyed a good night's sleep, keeping only two guards at a time.
On the morning of June 29th, we passed over a low range of hills, from the summit of which we had a splendid view of the Rogue River valley. It seemed like a great meadow, in- terspersed with groves of oaks which appeared like vast or- chards. All day long we traveled over rich black soil covered with rank grass, clover and pea vine, and at night encamped near the other party on the stream now known as Emigrant creek, near the foot of the Siskiyou mountains. This night, the Indians having gone to the mountains to ambush the French party as we afterwards learned, we were not dis- turbed. Here our course diverged from that of the other company, they following the old California trail across the Siskiyou, while our route was eastward through an unexplored region several hundred miles in extent.
20 LINDSAY APPLEGATE
On the morning of June 30th, we moved along the north bank of the creek, and soon began the ascent of the mountains to the eastward ; which we found gradual. Spending most of the day in examining the hills about the stream now called Keene creek, near the summit of the Siskiyou ridge, we moved on down through the heavy forests of pine, fir and cedar, and encamped early in the evening in a little valley, now known as Round prairie, about ten or twelve miles, as nearly as we could judge, from the camp of the previous night. We found no evidence of Indians being about, but we did not relax our vigilance on that account. We encamped in a clump of pines in the valley and kept out our guard.
On the morning of July 1st, being anxious to know what we were to find ahead, we made an early start. This morn- ing we observed the track of a lone horse leading eastward. Thinking it had been made by some Indian horseman on his way from Rogue river to the Klamath country, we undertook to follow it. This we had no trouble in doing, as it had been made in the spring while the ground was damp and was very distinct, until we came to a very rough rocky ridge where we lost it. This ridge was directly in our way. Exploring north- ward along the divide for considerable distance without find- ing a practicable route across it we encamped for the night among the pines. The next morning, July 2d ? we explored the ridge southward as far as the great canyon of the Klamath but, having no better success than the day before, we en- camped at a little spring on the mountain side. The next day, July 3d, we again traveled northward farther than before, making a more complete examination of the country than we had previously done, and at last found what seemed to be a practicable pass. Near this was a rich grassy valley through which ran a little stream, and here we encamped for the night. This valley is now known as long prairie.
On the morning of July 4th, our route bore along a ridge trending considerably towards the north. The route was good,
THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 21
not rocky, and the ascent very gradual. After crossing the summit of the Cascade ridge, the descent was, in places, very rapid. At noon we came out into a glade where there was tvater and grass and from which we could see the Klamath river. After noon we moved down through an immense forest, principally of yellow pine, to the river, and then traveled up the north bank, still through yellow pine forests, for about six miles, when all at once we came out in full view of the Klamath country, extending eastward as far as the eye could reach. It was an exciting moment, after the many days spent in the dense forests and among the mountains, and the whole party broke forth in cheer after cheer. An Indian who had not observed us until the shouting began, broke away from the river bank near us and ran to the hills a quarter of a mile distant. An antelope could scarcely have made better time, for we continued shouting as he ran and his speed seemed to increase until he was lost from our view among the pines. We were now entering a country where the natives had seen but few white people. Following the river up to where it leaves the Lower Klamath Lake, we came to a riffle where it seemed possible to cross. William Parker waded in and explored the ford. It was deep, rocky and rapid, but we all passed over safely, and then proceeding along the river and lake-shore for a mile or so when we came into the main valley of the Lower Klamath Lake. We could see columns of smoke rising in every direction, for our presence was already known to the Modocs and the signal fire telegraph was in active operation. Moving southward along the shore we came to a little stream coming in from the southward, and there found pieces of newspapers and other unmistakable evidences of civ- ilized people having camped there a short time before. We found a place where the turf had been cut away, also the wil- lows, near the bank of the creek and horses had been repeatedly driven over the place. As there were many places where ani- mals could get water without this trouble, some of the party
22 LINDSAY APPLEGATE
were of the opinion that some persons had been buried there and that horses had been driven over the place to obliterate all marks and thus prevent the Indians from, disturbing the dead. The immense excitement among the Indians on our ar- rival there strengthened this opinion. Col. Fremont, only a few days before, had reached this point on his way northward when he was overtaken by Lieut. Gillispie of the United States army with important dispatches and returned to Lower Cali- fornia. The Mexican war had just begun and the "path- finder" was needed elsewhere. On the very night he was over- taken by Lieut. Gillispie, the Modocs surprised his camp, killed three of his Delaware Indians and it is said that, had it not been for the vigilance and presence of mind of Kit Carson, he would probably have suffered a complete rout. At this place we arranged our camp on open ground so that the In- dians could not possibly approach us without discovery. It is likely that the excitement among the Modocs was caused, more than anything else, by the apprehension that ours was a party sent to chastise them for their attack on Fremont. We were but a handful of men surrounded by hundreds of Indians armed with their poisoned arrows, but by dint of great care and vigilance we were able to pass through their country safe- ly. On every line of travel from the Atlantic to the Pacific, there has been great loss of life from a failure to exercise a proper degree of caution, and too often have reckless and fool- hardy men who have, through the want of proper care, become embroiled in difficulties with the Indians, gained the reputa- tion of being Indian fighters and heroes, while the men who were able to conduct parties in safety through the country of warlike savages, escaped the world's notice.
FROM TULE LAKE TO THE SPRING IN THE DESERT.
On the morning of July 5th we left our camp on the little creek (now called Hot creek), and continued our course along the shore of Lower Klamath Lake. This threw us off our course considerably, as the lake extended some miles to the
THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 23
southward of our last camp, and we did not reach the eastern shore until the day was far spent. We camped on the lake shore, and the next morning, July 6th, we ascended a high rocky ridge to the eastward for the purpose of making obser- vations. Near the base of the ridge, on the east, was a large lake, perhaps twenty miles in length. Beyond it, to the east- ward, we could see a timbered butte, apparently thirty miles distant, at the base of which there appeared to be a low pass through the mountain range which seemed to encircle the lake basin. It appearing practicable to reach this pass by passing around the south end of the lake, we decided to adopt that route and began the descent of the ridge, but we soon found ourselves in the midst of an extremely rugged country. Short lava ridges ran in every conceivable direction, while between them were caves and crevices into which it seemed our ani- mals were in danger of falling headlong. The farther we advanced the worse became the route, so that at length we decided to retrace our steps to the smooth country. This was difficult, as our horses had become separated among the rocks, and it was some time before we could get them together and return to the open ground. Then we discovered that one of our party, David Goff, was missing. While in the lava field he had discovered a band of mountain sheep, and in pursuing them had lost his way. Some of the party went quite a dis- tance into the rocks, but could hear nothing of him. We de- cided to proceed to the meadow country, at the head of the lake, by encircling the lava beds to the northward, and encamp until we could find our comrade. While we were proceeding to carry out this program, we discovered a great number of canoes leaving the lake shore, under the bluffs, and making for what appeared to be an island four or five miles distant. We could also see a lone horseman riding leisurely along the lake shore, approaching us. This soon proved to be our lost friend. The Modocs had discovered him in the lava fields, and probably supposing that the whole party was about to
24 LINDSAY APPLEGATE
assail them from the rocks, they took to their canoes. He said that, seeing the Indians retreating, he concluded he would leave the rocks and ride along the lakeshore where the going was good. We nooned in a beautiful meadow, containing about two sections, near the head of the lake.
After spending a couple of hours in this splendid pasture, we re-packed and started on our way towards the timbered butte, but had not proceeded more than a mile before we came suddenly upon quite a large stream (Lost river) coming into the lake. We found this stream near the lake very deep, with almost perpendicular banks, so that we were compelled to turn northward, up the river. Before proceeding very far we dis- covered an Indian crouching under the bank, and surround- ing him, made him come out. By signs, we indicated to him that we wanted to cross the river. By marking on his legs and pointing up the river, he gave us to understand that there was a place above where we could easily cross. Motioning to him to advance, he led the way up the river about a mile and pointed out a place where an immense rock crossed, the river. The sheet of water running over the rock was about fifteen inches deep, while the principal part of the river seemed to flow under. This was the famous Stone Bridge on Lost river, so often mentioned after this by travelers. For many years the water of Tule Lake have been gradually rising, so that now the beautiful meadow on which we nooned on the day we discovered the bridge is covered by the lake, and the back water in Lost river long ago made the river impassable; is now probably ten feet deep over the bridge.
After crossing the bridge we made our pilot some pres- ents, and all shaking hands with him, left him standing on the river bank. Pursuing our way along the northern shore of the lake a few miles, we came to a beautiful spring, near the base of the mountains on our left, and encamped for the night. After using the alkali water of Lower Klamath Lake the pre- vious night, the fresh, cold water of this spring was a real
THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 25
hixury. There was plenty of dry wood and an abundance of green grass for our animals, and we enjoyed the camp exceed- ingly. Sitting around our fire that evening, we discussed the adventures of the past few days in this new and strange land. The circumstances of the last day had been particularly inter- esting. Our adventure in the rocks; the retreat of the whole Modoc tribe in a fleet of thirty or forty canoes across the lake from Goff; the singularity of the natural bridge; the vast fields of tule around the lake, and the fact that the lake was an independent body of water, were subjects of peculiar in- terest and only intensified our desire to see more of this then wild land.
July 7th, we left the valley of Tule Lake to pursue our course eastward, over a rocky table land, among scattering juniper trees. We still observed the timbered butte as our landmark, and traveled as directly toward it as the shape of the country would admit. This butte is near the State line, between Clear lake and Goose lake, and probably distant fifty miles from the lava ridge west of Lost river, from which we first observed it, and supposing rt to be about thirty miles away. In pursuing our course we passed through the hilly, juniper country between Langell valley and Clear lake without seeing either the valley or lake, and at noon arrived at the bed of a stream where there was but little water. The course of the stream was north or northwest, and appearances indicated that at times quite a volume of water flowed in the channel. This was evidently the bed of Lost river, a few miles north of where this singular stream leaves the Clear river marsh.
Leaving this place, we pursued our journey through a sim- ilar country to that passed over during the forenoon, and en- camped at a little spring among the junipers, near the base of the timbered hill, and passed a very pleasant night.
On the morning of July 8th, we passed our landmark and traveled nearly eastward, over a comparatively level but ex- tremely rocky country, and nooned in the channel of another
26 LINDSAY APPLEGATE
stream, where there was a little water standing in holes. On leaving this place we found the country still quite level, but exceedingly rocky; for eight or ten miles almost like pave- ment. Late in the afternoon we came out into the basin of a lake (Goose lake), apparently forty or fifty miles in length. Traversing the valley about five miles along the south end of the lake, we came to a little stream coming in from the moun- tains to the eastward. The grass and water being good, we encamped here for the night. Game seemed plentiful, and one of the party killed a fine deer in the vicinity of the camp. From a spur of the mountains, near our camp, we had a splendid view of the lake and of the extensive valley bordering it on the north. On the east, between the lake and mountain range running nearly north and south, and which we supposed to be a spur of the Sierra Nevadas, was a beautiful meadow coun- try, narrow, but many miles in length, across which the lines of willows and scattering pines and cottonwoods indicated the courses of a number of little streams coming into the lake from the mountain chain. A little southeast of our camp there appeared to be a gap in the mountain wall, and we decided to try it on the succeeding day.
July 9th we moved up the ridge towards the gap, and soon entered a little valley, perhaps containing a hundred acres, ex- tending to the summit of the ridge, thus forming an excellent pass. The ascent was very gradual. The little valley was fringed with mountain-mahogany trees, giving it quite a pic- turesque appearance. This shrub, which is peculiar to the rocky highlands, is from fifteen to twenty feet high and in form something like a cherry tree, so that a grove of moun- tain mahogany strikingly resembles a cherry orchard. About the center of the little valley is a spring of cold water, making it an excellent camping place, and for many years afterwards it was the place where the immigrants were wont to meet and let their animals recuperate after the long, tiresome march across the so-called American Desert ; for this Sierra ridge
THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 27
separates the waters of the Pacific from those of the great basin which extends from the Blue mountains far southward towards the Colorado. The little stream on which we en- camped before entering this pass is called Lassen creek, tak- ing its name from Peter Lassen, who led a small party of im- migrants across the plains in 1848, following our route from the Humboldt through this pass, thence down Pitt river to the Sacramento. From the summit of the ridge we had a splen- did view. Northward the ridge seemed to widen out, forming several low ranges of timbered mountains, while southward it seemed to rise very high, as we could see patches of snow along the summit in the distance. East and south of us, at the foot of the ridge, was a beautiful green valley, twenty or thirty miles in extent, and containing a small lake. A num- ber of small streams flowed from the mountain into and through the valley, affording an abundance of water for the wants of a settlement. This fertile valley on the border of the desert has since been called Surprise V alley, and now con- tains quite a population.
As we stood on the Sierra ridge, we surveyed the vast des- ert plains to the eastward of Surprise Valley, apparently with- out grass or trees, and marked by numerous high rocky ridges running north and south. After deciding on our course, we descended the mountain and soon came to a little stream, the banks of which were lined with plum bushes completely loaded with fruit. There was a grove of pines at hand, and there we decided to noon, as the day was extremely hot. Game seemed plentiful about this rich valley, and while we were nooning a large band of antelope grazed in sight of us. Spending about two hours among these pines, which were the last we saw dur- ing our long and weary march on the desert, we packed up and moved across the valley eastward. After crossing the valley we entered a very sandy district, where the traveling was laborious, and next ascended to a table land, the surface of which was covered with small gravel. By this time most
28 LINDSAY APPLEGATE
of our horses were barefooted, and our progress through the rocky country was consequently very slow. The country was so desert-like that we had about despaired of finding water that night, but just at dark we unexpectedly came to a little spring. There was but little water, but by digging some we were able to get quite enough for ourselves and horses, though it kept us busy until about midnight to get the horses watered. Although we had met with singularly good fortune in thus finding water at the close of the first day's march on the des- ert, we could not always expect such good luck in the future ; and as we lay down in our blankets among the sagebrush that night, we could not help having some gloomy forebodings in regard to the future of our expedition.
FROM THE LITTLE SPRING ON THE DESERT TO BLACK ROCK.
On the morning of the 10th of July, we found an abundance of water in the basin we had scraped out at the little spring early in the night, so that we were able to start out on the desert much refreshed. Our horses, however, looked very gaunt as there was a great scarcity of grass about the spring. The landscape before us, as we made our start this morning, was anything but inviting. It was a vast sand plain. No trees or mountains were in sight. Far in the distance were some dark looking ridges. There was no vegetation excepting dwarf sage and grease wood growing in the sand and gravel. At about three o'clock in the afternoon we came to a huge vol- canic wall, varying in height from twenty or thirty to sev- eral hundred feet, extending north and south as far as the eye could reach and apparently without any gap through it. We divided at the wall so as to explore it both ways. The party going southward, after proceeding a few miles, came to a little stream, forming a beautiful meadow at the base of the wall, and flowing through a narrow gateway into the ridge. They immediately dispatched one of their party in pursuit of us with the good news, and we returned to the meadow early in the afternoon, and decided to turn out our horses and give
THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 29
them a chance to feed and rest, while we explored the defile on foot. We found it a very remarkable chasm, extending nearly due east. The gateway was about sixty yards in width and the canyon was, at some places, a little wider than that perhaps, and at others, was only wide enough for a wagon road. The little bottom was grassy and almost level, and, in- deed, a remarkable track for a road. In many places, the cliffs on either side towered to a height of several hundred feet, and, in some places actually overhung the chasm. Those over- hanging cliffs afforded excellent sheltering places for the In- dians, and the signs betokened that it was a great place of re- sort for them. Sage hens and rabbits were plentiful, also mountain sheep, but the latter were so wild that we did not succeed in killing any of them. After making quite an ex- tended trip into the canyon, we returned to the little meadow and spent the night.
On the morning of July 11, we again entered the gorge and traveled ten or twelve miles to a place where the stream formed quite a pool, and nooned. At this season, the stream ran no further than the pool. Here another canyon comes in from the north, and at the junction there is quite an area of level ground perhaps two acres mostly meadow, forming an excellent camping place. After noon we proceeded on our way, following the dry bed of the stream, and, after a march of perhaps ten miles, came out on the east side of the ridge. Here we found a lake basin of several acres in extent, where there was but a little water and a great deal of mud, hence strongly suggesting the name of Mud Lake, which it has since always borne. Earlier in the season, when the little stream that feeds it flows all the way through the canyon, this is doubtless quite a lake. The country eastward had a very for- bidding appearance. Rising from a barren plain, perhaps fif- teen miles away, was a rough, rocky ridge, extending as far as the eye could reach towards the north, but apparently ter- minating abruptly perhaps fifteen miles south of our course.
30 LINDSAY APPLEGATE
Along the base of the ridge, towards its extremity, were seen green spots, indicating water. After considering the situation pretty thoroughly, we concluded that it would be the surest plan to depart from our usual course and travel southward to the extremity of the ridge, as, by so doing, we would probably keep clear of the rocks and be more certain to find water. So we followed the dry outlet of the lake, in a southwesterly di- rection, for a distance of three or four miles and we camped at a little spring.
In this vicinity quite a tragedy occurred while Capt. Levi Scott, accompanied by a detachment of regular troops, was en route to meet the immigration of 1847. It was his intention to make an effort to hunt out a direct route from Mud Lake to Humboldt, thus saving the distance lost by our change of direction in 1846. It appears that Mr. Scott and a man named Garrison, leaving the train encamped at Mud Lake, started out in a due easterly direction towards the black ridge to ascer- tain the practicability of finding a way across it. When out about ten miles they came across two Indians. Not being able to talk with them, they undertook, through signs, to learn something about the country. The Indians appeared to be friendly, but, taking advantage of Scott and Garrison while they were off their guard, strung their bows and commenced shooting with great rapidity. Garrison was mortally wounded, and Scott, while in the act of firing, was shot through the arm with an arrow, which passing through, entered his side, pinning his arm to his body. Scott fired, however, killing his Indian and the other took to flight. Scott's were, fortunately, only flesh wounds, but Garrison had been pierced by two ar- rows and died soon after being conveyed to the camp. Thus the effort to make the cut-off failed, and to this day has never been made.
The little spring, where we encamped, furnished an abun- dance of water ; the grass was good, but fuel extremely scarce, there being nothing in this line but dwarf sage brush.
THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 31
On starting out on the morning of the 12th of July, we ob- served vast columns of smoke or steam rising at the extremity of the black ridge. Reaching the ridge a few miles north of its extremity, we traveled along its base, passing a number of springs, some cold and others boiling hot. At the end of the ridge we found an immense boiling springs from whence the steam was rising like smoke from a furnace. A large vol- ume of water issued from the spring which irrigated several hundred acres of meadow. Although the water was strongly impregnated with alkali, it was fit for use when cooled, and the spot was, on the whole, a very good camping place for the desert. The cliffs, at the extremity of the ridge, were formed of immense masses of black volcanic rock and all about were vast piles of cinders, resembling those from a blacksmith's forge. This place has ever since been known as "Black Rock," and is one of the most noted landmarks on the Humboldt des- ert. At this place we rested a day and consulted as to the best course to pursue in order to reach the Humboldt, or, as it was then called, Ogden's river. The result of the council was that we agreed to separate, one party to travel eastward and the other to pursue a more southerly direction.
In pursuance of the plan decided on at Black Rock, on the morning of July 14th, we separated into two parties; eight men starting out in a southerly direction and seven men, in- cluding myself, towards the east. The country before us ap- peared very much like the dry bed of a lake. Scarcely a spear of vegetation could be seen, and the whole country was white with alkali. After traveling about fifteen miles we began to discover dim rabbit trails running in the same direction in which we were traveling. As we advanced the trails became more plain, and there were others constantly coming in, all pointing in the general direction toward a ledge of granite boulders which we could see before us. Approaching the ledge, which was the first granite we had seen since leaving Rogue river valley, we could see a green mound where all the trails
32 LINDSAY APPLEGATE
seemed to enter, and on examining the place closely we found a small hole in the top of the mound, in which a little puddle of water stood within a few inches of the surface. This was a happy discovery for we were already suffering considerably for want of water and our horses were well nigh exhausted. The day had been an exceedingly hot one and the heat reflected from the shining beds of alkali, had been very oppressive. The alkali water at Black Rock had only given us temporary relief our thirst was really more intense from having used it. Un- packing our horses, we staked them in the bunch grass about the granite ledge, and began digging down after the little vein of water which formed the puddle in the rabbit hole. The water seemed to be confined to a tough clay or muck which came near the surface in the center of the mound, thus pre- venting it from wasting away in the sand. Digging down in this clay we made a basin large enough to hold several gallons and by dark we had quite a supply of good pure water. We then began issuing it to our horses, a little at a time, and by morning men and horses were considerably refreshed. Great numbers of rabbits came around us and we killed all we wanted of them. This is the place always since known as the Rabbit Hole Springs.
Looking eastward, on the morning of July 15th, from the elevated table lands upon which we then were, we saw vast clouds of smoke, completely shutting out the distant landscape. The wind blowing almost constantly from the southwest, kept the smoke blown away so that we could get a tolerably good view towards the south. Our wish was to continue our course eastward, but the country, as far as we could see in that di- rection, being a barren plain, we concluded to follow the gran- ite ledge, which extended in a southeasterly direction from the spring, believing the chances of finding water would be better by following that route. The smoke, as we afterwards learned, was caused by the burning of peat beds along the Humboldt river, the stream we were now wishing to find, though we had no correct idea of the distance we would have to travel in order to reach it, nor of the difficulties to be encountered. Pursuing our way along the ridge, searching everywhere carefully for water, at about eleven o'clock A. M. we observed the rabbit trails all leading in the same direction, and following the course indicated, we found a basin in the side of a rock large enough to hold a few gallons of water. Into this basin the water oozed from a crevice in the rock, very slowly, so that when the basin was emptied it was a long time filling. There was no way of improving this spring, for whenever the basin was full and the water running over, it would waste in the loose gravel and sand, and we did not get a sufficiency of it for ourselves and horses until late at night. Appearances indicated that it was a great resort for Indians, though there did not seem to be any in the vicinity while we were there. During the afternoon and evening, great numbers of little birds came for water, and were so tame that we could almost put our hands on them.
On the morning of July 16th, we proceeded along the ridge for four or five miles and came to quite a large spring, but so strongly impregnated with alkali that we could only use it in making coffee. Here we rested an hour or so while our horses grazed. This morning we passed over a country abounding in quartz. At this spring our granite ridge terminated, and before us was a vast desert plain, without a spear of vegeation, and covered with an alkaline effloresence which glittered beneath the scorching rays of the sun. The heat was intense as we rode slowly out to the eastward upon the great plain. After we had traveled a few miles, we observed what was supposed to be a lake, even fancying that we could see the waves upon its surface, but after riding in that direction awhile, we discovered that it was only one of those optical illusions so often experienced on the desert. Next, we saw what we supposed to be a clump of willows to the eastward and rode in that direction with all possible dispatch, but, on nearing the place, we discovered, to our intense disappointment, that it was only a pile of black volcanic rocks, fifteen or twenty feet high. The sun was now getting quite low, and the heat was somewhat abating, yet it remained quite hot as we rode a few miles to the eastward on the desert. As night closed in upon us we selected our camping place in a little sag where there were some strong sage bushes growing. To these we tied our horses securely, for, as there was not a blade of grass and they were suffering for water, we knew they would leave us, should they break away from their fastenings. The only camp duty we had to perform that night was to spread our blankets down upon the loose sand. Then we stretched ourselves upon them, with little hope of rest, for our thirst had by that time become intense; worse, no doubt, from reason of our having drank the strong alkali water that morning. Our reflections that night were gloomy in the extreme. Even if we could have heard the cry of a night bird or the familiar note of a coyote it would have given us encouragement, for it would have indicated the presence of water somewhere in the vicinity; but not a sound was heard during the livelong night except our own voices and the restless tramp of the half-famished horses.
As we started out on the morning of July 17th to the eastward we could see only a short distance on account of the dense clouds of smoke which enveloped the country. We spent much of the day in searching in various places for water and at about four o'clock in the afternoon we came to some ledges of rock. They afforded a shelter from the scorching rays of the sun, and we halted to rest for a while as some of the party were now so exhausted that they could scarcely ride. From the top of the rocks we could discern a small greenish spot on the desert, five or six miles distant, and, hoping to find water there, we decided to ride towards it. Robert Smith was now suffering severely from a pain in the head, and, as he was not able to ride, we were compelled to leave him under the rocks, with the understanding that he would follow us as soon as he felt able to ride. After going four or five miles, we beheld a horseman approaching us. This soon proved to be John Jones, one of the party who left us at Black Rock on the morning of the 14th. He had found water at the place we were making for, and, in searching for the rest of his party, had accidentally fallen in with us. We of course made a "stampede" for the water. On our arrival there two of the party, filling a large horn with water, started on their return with it to Smith. They met him on the way, hanging on to the horn of his saddle, while his horse was following our trail. By the time they returned the other party also arrived, so that, at about six P. M., we found ourselves all together again. The other party had fared almost as badly as we had, not having had any water since ten o'clock in the forenoon of the day before.
Although a Godsend to us, this water was almost as bad as one could imagine. It was in the bed of a little alkali lake, thickly studded with reeds. There were about four inches of strong alkali water resting upon a bed of thin mud, and it was so warm and nauseating that it was impossible for some of the party to retain a stomach- full very long at a time. It was a grand relief to our poor horses to have an abundance of water and grass once more, and, tired as they were, they worked busily all night upon the reeds and grasses about the little lake. Much exhausted, we retired early, and arose considerably refreshed the next morning.
On the morning of July 18, our course was nearly southeast along the edge of a vast level plain to our right. Immense columns of smoke were still rising in front of us, and at about ten or eleven o'clock we came to places where peat bogs were on fire. These fires extended for miles along the valley of the Humboldt river, for we were now in the near vicinity of that stream, and at noon had the great satisfaction of encamping upon its banks. We found this sluggish stream about thirty feet wide, and the water strongly alkaline and of a milky hue. Along its banks were clumps of willows, affording us an abund
36 LINDSAY APPLEGATE
ance of fuel, and as there was plenty of grass for our horses, our camp was a good one. Since leaving Rabbit Hole Springs we had traveled much too far south of our course to satisfy us, and our desire was now to travel up the Humboldt until we should reach a point nearly east of Black Rock, and endeavor to find a route for the road more directly on our old course.
On July 19, we traveled perhaps twenty miles in a north- easterly direction along the river bottom, and encamped. The next day, -July 20, we pursued our way along the river, on a good, easy route, making about the same distance as the day before. On the 21st we continued our march up the river and at noon came to a point where the river bottom widened out into quite an extensive meadow district. From this point we could see what appeared to be a low pass through the ridge on the west, through which was a channel of a tributary of the Humboldt, now dry. Here we decided to encamp and send out a party to examine the country towards Black Rock.
We had nothing in which to carry water but a large powder horn, so we thought it best not to risk sending out too large a party. On the morning of the 22nd of July, Levi Scott and William Parker left us, and, following the dry channel of the stream for about fifteen miles, they came to a beautiful spring of pure water. Here they passed the night, and the next day, Juy 23rd, they ascended by a very gradual route to the table lands to the westward, and within about fifteen miles of their camp of the previous night, they entered quite a grassy district from which they could plainly see Black Rock. Exploring the country about them carefully they found the Rabbit Hole Springs. The line of our road was now complete. We had succeeded in finding a route across the desert and on to the Oregon settlements, with camping places at suitable distances, and, since we knew the source of the Humboldt river was near Fort Hall, we felt that our enterprise was already a success, and that immigrants could be able to reach Oregon late in
THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 37
the season with far less danger of being snowed in than on the California route down the Humboldt and over the Sierra Ne- vadas. The sequel proved that we were correct in this opinion, for this same fall the Donner party, in endeavoring to cross the Sierras, were snowed in, suffered the most indescribable hor- rors, and about half of them perished.
The Humboldt Meadows affording us a splendid camping place, we concluded to remain there and recruit our jaded ani- mals for a few dnvs before pursuing our journey farther,
FROM HUMBOLPT MEADOWS TO FORT HALL AND BACK TO BT.ACK ROCK,
Our object was to locate the road direct from near the head of the Humboldt to Bear river, leaving Fort Hall forty or sixty miles to the northward. Our stock of provisions being almost exhausted, we decided to dispatch a partv. with the strongest animals, to Fort Hall at once, for supplies, while the rest of us would move along more slowly, making such im- provements on the road as seemed necessary, and perhaps reaching the head of the river in time to meet the Fort Hall partv there on its return. Accordinglv. on the morning of the 25th of July. Jesse Applegate. Moses Harris. Henrv Bovgtis. David Goff and John Owens, left us for Fort Hall. The place decided on for the reunion of the partv was known as Hot Spring or Thousand Spring Vallev. on the Humboldt. T shall not undertake, after this date, to give a detailed statement of our experiences, until the conclusion of our journey in the fall, onlv mentioning the most important incidents of the long and wearisome campaign.
The journey up the Humboldt. throuerh a country so uni- formly alike the entire distance, was quite monotonous. The sluggish stream, frineed with willows on either side, flowed through a narrow vallev bounded by drv volcanic ridfres. grad- ually increased in volume as we advanced towards its source, as the water wastes away in the dry. sandy region through
38 LINDSAY APPLEGATE
which it flows. Like the Nile, this stream rises sufficiently every year to overflow and fertilize its valley, so that it pro- duces the finest grass. Since 1843, immigrants had occasion- ally traveled down this stream to its sink, and had thence crossed the high, snowy range of the Sierra Nevada, from Truckee run via Donner lake, to the Sacramento valley; and as we proceeded up the river, we frequently met small parties, like ourselves, sunburned and covered with alkali dust, and worn and wearied by the long and difficult journey.
Game was our principal dependence for food, and this we found exceedingly scarce along the Humboldt, and the thou- sands of Indians who inhabited the valley at this season seemed to subsist chiefly upon grasshoppers and crickets, which were abundant.
One day, during our march through this country, Capt. Scott and myself, leaving the party on the west side, crossed the river for the purpose of hunting, and, while pursuing a band of antelope, came upon wagon tracks, leading away from the river towards a rocky gulch among the hills, two or three miles distant. Several wagons seemed to have been in the train, and on either side of the plain tracks made by the wagon wheels in the loose sand were numerous bare-foot tracks. Following the trail into the mouth of the gulch, we found where the wagons had been burned, only the ruins being left among the ashes. We found no human remains, yet the evidences were plain that a small train of immigrants had been taken here not a great while before, and that they had perished at the hands of their blood-thirsty captors, not one having escaped to recite the awful tale of horror. Possibly the bodies of the victims had been thrust into the river. Possibly the drivers had been com- pelled to drive their teams across the sage plains into this wild ravine, here to be slaughtered and their bodies burned. By a more extended search along the river and among the hills, we might possibly have found some of the bodies of the victims, and might have obtained some clue as to who the ill-fated
THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION , 39
immigrants were, but even this was not practicable at the time, and we could only hurry on with sad hearts to overtake the train far up the river.
On the 5th of August, we reached Hot Spring valley, having traveled, as nearly as we could judge, about two hundred miles along the river. On the 10th the Fort Hall party returned to us with a supply of provisions, and on the llth we turned our faces towards our homes, which we judged to be eight or nine hundred miles distant.
Before the party of five reached Fort Hall, one of them, young Boygus, hearing that a son of Capt. Grant, commander of Fort Hall, had recently started for Canada, via St. Louis, concluded to leave the party and, by forced marches, endeavor to overtake Grant, as he was anxious to return to his home in Missouri. Boygus was brave and determined, and expecting to meet immigrants occasionally, he sat out alone on his hazar- dous undertaking. We never heard of him afterwards, and his fate has always remained a mystery. There was, perhaps, truth in the report current afterwards that his gun and horses were seen in the possession of an Indian at Fort Hall, and it is most likely that he was followed by Indians from the very moment he left his companions and slain, as many a poor fellow has been, while all alone upon the great plains.
At Fort Hall the party of four met with a considerable train of immigrants, with some of whom they were acquainted, who decided to come to Oregon by way of our route. This train closely followed our companions on their return, and reached Hot Spring valley before our departure. Before starting on the morning of July llth, a small party of young men from the immigrant train generously voluntered to accompany us and assist in opening the road. These were: Thomas Powers, Burges, Shaw, Carnahan, Alfred Stewart, Charles Putnam, and two others whose names I now disremember. A Bannock Indian, from about the head of Snake River, also joined us. This increased our road party to twenty-one men, exclusive
40 LINDSAY APPLEGATE
of Scott and Goff, who remained to guide and otherwise assist the immigrants on their way to Oregon.
Nothing worthy of mention occurred during our return along the valley of the Humboldt, and not until we left the river and proceeded westward towards Black Rock. The first night after leaving the river we spent at the spring found by Scott and Parker, on the 22nd of July. This we called Diamond Spring. Reaching this point about noon, we spent several hours in digging out a basin at the spring, which soon filled with pure, cold water.
Fifteen miles travel the next day over a good route, brought us at noon to the Rabbit Hole Springs. We soon improved this spring considerably, and, at about two P. M., took up our line of march for Black Rock, which we reached at nightfall. After we were out two or three miles from Diamond Springs this morning, our Bannock Indian discovered that he had left his butcher-knife and, tying his pony to a sage-brush, started back to the spring on a run, supposing he could easily over- take us, as we would be delayed considerably at Rabbit Hole Springs ; at any rate, he would have no trouble in following our trail. We saw him no more, and conjectured that he must have fallen a prey to the Diggers, who continually shadowed us as we traveled through their country, always ready to profit by any advantage given them.
No circumstances worthy of mention occurred on the mo- notonous march from Black Rock to the timbered regions of the Cascade chain; then our labors became quite arduous. Every day we kept guard over the horses while we worked the road, and at night we dared not cease our vigilance, for the Indians continually hovered about us, seeking for advantage. By the time we had worked our way through the mountains to the Rogue river valley, and then through the Grave Creek Hills and Umpqua chain, we were pretty thoroughly worn out. Our stock of provisions had grown very short, and we had to de- pend, to a great extent, for sustenance, upon game. Road working, hunting, and guard duty had taxed our strength
THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 41
greatly, and on our arrival in the Umpqua valley, knowing that the greatest difficulties in the way of immigrants had been removed, we decided to proceed at once to our home in the Willamette. There we arrived on the 3rd day of October, 1846, having been absent three months and thirteen days. During all this time our friends had heard nothing from us, and realizing the dangerous character of our expedition, many be- lieved in the news which some time before reached them, that we had all been murdered by the Indians.
As soon as we could possibly make the arrangement, we sent out a party with oxen and horses, to meet the immigrants and aid them in reaching the Willamette settlements. For this assistance we made no demand, nor did we tax them for the use of the road, as was alleged by parties inimical to our en- terpise. It had been the distinct understanding that the road should be free, and the consciousness of having opened a bet- ter means of access to the country than was afforded by the expensive and dangerous route down the Columbia, which we had tried to our sorrow, would be ample compensation for all our labors and hardships in opening the South road.
Of course our enterprise was opposed by that mighty monop- oly, the Hudson's Bay Company, whose line of forts and trading posts on the Columbia afford them rare opportunities for trade with the immigrants. Many of the immigrants who followed us during the fall of 1846 had a hard time, though not as hard as they would likely have experienced on the other route ; and some of them, not understanding the situation fully, became infected with the spirit of persecution, which had its origin with the Hudson's Bay Company, and joined in charging us with leading the travel away from the northern route for purposes of personal speculation. Certain members of the party were sin- gled out to bear the burden of persecution, whereas, if any member of the party was animated by improper motives in seeking to open the road, all were equally guilty, as the party was governed in all its proceedings by a majority vote of its members.
42 LINDSAY APPLEGATE
The efforts of the Hudson's Bay Company to put down the road, proved an eminent failure. Its superior advantages were better and better known and appreciated every year. It never ceased to be an important route of travel, and a large portion of the population of our State entered by this channel. It is a very significant fact that the great thoroughfare of today, from the Willamette to the Siskiyou chain, and thence out through the Lake country and on to the Humboldt, departs rarely from the route blazed out by the road company, thirty-two years ago.
Those who are conversant with the facts, know that that por- tion of the route, from the Humboldt to the Lake country pre- sents no serious obstacles in the way of the construction of a railroad, and had the Central Pacific company located their road on that route, from Humboldt as far as Goose lake, and thence down Pitt river to the Sacramento valley, they would doubtless have saved millions of money in the original cost of the road, as well as in keeping it in order, since the snowfall would never have been seriously in the way, even in the severest winters.
In conclusion, I will recall the names of the road company, with a few facts relative to their history. I regret that it is not practicable to make this record more ample, but the company was made up, almost to a man, of active, energetic characters, who were not satisfied with a quiet, spiritless life, and many of them long ago were lost to the little community, "over in Polk," where they first settled, as they moved to other portions of the State or went out into adjacent territories to seek their fortunes. Under the circumstances, it has been impracticable to learn the whereabouts of some of them, or to gather such facts relative to their later history as would amplify and add interest to their biographies. Perhaps few companies of men ever performed such a campaign without repeated quarrels and even serious altercations, but the members of the Old South Road Company bore together the trials and privations of the expedition with a "forgiving and forbearing" spirit, and their
THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 43
mutual burdens and the dangers to which they were exposed, continually developed and strengthened their frendship. A re- union of them, were such a thing practicable, would be a sea- son of peculiar joy, one to be remembered by the veteran sur- vivors with pleasure, until they, too, shall pass away into the great unknown.
THE ROAD COMPANY.
Capt. Levi Scott, a native of Illinois, came to Oregon in 1844, from near Burlington, Iowa. He was in the early days quite a prominent man in Oregon affairs. He was a member of the State constitutional convention. Capt. Scott located Scottsburg, on the Umpqua river. He is now over eighty years of age, and, I believe, resides in Lane County.
John Jones, usually known as "Jack" Jones, the wag of the south road expedition, came to Oregon from Missouri in 1843. Since then, he has been quite a wanderer. For many years he resided in California, and, if living, is now in Idaho, I believe. Native State, Missouri.
John Owens crossed the plains in 1843 from Missouri. He was, I think, a native of that State. Have no knowledge of his whereabouts.
Henry Boygus came from Missouri in 1843. He was a fine looking, jovial and intelligent young man, and we were all much attached to him. Was probably murdered by Indians, near Fort Hall, after he left us, in 1846, to return to his home in Missouri. Native State, Missouri.
William Sportsman crossed the plains in 1845, from Mis- souri, which was, I think, his native State. He left Oregon in 1847, and I have no knowledge of his whereabouts.
Samuel Goodhue, a native of New York, came to Oregon in 1844. He afterwards became a son-in-law of - - Davidson, the old pioneer, and a number of years resided about Salem. When I last heard of him, he was in Ohio.
Robert Smith came to Oregon in 1843 from Missouri. Na- tive State, Virginia. He now resides at the head of the Yon
44 LINDSAY APPLEGATE
calla valley, in Douglas county. Mr. Smith is a son-in-law of Charles Applegate, and brother to Mrs. Governor Chad- wick.
Moses Harris, called "Black Harris," came to Oregon in 1844, from the Rocky mountains, where he had been a scout and trapper for many years. He spoke the Snake language flu- ently, and was of great service to us on the plains. He re- turned to the States in 1847, as guide to Dr. White, the Super- inte^dent of Indian Affairs in Oregon, and died in Indepen- dence, Mo.
John Scott, a son of Capt. Levi Scott, came to Oregon with his father in 1844. He now resides near Dallas, Polk county, Oregon.
William G. Parker, a native of Missouri, came to Oregon in 1843. He resided many years in California, but is now a resident of Lake county, Oregon, and keeps the Half- Way House, on the road from Ashland to Linkville. Mr. Parker is a son-in-law of Capt. Solomon Tetherton, the old mountain man, and a brother to Mrs. Jesse Applegate.
David Goff came to Oregon from Missouri in 1845. He resided in Polk County, Oregon, until his death, which oc- curred, I believe, in 1874, and was universally respected. He was the father-in-law of Gen. J. W. Nesmith.
Benjamin F. Burch came to Oregon from his native State, Missouri, in 1845. Mr. Burch has long been a prominent man in Oregon affairs. He now resides at Salem, and is Superin- tendent of the State Penitentiary.
Jesse Applegate was born in Kentucky, and came to Oregon in 1843. He now resides on Mount Yoncalla, in Douglas county, Oregon.
Lindsay Applegate, also a native of Kentucky, came to Oregon in 1843. Now a resident of Ashland, Jackson county, Oregon.
With the consciousness that I have endeavored faithfully and impartially, though briefly, to relate the history of the
THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 45
South Road expedition, I close this narrative, hoping that my effort to preserve this much of this history of the early days may inspire other "old timers" to relate their experiences also. I am fully aware that memory is uncertain, and that a number of errors may have occurred in my narrative from this reason, but I place it before the people with confidence that it is, in the main, correct. In doing so, I ask no other reward for the labor of the preparation, than that its perusal may cause the people to think more kindly of the old pioneers.
THE FIRST STAGE OF THE FEDERAL INDIAN
POLICY IN THE PACIFIC NORTHWEST,
1849-1852.*
By C. F. COAN, University of New Mexico
A SUMMARY OF INDIAN RELATIONS PRIOR TO 1849
The intermingling of the Indians and the whites in the Paci- fic Northwest during the three-quarters of a century from 1774 to 1849 resulted in the races gradually becoming acquainted and the creation by the latter date of a serious Indian problem which had to be met by armed force. From 1774 to 1811 the contact was comparatively slight, but this was greatly increased during the years from 1811 to 1842. By 1849 there were few Indians in the region who were not familiar with white men.
The explorers, both along the coast and in the interior, had no conflicts with the natives of a serious nature. The coast traders were not so fortunate. The Nootka Sound Indians successfully expelled the traders from Vancouver Island. Prior to 1811, the Indians along the Pacific Coast had become ac- quainted with the whites and had had a number of conflicts with them. However, no continued association had resulted because no permanent trading post or settlement had been es- tablished. In the interior along the Columbia river, the In- dians had met a few explorers but the contact was very much less than that along the coast.
The increased intercourse which followed the date 1811 was due to the organized effort of well established companies to exploit the most obvious natural resources of the region.
The elimination in 1813 of the American company and in 1821 of the "Northwesters" gave the control into the hands of the highly favored and highly organized Hudson's Bay Com- pany. Prior to the coming of the company, the character of
"The investigation of this subject was begun in the Seminar of Dr. Herbert E. Bolton, University of California. Through his aid and that of Dr. J. Franklin Jameson the documents were obtained upon which this paper is based.
FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 47
the Indians in a large part of the interior had been deter- mined. Along the main ridge of the Rocky Mountains the hostile Indians made the gathering of beaver an extremely dangerous occupation; in the Flathead, Kutenai, Spokane, Okanogan regions, peace was the general rule; the Snake Valley was famous for its dangers ; the Indians at the portages of the Columbia River were at first very bothersome but they were taught to accept the presents given them for their ser- vices, and not to commit robberies; the Wallawalla, Nez Perces, and the Cayuse appear to have been neither so thievish as the "portage" Indians nor so fierce as the Blackfeet and the mountain Snake, nor so friendly as the Indians of the Flat- head and the Spokane country; as for the Indians of the eastern part of Oregon, southwestern Oregon, and the Puget Sound country their attitude toward the traders was little known to the "Northwesters."
Although the North West Company established a number of forts, and conducted "brigades" into the Snake country the organization was not so complete as that of the Hudson's Bay Company in the period between 1824 and 1836. It was during this period that the company developed its trade over the greatest extent of territory west of the Rocky Mountains. Within the Pacific Northwest they came into contact with a number of groups of natives not met by the early com- panies and increased their dealings with those already known. The Snake expeditions met the dangerous Modoc and the mountain Snake. The southern "brigade" passed through southwestern Oregon where the Indians were by reputation hostile. Forts were now established in the Puget Sound country, where the Indians were found to be peaceable. Farther north on Vancouver Island a strong fort was necessary to protect the traders against unfriendly Indians.
The missionary efforts that introduced into the region a group of men whose main purpose in life was to help the Indians to become a civilized, settled people through religion
48 C. F. COAN
and agriculture were organized in 1834, 1836, 1838, and 1841, preceding the period of the coming of the American settlers by a few years, and at the beginning of the decline in the quantity of beaver procured by the trappers, and the decline in price. Both Whitman and De Smet felt that the flood of emigrants would flow into the country long before the work of teaching the Indians the ways of settled life could be accomplished, which proved to be the case.
Before the Annexation of Texas and the Mexican Cession there was no outlet for the frontier population so desirable as Oregon. This resulted in an immigration across the Plains to the Pacific Northwest between 1842 and 1847 of about seven thousand people. The influx of this population, and the delay of the United States in organizing the territorial government of Oregon until 1849, resulted in the occupation of the Wil- lamette Valley by settlers without any provision whatsoever being made for the Indians. The western Indians were not strong enough to prevent the settlement of their country. The Indians east of the Cascade Mountains, however, were of a different type. They refused to allow settlers to stop in the interior; emigrants must go on to the coast. This feeling against the settlers, and a desire to drive them out of the country, resulted in the Whitman Massacre and the Cayuse Indian War. The population had arrived before the military protection of the Federal government. This, together with the fact that during the period of settlement, 1842-1847, there was no government, other than a provisional one, organized by the settlers, resulted in a conflict over the occupation of the land prior to the organization of the territorial government by the United States.
Indian relations in Oregon had thus reached a rather ad- vanced stage at the time the United States took up the matter of adopting an Indian policy and yet the Commissioner of Indian Affairs wrote to I. I. Stevens that there was very little information in the Indian Office, May 3, 1853, on the subject
FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 49
of Indian affairs in the newly created territory of Washington. Lack of interest in the subject, distance from the seat of gov- ernment, and the difficulty of obtaining information, must be called in to explain this fact. It is clear that the Indians had had extended contact with the whites, and I think it is probably true that they had determined to eliminate the Americans from the interior of the country.
THE ADMINISTRATION OF JOSEPH LANE
When the territory of Oregon was organized, March 2, 1849, the Federal government took over the management of Indian affairs. During the term of the first governor, Joseph Lane, recommendations were made for the removal of all the Indians west of the Cascade Mountains to the country east of those mountains. The few difficulties that occurred were promptly settled.
The Act creating the territory provided that the governor should be, ex-officio, superintendent of Indian affairs ; that the rights of the Indians and the authority of the Federal gov- ernment over them should be the same as previous to the passage of the Act ; and that $10,000 be appropriated for presents to the Indians and pay for the messengers sent to Congress by the provisional government of Oregon. 1 Of this sum, $3000 was used for Indian purposes. 2 In order that agents be appointed, it was necessary that a provision be made for them by an Act of Congress, but the Secretary of the Interior could appoint sub-agents. Since Congress did not provide for agents, the Secretary of the Interior ap- pointed three sub-agents for Oregon Territory. 3 A further appropriation of $10,000 for Indian purposes in Oregon was authorized by Congress, May 15, 1850. 4 In urging that this appropriation be made, the delegate from Oregon, Samuel Thurston, stated that it was necessary that presents be made to the Indians of the Willamette Valley to keep them quiet until the government purchased their rights to the land. No
i "An Act to Establish the Territorial Government of Oregon. An*. 14, 1848. Statuses at Large, IX, 323.
a "Indians in Oregon," Congretnonol Globe. Mar. a*, 1850, 31 Cong., I Seta., p. 58*.
3 Secretary of the Interior, Annual Report. Dec, 3, 1849 (Serial 570. Doc. 5), p. 15.
4 "An Act to Supply Deficiencies in Appropriation*. " May 15. 1830. Stohttn at Large, IX, 4*7.
50 C. F. COAN
further provision was made for the Indian service prior to the Act of June 5, 1850, which constituted the Indian policy of Samuel Thurston. 5
Shortly after Lane's arrival, March 2, 1849, large numbers of the Willamette Valley Indians visited him expecting pres- ents and pay for their lands, which the settlers had promised them when the representative of the "Great Father," the Presi- dent, should arrive. The Indians were greatly disappointed to find that there had been no provision made to pay them for their lands, but since they were not strong enough to enforce their demands, they could merely continue to repeat them. 6
Outside the Willamette Valley, Indian troubles were suc- cessfully managed. These were more numerous than formerly due to the steady increase in the number of whites and the beginning of settlements along the Columbia River, in the Puget Sound country, and in the valleys of southwestern Oregon.
Lane held a council, April, 1849, with some of the interior Indians at The Dalles for the purpose of making presents to them and establishing friendly relations which would protect the emigrants from attacks on their way down the Columbia, and keep the Indians from joining the hostile Cayuse against the settlers. The Cayuse were informed that they must either surrender those guilty of the Whitman Massacre, or be ex- terminated. 7 The Indians gathered at The Dalles agreed to maintain peaceful relations with the whites, in and passing through their country. Presents to the amount of two hundred dollars were distributed among them. Incidentally, at this time, Lane brought to a close a tribal war between the Wallawalla and the Yakima Indians. 8
After the meeting at The Dalles, Lane visited the Cowlitz Indians. While there, he received word that Wallace, an American settler, had been killed by the Snoqualmu Indians near Fort Nisqually. A company of the regular army forces, which had recently arrived in the territory, was immediately
"Indians in Oregon," ot>. tit., p. 583.
5 ailuicuio ill v-'i v^vii, vy . (.*., y. 3 W O'
6 Joseph Lane to the Secretary of War, Oct. 13, 1849, C. I. A., A. R., 'ov. 27, 1850 (Serial SQJ, Doc. i), p. 156, first paging. The abbreviation "C. I.
n., A. R.," is used for, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report.
7 Message of the Governor of Oregon Territory Transmitted to the Legislative Assembly, May 7, 1850, p. 2.
8 Lane to the Secretary of War, Oct. 13, 1849, op. cit., p. 156, first paging.
Nov A
FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 51
stationed at Fort Steilacom, 9 and an Indian sub-agent was sent to the district, May, 1849, to obtain the surrender of the guilty Indians. The sub-agent offered a reward for the capture of the murderers of Wallace which caused the Snoqualmu Indians to deliver to the military authorities several of their tribe. These Indians were tried by a territorial court, and two of them were found guilty and hanged. Lane believed that this punish- ment of the Indians for an offence against the whites had the effect of making them fear the Americans, which was necessary for the peace of the scattered, unprotected settlements. 10
In the spring of 1850, the standing hostilities between the war party of the Cayuse Indians and the whites was brought to a close by the surrender of the Indians who had led the attack upon the Waiilatpu Mission. In February, Lane received information from the Hudson's Bay Company's post, Fort Walla Walla, that the Indians had agreed to give up the mur- derers. 11 Their decision may have been due to the increase in the number of soldiers in the country. The Regiment of Mounted Riflemen arrived in Oregon in the fall of 1849. Five of the Cayuse Indians were taken to Oregon City for trial. They were convicted and hanged, June 3, 1850. The Cayuse had thus accepted the terms of the government. The respect for Americans was increased among the Indians of the in- terior, and the prestige of the Cayuse among the tribes of upper Oregon was greatly diminished.
Lane's last important dealing with the Indians outside of the Willamette Valley was a peace treaty with a band of one hundred and fifty Indians in the upper Rogue River Valley. In the spring of 1850 a party of miners, who were returning from California, were robbed at the ferry of Rogue River. 12 They requested that Lane attempt to recover the gold dust which the Indians had stolen. Lane visited the Indians and the peace treaty which was made provided that the Indians should restore all stolen property, and that whites passing through the country should not be molested. The Indians
9 Adjutant General, Annual Report, Nov. 28, 1849 (Serial $49. Doc. i), p. 181.
10 Lane to the Secretary of War, Oct. 13, 1849. op. cit.. p. 156, first paging, n Message of the Governor . . . , May 7, 1850, p. 3.
13 Lane, Narratives, MS. (Bancroft Collection), p. 90.
52 C. F. COAN
were promised that any lands settled upon by newcomers would be paid for by the government, and that an agent would be sent among them to care for their interests. Lane gave to each member of the band a paper, signed "Jo Lane," for the purpose of informing the whites that these Indians had made a peace treaty with the government. 13 No further trouble occurred in this vicinity until the fall of the following year.
Thus, the governor, in his ex-officio duties as the superin- tendent of Indian affairs, succeeded in establishing and main- taining amicable relations between the races. No policy was adopted further than that involved in making peace treaties with the Indians, in giving presents to them, and in prompt punishment for offences committed by the Indians against the settlers.
A statement of the complaints of the Indians living in the Willamette Valley was made by Lane in a report to the gov- ernment, April 9, 1849. The Indians stated that the whites had taken their lands, brought sickness among them, and killed off the game. In return, they had received only promises that the government would pay them for their lands. In order to remove these causes for dissatisfaction, Lane recommended that the government buy their lands, and locate them out of the settlements. No suggestion was made as to where or how they should be removed, but the opinion held by Lane was, that there was no longer a place for them in the Willamette Valley. 14
Lane recommended in his message to the legislative as- sembly of Oregon Territory, July 17, 1849, that they memo- rialize Congress for the removal of the Willamette Valley Indians. He stated that the Indians whom he had visited in the valley, as well as in other parts, were well disposed toward the whites and desirous of selling their rights to the land; and that the Indians of the Willamette Valley should be re- moved to some district remote from the settlements, because the destruction of the roots, grasses, and game by the settlers in the valley forced the Indians either to Steal or starve. 15
13 Victor, The Early Indian Wars of Oregon, p. 260.
14 Lane to the Secretary of War, April 9, 1849, Message from the President . . . in answer to a resolution of the Senate, calling for further information in relation to the formation of a state government in California; and also, in Oregon, May 22, 1850 (Serial 561, Doc. 52), p. 5.
15 Message of Governor Lan, July 17, 1849, Ibid., p. 7.
FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST
Following the recommendation of the governor, the legisla- tive assembly memorialized Congress, July 20, 1849, for the purchase of the Indians' rights to the land ; and for the re- moval of the Indians from the district needed for settlement, namely: the Willamette Valley. The memorial also stated that the Indians had been promised payment for their lands, and that it was the custom of the government to pay the Indians prior to the settlement of a region. Three reasons were given for the need of removing the Indians from the settlements: the absence of a large number of the men of the valley, who had gone to the California mines ; the moral and civil interests of the communities ; and the necessity of some humane pro- vision for these Indians by the government, in some place remote from the settlements, since they were no longer able to take care of themselves, and were degenerating through con- tact with the whites. The conclusion was that the Indians should be colonized in some region distant from the growing population of the Willamette Valley. 16
For the Indian service in Oregon, Lane suggested the es- tablishment of two agencies : one for the Puget Sound region, and one for the Grande Ronde Valley in upper Oregon; and two sub-agencies : one in the Umpqua Valley, and one near Fort Hall. This plan would have placed representatives of the Indian bureau along the emigrant trail in the interior of Oregon, as well as in the Puget Sound country, and the valley south of the Willamette Valley. 17
THE CONGRESSIONAL POLICY OF THE ACT OF JUNE 5, 1850
While I^ane was dealing with the Indians in Oregon and making recommendations for the future treatment of the Indians, Samuel Thurston, the delegate to Congress from Oregon, was planning to have all the Indians west of the Cascade Mountains moved to the country east of those moun- tains. The Secretary of the Interior, December 3, 1849, urged Congress to make an appropriation for the conduct of Indian affairs irr Oregon, and to authorize the appointment of a num-
16 Memorial of thg legislature of Oregon praying for Ike ertinguiskmtnt of the Indian title . . . July an, 1849 (Serial 593. Doc. $), p. t.
if Lane to the Secretary of War, Oct. 13, 1849, op. fit., p. 161. firtt paging.
54 C. F. COAN
her of agents, 18 but Thurston was evidently not satisfied with only more appropriations and more agents. During the early part of 1850, he wrote:
The Committee on Indian Affairs in the Senate have the subject of extinguishing the Indian title to lands in Oregon before them, and have promised me to report a bill soon for the extinguishment of their title to all of that part of Oregon lying west of the Cascade Mountains, and for the removal of the Indians east of those mountains. I am in hopes that it will pass Congress in the course of next summer, and all the country at present and for some time to come, needed for settlement, will be thrown open to the immigrant and thus the first pre-requisite step will have been taken preparatory to the final disposition of the soil. 19
It was, thus, planned to extinguish the Indian title before donating lands to settlers.
The Act of Congress of June 5, 1850, provided for the negotiation of treaties, and the reorganization of the Indian services, in Oregon. Three commissioners were to be ap- pointed with the authority to treat with the Indians west of the Cascade Mountains ; for their lands, and for their removal to lands east of those mountains. An appropriation of $20,- 000 was authorized to pay the expenses of the commission. The law also provided for the extension of the laws regulating trade and intercourse with the Indians east of the Rocky Mountains to the Indians in Oregon ; the creation of the office of superintendent of Indian affairs of Oregon, thus separating these duties from the duties of the office of governor; and the appointment of three agents. 20 It was understood that three sub-agents would be appointed as formerly. Thurston stated that this act provided for the efficent management of the Indians and made it certain that there would not be the least trouble with them in the future. 21
Nineteen treaties were made with the Indians of the region west of the Cascade Mountains in 1851. The officials found that the Indians would not agree to move to eastern Oregon.
18 The Secretary of the Interior, Annual Report, Dec. 3, 1849 (Serial 570, Doc. S). P.
19 T. T. fohnson, California and Oregon, p. 266.
20 "An Act Authorizin
- ing the Negotiation of Treaties . . .," June 5, 1850,
Statutes at Large, IX, 437.
21 Johnson, op. cit., Appendix, p. 332.
FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 55
The officers, then adopted the plan of allowing them reserva- tions of a part of their tribal lands. This course did not carry out the plan of removing the Indians from the settlements. The result was, that the treaties were not ratified. In 1853, the problem of providing for the Indians and extinguishing the Indian title was not any nearer a solution than in 1850. The early policy was a complete failure. During these years conflicts became more numerous as the settlements spread to the regions north and south of the Willamette Valley.
The following instructions were issued to John P. Gaines, Alonzo A. Skinner, and Beverly S. Allen, October 15, 1850, who had been appointed, under the Act of June 5, 1850, as commissioners to treat with the Indians of western Oregon. They were instructed to purchase; first, the lands of the Willamette Valley, and then the others west of the Cascade Mountains ; to treat with the tribes separately ; to gain the consent of the Indians to move to lands in eastern Oregon ; and to pay for the lands a nominal price in five per cent annuities in the form of beneficial objects and provisions for education. 22
Six treaties were made by these commissioners in April and May, 1851, prior to the receipt of information that the treaty commission had been abolished by an Act of Congress, Feb- ruary 27, 1851.
The Santiam and the Tualatin band of the Kalapuya tribe were treated with by the commissioners at Champoeg, Oregon, April 16 and 19, 1851. They agreed to cede their lands lying along both sides of the Willamette River, south of Oregon City. The Indians were approached early in the negotiations on the subject of removal to eastern Oregon, but they firmly refused to agree to such a plan. Their reasons were: that they did not wish to leave the graves and lands of their forefathers where they wished to be buried ; and that the country east of the Cascade Mountains was an unknown land to them, where they would starve due to their ignorance of the foods in that region. The commissioners finally agreed to allow these Indians certain lands in the foothills on each side of the Willamette Valley. In justification of this action, it was
22 The Acting Commissioner of Indian Affair* to Gaines, Oct. 15, 1850, C. I. A,, A. R., Nov. aj, 1850 (Serial 595, Doc. i), p. 146
56 C. F. COAN
stated that the Indian laborers were indispensable to the settle- ments on account of the scarcity of workmen. 23
Two bands of the Molala Indians, and the Yamhill and Lakmiut bands of the Kalapuya tribe, made four treaties with the commissioners, May 14, 1851. The Indians refused to move east of the Cascade Mountains and demanded cash pay- ment for their lands. The upper and lower Molala agreed to accept as pay for their lands, the sum of $42,000, in twenty annual installments, one third of each payment to be in cash, and two thirds in goods. The Indians were to be allowed reservations of a part of the cessions of lands which they made. In the case of the Yamhill band, they were advised to move west of the Coast Range since their lands had been so completely occupied by settlers that it would be impossible to provide a reservation of sufficient size, of their tribal lands, to support them. 24
The policy concerning the western Indians of Oregon as formulated by Thurston was not followed in the treaties of the commissioners. In the place of the Thurston policy, they adopted a plan of their own, which allowed the Indians to remain in the Willamette Valley. They urged that the treaties should be ratified on the grounds that the treaties procured a valuable territory and justly compensated the Indians. 25 These treaties were not ratified. The delegate from Oregon, at the time that they came before the Senate was Joseph Lane. It is not probable that they had his support, because the treaties did not provide for the removal of the Willamette Valley Indians which he had recommended when governor of Oregon. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs did not oppose their ratification nor did he advise it. He stated that the treaties contained, "Novel provisions the practical operation of which could not be foreseen." 26
23 The Treaty Commissioners to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, April 19, 1851, C. I. A., A. R., Nov. 27, 1851 (Serial 636, Doc. 2), p. 467.
24 Ibid., p. 469.
25 Ibid., p. 471.
26 The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report, Nov. 27, 1851 (Serial 636, Doc. 2), p. 271. There exists:
"A copy of a treaty (April 16, 1851), negotiated by Gaines, Skinner, and Allen at Champoeg with subordinate chiefs of the Santiam band of the Callapooya Indians, with a journal of the proceedings. Treaty 5 pp.; Journal 62 pp.
"A copy of a treaty (April 19, 1851), negotiated by Gaines, Skinner, and Allen at Cnampoeg with the Twalty band of Callapooya Indians. 7 pp.
No treaties were found dated May 14, 1851, which were made by the com- missioners with the Molala and bands of the Kalapuya Indians. Letter from Dr. J. Franklin Jameson, Feb. 23, 1917.
FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 57
Anson Dart was appointed to the office of superintendent of Indian affairs, which was created by the Act of June 5,
1850. He continued the policy of holding councils with the Indians of the interior, which White and Lane had adopted. The Act which abolished the office of the treaty commissioners, February 27, 1851, transferred the duties of the commission to the superintendent of Indian affairs. In the summer of
1851, he made thirteen treaties with the Indians of western Oregon, in which he allowed the same terms that had been included in the treaties made by the commissioners, namely: a reservation of a part of each cession for the Indians making the sale, and payments in cash and beneficial objects.
The superintendent of Indian affairs for Oregon was in- structed to pay special attention to the work of civilizing the Indians. This was to be accomplished through the encourage- ment of agriculture among the Indians, cooperation between the missionaries and the Indian service, the suppression of the whiskey trade, and the prevention of wars among the Indian tribes. In commenting on the general Indian situation the Commissioner of Indian Affairs wrote: "The rapid increase of our population, its onward march from the Missouri frontier westward, and from the Pacific east, steadily lessening and closing up the intervening space, renders it certain that there remains to the red man but one alternative early civilization or gradual extinction." 27
Anson Dart held three councils in June, 1851, with the Indians of upper Oregon. He had promised some of the Wasco, Klikitat, and Cascade Indians in the fall of 1850 that he would visit them. These Indians had become alarmed on account of the rumor that the western Indians were to be moved into their country, and the beginning of settlements, along the Columbia River. Another source of trouble in the upper Oregon country was the unfriendly relations which ex- isted between the Nez Perces and the Shoshoni. At the council with the Columbia River Indians at The Dalles, June 5, 1851,
27 The Commissioner of Indian Affair* to Anson Dart. July jo. 1850. in C. I. A., A. R., NOY. 27, 1850 (Serial 595. Doc. i). p. U9
58 C. F. COAN
the subjects discussed were the removal of the western Indians into eastern Oregon, and pay for the lands taken by the settlers. The Indians objected to having the western Indians brought into their country on the grounds that the western Indians would bring disease among them, and that their customs were different. Dart quieted their fears on this score by inform- ing them that the government would not force the removal of the Willamette Valley Indians, who had refused to leave their native lands. As to pay for their lands, the superintendent promised them that they would be paid for their rights to the land. The second council was held in the Walla Walla Valley with the Cayuse Indians, June 20, 1851. Expressions of friendship were exchanged, and arrangements were made for the establishment of an agency on the Umatilla River. The third council was held with the Nez Perces, June 27, 1851. The superintendent feasted the Indians who expressed themselves as friendly towards the whites. 28 The Nez Perces agreed to postpone their attack upon the Shoshoni. 29 The plan of holding councils with the Indians of upper Oregon preserved the peace of that part of the territory fairly well, as long as there were few settlers in the region.
Upon returning from the interior, Anson Dart continued the work of making treaties with the Indians west of the Cascade Mountains. He submitted a report and thirteen trea- ties, November 7, 1851. These were received by the Commis- sioner of Indian Affairs, January 10, 1852, and sent to the Senate, by the President, August 3, 1852, where they were read and ordered printed. These treaties were not ratified. They may be divided into three groups, as follows : the Tansey Point treaties, which included ten of the thirteen, the two treaties made at Port Orford, and the one with the Clackamas Indians. 30
The Tansey Point treaties were made with ten small bands of the Chinook Indians, numbering in all about 320 Indians. The territory ceded stretched along the Pacific Coast from
28 Dart to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Oct. 3, 1851, in C. I. A., A. R. Nov. 27, 1851 (Serial 636, Doc. 2), p. 479.
29 Bancroft, History of Oregon, II, 217, note.
30 Interior Department, Indian Affairs Office, "Anson Dart submits 13 treaties negotiated with Indians of Oregon, also his report relative thereto," Nov. 7, 1851, Archives. (Photostat copies of the report and five of the treaties are in the Bancroft Collection), Appendix A.
[The references refer to the page numbers of the photostat copies in the Bancroft Collection.]
FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 59
Shoalwater Bay to Tillamook Bay, a distance of one hundred miles, and extended back from the coast about sixty miles.
The treaty with the Lower Band of Chinook was made at Tansey Point, August 9, 1851, by Anson Dart, H. H. Spalding, and J. L. Parrish. These Indians ceded a small area on the north side of the entrance to the Columbia River, and reserved for their own use lands that they were occupying at the time, which reserve was to continue during the lifetime of the Indians signing the treaty. It was also provided that Wash- ington Hall should be removed from the reservation. As pay for the cession, the Indians were to receive an annuity of $2,000 for ten years, $400 of which was to be in money and the remainder in clothing, food, tools, cooking utensils, tobacco, soap, and ammunition. 31
The Wheelappa band of Chinook Indians were treated with August 9, 1851, by Anson Dart and his assistants at Tansey Point. The region ceded lay between the Pacific at Shoalwater Bay and the Cowlitz Valley, and between lands claimed by the Chehalis Indians on the north and the Chinook tribes that bordered the Columbia River on the south. The treaty provided that the region ceded should be a reservation for the Chinook and Chehalis Indians, in case the majority of these Indians agreed to move to this location within a year. In consideration for accepting this central reservation, it was agreed that the government would establish an agency, manual labor school, blacksmith shop, and a farm on this reserve. The Indians were to receive an annuity of $300 for ten years. Of this sum, $150 was to be in money and the rest in goods. This treaty included the lands of the Quille-que-oqua band of Chinook and must be counted as two to account for the ten stated to have been made with the bands of the Chinook Indians. 32
Concerning these two bands, Dart said that only two males, and several females and children remained of the bands. The cession extended twenty miles along the coast and forty miles into the interior. At this time there was no white man located
31 Ibid., pp. 1 6 ff. 33 Ibid., pp. 19 ff.
60 C. F. COAN
on the purchase. As for the general reservation, the provision was made to satisfy some of the citizens of Oregon. Dart had not the slightest expectation that any of the Indians would leave their accustomed places and take up a residence on the reserva- tion within the year required by the treaty. At the expiration of that time the area would become a part of the public domain, in case the Indians refused to occupy it. 33
The Waukikum band of Chinook Indians made a treaty at Tansey Point, August 8, 1851, with Anson Dart, in which they ceded lands lying along the north bank of the Columbia River, between the cessions of the Lower Band of Chinook and the Konniack Indians, and overlapping that of the Wheelappa band of Chinook. The reservations consisted of their places of residence at the time the treaty was made. An annuity of $700 for ten years was to be paid in the following manner: $100 in cash, and the remainder in goods. 34
The Konniack band of Chinook Indians concluded a treaty with Anson Dart, August 8, 1851, at Tansey Point. The cession made by these Indians lay in two parts ; one on the north side of the Columbia River which included the western part of the Cowlitz Valley, and one on the south side of the Columbia, west and south of that river. A reservation was made of the lands occupied by these Indians at Oak Point. The compensation for these lands was an annuity for ten years of $1,050, of which $150 was to be money, while the rest was to be goods. 35
The information concerning the other eight treaties made by Anson Dart is limited to his report on the treaties. No trace of these treaties could be found in the Indian Office Archives.
The Klatskania band of Chinook Indians formerly had oc- cupied the lands claimed by the Kooniack south of the Co- lumbia. At the time the treaties were made, they claimed a region south of the Konniack cession, that is, the land lying to the north and west of the mouth of the Willamette River. There were only three men and five women remaining of a
33 Ibid., p. 9-
34 Ibid., PP. ai ff.
35 Ibid., pp. 24 ff.
FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 61
band that in former times, according to Dart, had forced tribute from the Indians and the whites who passed up or down the Columbia River, it being impossible for the Hudson's Bay Company to pass with less than sixty armed men. They ceded their lands, but the terms of the treaty are not available. 3 *
The Kathlamet band of Chinook Indians ceded a region along the south side of the Columbia. The cession had a frontage on the Columbia of forty miles from Ah-pin-pin Point and extended into the interior about twenty miles. Astoria was located on this purchase. The reservations consisted of two small islands in the Columbia River. 37
Wallooska, the only survivor of a band of Chinook Indians formerly of some importance ceded lands lying between those claimed by the Kathlamet and those ceded by the Clatsop, including the valley of the Lewis and Clark River. 38
The Clatsop band of Chinook, at first, refused to sell unless the ships and mills were removed from the country. Later they agreed to cede their lands if they were allowed two res- ervations of about one hundred square miles each, but finally they accepted a reservation at Point Adams which was three and one half miles in length, two miles wide at the north end, and one mile wide at the southern end. They complained of the injustice of the government in not paying them for their lands. The cession was said to contain five hundred thousand acres. 39
The Tillamook band of Chinook Indians ceded the region south of the Clatsop cession, the Tillamook Bay country. The superintendent of Indian affairs stated that there were no settlers in this region at the time the treaty was made, that the lands were good, and that it would, no doubt, be rapidly settled. 40
The two treaties made with the Port Orford Indians seem to have ceded the area between the Rogue River and the Coquille River. Dart stated that the Coquille Indians, who had murdered T'Vault's party, lived north of the Coquille
36 Ibid., p. it. "-'- -
37 Ibid., p.
38 Ibid., p. i.
39 Ibid., p. 2.
40 Ibid., p. u.
62 C. F. COAN
River and were not included in the treaties made at Port Orford. The Indians had had very little intercourse with the whites, and had very little knowledge of the value of goods or money, but it was believed that they would carry out the provisions of the treaty in every particular. About five hun- dred Indians were included in these treaties. Dart stated that it was important that these treaties should be made because the region would be rapidly settled due to the location near the gold mines, the agricultural advantages, the cedar forests, and the good harbors. 41
The treaty with the Clackamas Indians provided for the cession of lands lying along the south side of the Columbia River and east of the Willamette River. It included the valleys of the Clackamas and Sandy Rivers. This treaty was con- sidered the most important of those made by Anson Dart, be- cause the region was in the most thickly settled part of Oregon. There were twenty mills operating in this region in the fall of 1851. The town of Milwaukee was located on the cession. At the beginning of the negotiations, the Indians made unrea- sonable demands but finally agreed to accept the terms offered by the superintendent. 42
Three causes for objection to the thirteen treaties were mentioned by Dart. In the treaty with the Lower Band of the Chinook, the removal of Washington Hall, which the Indians demanded, was considered a possible objection. To this, Dart held that the removal of an obnoxious whiskey dealer was hardly a valid cause for non-ratification. The sec- ond objection was the reservation at Point Adams desired by the Clatsop band of Chinook Indians where two or three settlers had claims. The superintendent stated that the Indians refused to sell this region and he thought that they were en- titled to the district as a home. The third reason for non- ratification was the informality in the negotiation of the Clack- amas treaty, having been made by Dart acting alone. H. H. Spalding and Beverly S. Allen had been designated by the Act
41 Ibid., pp. 13
42 Ibid., pp. 13
FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 63
of February 17, 1851, to serve with Dart in making treaties. Spalding had been removed and his successor had not been authorized to assist in making treaties, and Beverly S. Allen had declined the office. 43
Probably the reasons for the non- ratification of the treaties were other than the objections raised to them by Dart. The fact that in most cases they were made with insignificant bands was probably the strongest objection to them. They did not carry out the Indian policy of Lane and Thurston, which planned for the removal of the western Indians to lands east of the Cascade Mountains, but gave reservations of the tribal lands. There also seems to have been objection to the amount of annuities allowed the Chinook bands.
Dart stated that the plan for the removal of the western Indians to lands east of the Cascade Mountains as provided for in the Act of June 5, 1850, had been found impossible by the treaty commissioners, Gaines, Skinner, and Allen, although they had made every effort to obtain the consent of the Willamette Valley Indians to the plan. The superintendent believed that the Indians were more industrious than other Indians of the United States. He stated that they did the boating on the rivers, made all the rails for fencing, and did the greater part of the labor on the farms, and worked for lower wages than it was possible to obtain white laborers. For these reasons he thought that it was better not to remove them. The Indians treated with by Dart recognized the power of the government to exterminate them, but they said that they would suffer this rather than leave the graves of their band. It was this attachment to their native region that caused the superintendent to believe that the central reservation scheme was impractical. 44
The Indians would not accept annuities unless they were paid within ten years. They said that unless they were paid soon that the whites would have the lands for nothing. They believed that their bands would become extinct within ten
43 Ibid pp. 7
44 Ibid., pp. 7
64 C. F. COAN
years. Contrary to instructions, the treaties provided for part of the annuities to be paid in cash. This the Indians demanded. Dart stated that money or clothing in excess of the yearly needs of the Indians would be worse than thrown away. In the case of the Chinook bands clothing was provided for every adult of each band. Flour was provided to give a little variety to their fish diet which Dart thought the cause of some of the sickness among them. Tools and utensils were in- cluded in the annuities to assist them in living and working.
In every case, the entire band was present at the time the treaty was made, and every man, woman, and child was made to understand the terms of the treaty. There was, therefore, no chance for the complaint that only a portion of the band was present and a party to the treaty. The Indians, in every case, were satisfied with the conditions of the treaty. 45
No more treaties were made during Dart's term of office. He had promised the Indians of the upper Umpqua and the upper Rogue River Valley that he would treat with them but this was indefinitely postponed on account of the lack of money. 46 In the latter part of October, 1852, Dart was in- formed by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs that the treaties had been practically rejected by the Senate, and he was in- structed to make no more treaties until the general policy of the government should be determined. 47 In his annual report for 1851 the Commissioner recommended larger appropriations and an assistant commissioner of Indian affairs for the Pacific Coast region. He did not commit himself on the question of the ratification of the treaties. 48 In his report for 1852, he assumed that the policy adopted in the treaties had been abandoned by the government. Thus, by December, 1852, the Federal government, the people, and the Indian officials, con- sidered that the treaties had been finally rejected. Dart had complained in his reports that he was unable to explain to the Indians the delay in the fulfilling of the treaties, and that
an am
clothjn M ., ._
clothing, provisions, and other articles; and reservations were set aside at Clatsop Point, Woody and Cathlamet Islands, and Shoalwater Bay. The Port Orford treaties made in September, 1851, provided that the Indians should receive $28,500 in ten annual installments of supplies. Bancroft, History of Oregon, II. 217.
46 Dart to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Sept. 23, 1852, C. I. A., A. R., Nov. 30, 1852 (Serial 658, Doc. i), p. 446.
47 Bancroft, History of Oregon, II. 245.
4& The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report, Nov. 30, 1852 (Serial 658, Doc. i). p. 301.
FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 65
the Indian situation was made more serious by the postpone- ment of ratification. 49
In 1854, conjectures were made in the Senate as to why the treaties had not been ratified. It was stated that it might have been due to the large appropriations which were required under them. Houston stated that the treaties contained ob- jectional provisions, that they were made with insignificant tribes, and that there was no apparent restriction in several of the treaties. 50 There may be some obscurity about the exact terms of some of the treaties, and some difficulty in determin- ing the exact reasons for their non-ratification, but of this we are certain the plan of Thurston for the removal of the Indians west of the Cascade Moutains to lands east of those mountains ended in complete failure, which was due to the absurdity of the plan. To have moved the western Indians into eastern Oregon would have meant to have exterminated them.
APPENDIX
Oregon Superintendency, D. 3/52 Anson Dart
Oregon City Nov. 7, 1851, Sub- mits 13 treaties negotiated with Indians of Oregon. Also his report relative thereto.
(Treaties)
Informal inquiry made at Senate shows that treaties were received there from President Aug. 3/52, read and ordered printed, and there all trace is lost. (Never ratified.)
Christiancy
April 1888 Reed. Jany. 10, 1852
49 Dart to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Sept. 23, 1852. in C. I. A., A. R., Nov. 30, 1853 (Serial 658. Doc. i, p. 447).
50 "Indian Appropriation Bill," Congrtsnonal Globt. Mar. 24. 1854, 33 Cong., i Sen., p. 744Copy sent with treaties to Sec. of Int 21 Aug 1852
File
Office of the Superintendent of Indian Affairs Oregon City O. T. November 7th 1851.
Hon. L. Lea
Commissioner of Indian Affairs
Sir:
You have herewith, thirteen Indian Treaties; which cede to the United States more than Six Million acres of land, lying upon both sides of the Columbia River, upon the Willamette River; and upon the Pacific Coast west of the Cascade range of Mountains in Oregon. The Treaties concluded at Tansey-Point (near the mouth of the Columbia) cover a tract of over one hundred miles on the Pacific, running back along the Columbia about sixty miles; the country was owned by ten small Tribes of Chinook Indians, numbering in all, about three hundred and twenty souls. The Clatsops, who were the first treated with; interposed many objections to parting with their country upon any terms; they made many long and loud complaints, at the injustice done them by the Government; who they said had taken possession of their lands without paying them, had allowed the white people many years since to occupy and buy and sell their country, for which they had received no equivalent; pointing to instances where farms had been sold for from two to six thousand dollars, upon which lands the whites were making "much money." Their first demands of the Government notwithstanding their anxiety to get their pay—were very unreasonable. They assured me that they would not "talk" until I would stop the ships from coming into the Columbia, and destroy two sawmills in the Southern part of their country; which by their noise had "frightened the fish away!" Being assured of the impossibility of having their demands complied with; and after much talk in Council, they concluded to waive these demands, provided they could be permitted to have two Reservations of about ten miles square each: this being objected to in like emphatic manner: the Indians held a consultation with neighboring Tribes which lasted two days, and finally agreed to one Reservation, which should cover their Burying grounds and Lodges at Point-Adams—making a tract three and a half miles in length—two miles wide at the north end, and one mile at the lower or south end. As this tract had three claimants or settlers upon it, large offers were made the Indians to place the title to all in the United States, this they steadily declined; leaving no alternative, but to allow this Reservation or not treat with them for the balance of their lands, being about five hundred thousand acres. That part of their lands known as "Clatsop Plains" is an open level country with a very rich soil; nearly or quite every acre of which is claimed and occupied by white people. The balance of the purchase is timbered land, chiefly of the heaviest kind, (Although it is called "timbered land" there are some Prairies of small extent on both sides of the Columbia,) the soil is of excellent quality for farming purposes, and from its very advantageous situation upon the Columbia River, and Pacific Ocean affording superior facilities for exporting its timber, and the products of the Farmer, it cannot but prove of immense value to the United States, this too at a day I think, by no means far distant. The timber alluded to, is mostly a species of Fir, growing immensely large and tall. There are upon this purchase two never-failing mill streams sufficiently large for any mill or manufacturing purpose, besides these are large Springs and Springbrooks in every part of the Country west of the Cascade Moutains.
In relation to the Conditions of the Treaties made, it is necessary to inform you, that the habits and customs of these fishing Indians are unlike those of any other part of our domain. It is characteristic with them to be industrious. Almost without exception, I have found them anxious to get employment at common labour and willing too, to work at prices, much below that demanded by the whites. The Indians make all the rails used in fencing, and at this time do the greater part of the labour in farming. They also do all the boating upon the rivers: In consideration therefore of their usefulness as labourers in the settlements, it was believed to be far better for the Country that they should not be removed from the settled portion of Oregon if it were possible to do so. As alluded to in the Act of Congress of June 5th 1850, Let me here remark that the Treaty Commissioners, appointed under this act, used their best exertions to persuade all, or either of the bands in the Valley of the Willamette; to remove east of the Mountains; but without success.
The poor Indians are fully aware of the rapidity with which, as a people, they are wasting away, on this account they could not be persuaded to fix a time, beyond ten years to receive all of their money and pay for their lands, saying that they should not live beyond that period. They are fully sensible of the power of the government, admit that they can be killed and exterminated, but say that they cannot be driven far from the homes and graves of their Fathers. They further told me that if compensation for their lands was much longer withheld, the whites would have the lands for nothing.
Believing as I do, that the food used by these Indians (being almost entirely fish) tends much towards shortening their lives, I cannot but admit that there is great probability that only a few years will pass e're they will all lie side by side with their Fathers and Braves,—the tribe or tribes extinct. When an Indian is sick, his only food is Salmon, which he must eat, or nothing, and I have observed that few—very few, ever recover from Sickness. Owing to their wretched food in Such Cases, I was induced to include in their annuities, Flour and Bread: and to protect them from storms & inclement weather I stipulated Clothing sufficient for every adult, male and
FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 60
female in all of the several tribes treated with.
You will observe that besides furnishing each band with pro- visions, which will go far towards their yearly subsistence, there are many useful farming tools and cooking utensils.
I am convinced that money or goods given to the Indians of the Pacific, beyond what is absolutely necessary for their sub- sistence from year to year, is worse than thrown away. I would however here remark, that in every case with the bands treated with, they are well satisfied with the Compensation to be given them as well as with all the Conditions and Stipula- tions of their Several Treaties.
It may not be uninteresting to inform you, that during each treaty concluded with the thirteen tribes, the entire band was present, men, women and children, and all were made to fully understand the importance and the conditions of the contract entered into. In most cases they were extremely anxious one and all to sign their names (make their mark) upon the Treaty. In several cases every man living of the band, did sign, make his mark. I mention this to show you that a difficulty often arising in Indian Treaties, may not be looked for here. I allude to the many cases that have occurred, where loud com- plaints arise after a Treaty was concluded that the greater part of the Tribe, were not parties to, or consulted during the Negotiation.
The lower band of Chinook Indians, which is the largest of that tribe; have their head-quarters at what is called Chinook point on the Columbia ; and occupy at present, the country on the north side of that river directly opposite that of the Clatsops : As late as the year 1820 this point was the rendezvous of the most powerful Nation upon the Pacific Coast ; now wasted to a few over three hundred souls.
In going to council with this band, a difficulty arose which they assured me must be settled, before they were ready to "talk." They stated that one Washington Hall, a white man, had laid claim to the ground covering their whole Village he
70 C. F. COAN
had degraded himself by marrying one of their slaves: was very obnoxious to all the band; sought every means to drive them from their possessions, and had particularly annoyed them by fencing up all the fresh water and entirely excluding them from it, in short had done many acts, which compelled them to demand his removal as a first consideration; and we were obliged to agree to this requirement, or abandon negotia- tions with them.
In continuing this subject I would here remark, that the removal of Hall, and the Clatsop Reservation, seem to be the only grounds for objections raised against the ratification of these treaties : I should be sorry then, if a Whiskey trader upon one side of the river; and the influence of two or three settlers on a point of land which the Indians refused to sell, upon the other, should interfere with their ratification.
The next treaty I would speak of in detail, is the one con- cluded with the remnant bands of Wheelappas and Quilleque- oquas. The only males living of which tribes, are the two signers to the treaty; there are however several females women and children yet living.
The tract of country purchased of them is situated on what is known as "Shoal-water Bay" upon the Pacific having about twenty miles of Coast and running back inland about forty miles bounded on the north by the country owned by the Chehales Indians on the east by the lands of the Cowlitz band, and on the south by the lower band of Chinooks. This purchase is known to embrace a tract, equal in fertility of soil, and quality of timber, to any portion of Oregon. It has exten- sive and beautiful groves of the Fir and Cedar, with small Prairies interspersed; there are also large tracts of what is called "hard wood bottoms". The surface is gently undulat- ing and mill streams and fine brooks abound throughout the purchase.
You will perceive that this tract is set apart as an Indian country, or Reserve Provided all the neighboring bands shall,
FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 71
within one year consent to occupy it, and give up their tem- porary rights of possession ; This was not done at the sugges- tion of the Indians, but to gratify a large number of our own people, who believed these small bands on, and adjacent to the Coast (should suitable provision be made) could be persuaded to live together as one band or tribe. But in my opinion, there is not the least prospect that a single band will leave their present homes ; in which case the country will be open for set- tlement within one year; at the present time there is not a white man residing upon the purchase.
Wallooska is the only male survivor of a tribe, once of some note. The tract purchased of him, joining the Clatsops on the east is mainly valuable for its immense forests of and variety of choice timber, the southern part is very hilly almost mountainous yet everywhere covered with the timber de- scribed. Lewis and Clarke's river (where these travellers win- tered) is a superior mill stream, there are others smaller streams in different parts all valuable for milling or agricul- tural purposes. It is equally true of this, as of the other pur- chases, that the soil is good and has every indication of being susceptible of high cultivation.
The Kathlamet band of Chinooks, cede a valuable body of land to the United States extending from Ah-pin-pin point forty miles along the south side of the Columbia running back (south) about twenty miles. Astoria and Fort George are upon this tract. Dense forests of various kinds of valuable timber, with small Prairies and many mill streams are the principal features of the Country. The great growth of timber and underbrush here, rendered it extremely difficult for me to examine as much of the tract as I desired, but I informed myself very particularly from those who had made personal inspection of it this band reserve from sale two small Islands in the Columbia.
The treaty with the Tillamooks secures a valuable country resembling the Clatsop Plains and is directly south of that
72 C. F. COAN
tract, it is very even and regular along the Coast, but approach- ing the Mountains, it is uneven and hilly. Tillamook Bay affords a fine harbor, with sufficient depth of water on the bar for vessels drawing twelve feet of water; There are no less than five considerable streams putting into the bay ; the valley of one of which extends fifty miles along the stream, making richest of bottom lands. Much of this purchase is open coun- try and as far as known, without settlers. Travellers all concur in representing it as offering equal inducements to set- tlers with any portion of Oregon.
The lands ceded by the Waukikam and Konniack bands of Chinooks is everywhere densely covered with timber, and has many very valuable mill-powers upon it ; that part lying upon, and for two or three miles back from the Columbia, is very hilly with many bluffs and deep ravines. The balance is mod- erately rolling, and susceptible of cultivation. The Cowlitz river near the east side of the tract is sufficiently large for Steamboats to the rapids fifteen miles up from the Columbia, at the rapids it is a series of falls suitable for Milling purposes which extend many miles interior.
The country ceded by the Konniack's upon the South side of the Columbia is composed of flat lands adjacent to this river, with deep, rich soil, then gradually rolling, but good farming land extends to the bounds of the Klatskania's a distance of about twenty miles. These lands were once owned by the Klatskania's above mentioned, and as an instance to show the rapidity with which the Indian upon these shores is pass- ing away, I will relate, that this tribe was, at the first settlement of the Hudson's Bay Company in Oregon, so warlike and formidable that the Company's men dare not pass their pos- sessions along the river, in less numbers than sixty armed men ; and then often at considerable loss of life and always at great hazard. The Indians were in the habit of enforcing tribute upon all the neighboring tribes who passed in the river, and disputed the right of any persons to pass them except upon
FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 73
these conditions. The tribe is now reduced to three men and five women. The face and character of their country is very similar to that previously purchased along the river, (of the Konn iack's).
The two treaties made at Port Orford upon the Pacific embrace a valuable tract of Country, not only on account of the great value of its timber, but having two good harbors upon the Pacific, viz, at Port Orford and mouth of the Coquille river, in addition to the harbor at Coquille that river is navigable for large Steamboats seventy miles interior. The bottom lands along this stream are from ten to twenty miles in width, and I think in fertility of Soil are not sur- passed in the United States; the whole tract will be rapidly settled first, on account of its proximity to the gold-mines, again its inducements in an agricultural point, of view, and thirdly on account of the easy access to its almost interminable forests of Cedar. The total number of Indians living upon this tract is ascertained to be about five Hundred souls, have had very little intercourse with the whites, and live in an almost entirely denuded state ; they have no idea whatever of the value of money or many articles of use and value among other tribes; yet it is believed that they will in every particular, scrupulously adhere to the Contract which they have entered into with the Government.
The Coquille Indians, of whom so much has been said, con- nected with the murder of T'Vault's party have not yet been treated with ; their country lies adjacent on the north, beyond the river bearing their name.
I will now speak of the Clackamas treaty ; the last, and de- cidedly the most important one concluded among the thirteen bands or tribes of Indians. It embraces a country more thickly settled than any portion of Oregon. The flourishing town of Milwaukee on the Willamette river, is upon the pur- chase: and immediately on its southern border adjoining is Oregon City, the largest town in the Territory. Woodland
74 C. F. COAN
and Prairie, conveniently situated for farms make up the western portion of the tract, and upon the North, or Columbia side of the country, as well as adjoining the Willamette on the West, are extensive and rich river bottoms, there is much of this kind of land also on a considerable stream, washing the base of the Cascade range of Mountains called "Sandy river" (which joins the Columbia near the North East part of the purchase).
The Clackamas river, which empties into the Willamette just below Oregon City, is a dashing, never failing stream, upon which are many mills, affording besides these, power for many more; there are now in operation about twenty mills in different parts of the tract. I will mention that instances have occurred where farming lands have been sold for fifty dollars per acre; this was of course upon the western or best settled portion of the purchase.
The whole eastern side of the Clackamas lands is covered with a dense growth of Fir and Cedar timber, and has not been much explored ; at least not sufficiently for me to give a minute description in these papers.
I was induced to negotiate this treaty, although there was an informality connected with it, but which I hope will not prove a serious obstacle to its ratification. I allude to the fact of there having been no one associated with me on the part of the United States. In conformity to the Act of Feb- ruary last, you did associate with me Henry H. Spaulding and Beverly S. Allen, but the first named having been removed and his successor not having conferred upon him the power to act with me. and Mr. Allen declining the Office, left me the responsibility of acting alone on the part of the Government.
At first many unsuccessful efforts were made to negotiate with them owing to demands made by them, which were un- reasonable, and even impossible to comply with ; at several of our meetings, they refused to sell the most valuable part of
FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 75
their lands ; but at length, came and expressed their willing- ness to be governed in their sale, entirely by my readiness to do them justice; and would submit the matter entirely to me as to the reservations, and other preliminaries connected with the sale. The same terms as contained in the treaty were then submitted to them, upon which they deliberated a few days
then they met male person in the tribe) and
desired the treaty to be drawn up accordingly. To conclude, I would say, that I found so many persons anxious and deeply interested in the result, that I assumed the responsibility before mentioned, of acting alone.
In concluding this Report I would say, that I have sought to Embrace the principal and important features connected with the treaties herewith submitted ; without great care as to man- ner of arrangement.
I desire time to become more thoroughly acquainted with each, and every band of Indians in this important and interest- ing Section ; as well as to examine personally tracts of country occupied by them, (portions of which have been but little explored) before I can enlarge upon many subjects, but briefly alluded to in this Report.
I have the honor to be your Obt. Servt
Anson Dart
Superintendent of Indian Affairs Oregon T.
TREATY WITH LOWER BAND OF CHINOOK
Treaty at Tansey Point, near Clatsop Plains between Anson Dart, Supt. Indian Affairs and others on the part of the United States, and the Chiefs & Headmen of the Lower Band of the Chinook Indians.
Articles of a Treaty, made and concluded at Tansey Point, near Gatsop Plains, this ninth day of August Eighteen hun
76 C. F. COAN
dred and fifty one between Anson Dart Superintendent of In- dian Affairs, Henry H. Spaulding Indian Agent, and Josiah L. Parish Sub Indian Agent, on the part of the United States, of the one part and the undersigned Chiefs and Headmen of the Lower Band of Chinook Indians, of the other part. Article ist.
The said Lower Band of the Chinook Indians, hereby cede to the United States the tract of land, included within the following boundaries to wit :
Beginning at the mouth of a certain stream entering Grays Bay, on the North side of the Columbia River, which stream forms the western boundary of lands, ceded to the United States by the Waukikum Band of Chinooks; running thence Northerly on said western boundary to lands of the Wheel- appa Band of Indians; thence westerly along said lands of the Wheelappa Band, to the Shoalwater Bay; thence South- erly and Easterly following the Coast of the Pacific Ocean and the Northern shore of the Columbia to the place of beginning. The above description is intended to embrace all of the lands owned or claimed by said Lower Band of Chinook Indians. Article 2nd.
The said Lower Band of Chinook Indians, reserve the privilege of occupying the grounds they now occupy for the purpose of building, fishing and grazing their stock, with the right to cut timber for their own building purposes and for fuel. Also the right to pick Cranberries on the marshes, and the right to cultivate as much land as they wish for their own purposes. No white man shall be allowed to interfere with their rights, and it is hereby agreed, that a white man by the name of Washington Hall, shall be removed from the land above ceded. The reservations in this article, shall continue during the lives of the Indians who sign this treaty. Article 3rd.
In consideration of the cession, made in the first Article of this treaty, the United States agree to pay, to the said Lower
FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 77
Band of Chinooks an annuity of Two Thousand Dollars, for ten years in the manner following to wit: Four hundred dollars in money, Fifty Blankets, Thirty woollen Coats, Thirty pairs pants, Thirty vests, Fifty Shirts, Fifty pairs Shoes, one hundred and fifty yards Linsey Plain, Two hundred and fifty yards Calico, Two hundred and fifty yards Shirting, Twenty blanket Shawls, Three hundred pounds Soap, Three barrels Salt, Fifty bags Flour, Three hundred pounds Tobacco, Twenty Hoes, Ten Axes, Thirty Knives, Seventy Cotton Handker- chiefs, Two Barrels Molasses, Four hundred pounds Sugar, Thirty pounds Tea, Ten eight quart Brass Kettles, Fifteen ten-quart tin pails, Thirty pint cups, Thirty six-quart pans, Thirty Caps, one Keg Powder, All the above to be of good quality, and delivered at Tansey Point aforesaid. Article 4th.
There shall be perpetual peace and friendship, between all the citizens of the United States of America, and all the indi- viduals composing said Lower Band of Chinook Indians. Article 5th.
This agreement shall be binding and obligatory upon the contracting parties, as soon as the same shall be ratified and confirmed by the President and Senate of the United States.
In Testimony whereof, the said Anson Dart, Superintendent, Henry H. Spaulding Agent and Josia L. Parish Sub Agent aforesaid, and the said Chiefs and Headmen of the Lower Band of the Chinook tribe of Indians, have hereunto set their hands and seals, at the time and place first herein above written.
Signed, Sealed and Witnessed Anson Dart (Seal)
in presense of Superintendent
N. DuBois, Secretary H. H. Spalding (Seal)
W. W. Raymond, Interpreter Agent
R. Shortess, Acting Sub Agent Josiah L. Parish (Seal)
L. H. Judson Sub Agent
his his
Cumcumley X (Seal) Tychah-win X (Seal)
78
C. F. COAN
mark mark
his his
Kulchute X (Seal) Nar-cotta X (Seal)
mark mark
his his
Ah-moos-a-mosse X (Seal) Yahmants X (Seal)
mark mark
his his
Que-wish X (Seal) Kaase X (Seal)
mark mark
his his
Selahwish X (Seal) Wahguevn X (Seal)
mark mark
his his
Wahkuck X (Seal) Seekumtyee X (Seal)
mark mark
his his
Chakinpon X (Seal) Kahdock X (Seal)
mark mark
his his
Huckswelt X (Seal) Yahwisk X (Seal)
mark mark
his his
Kah-luck-muck X (Seal) Elashah X (Seal)
mark mark
his his
Schoo X (Seal) Chacolitch X (Seal)
mark mark
Treaty at Tansey Point, near Clatsop Plains between Anson Dart, Supt. Indian Affairs and others on the part of the United States and the Chiefs and Headmen of the Wheelappa Band of the Chinook Indians.
Articles of a Treaty, made and concluded at Tansey Point, near Clatsop Plains, this ninth day of August Eighteen Hun- dred and fifty one, between Anson Dart, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, Henry H. Spaulding, Indian Agent, and
FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 79
Josiah L. Parish Sub Indian Agent, on the part of the United States of the one part and the undersigned Chiefs or Heads- men of the VVheelappa Band of the Chinook Indians, of the other part. Article ist.
The said Wheelappa Band of Indians, hereby cede to the United States, all the land claimed or owned by the said Band. The land intended to be hereby ceded is bounded on the North by lands owned by the Cheehales tribe of Indians, on the East by lands of the Cowlitz Band of Indians on the South by lands of the Waukikum and Lower Bands of Chinooks, and on the West by the Ocean and Shoalwater Bay. Article 2nd.
The above cession is made with the express understanding that the land, shall be reserved for the exclusive use of the Chinook Tribes or Bands and the Cheehales Tribe of Indians, provided the majority of them, shall consent to give up their reserved rights to the lands they now occupy, and remove to the lands ceded in Article 1st of this treaty. Article 3rd.
It is hereby agreed on the part of the United States, that they shall establish an Agency, a Manual Labor School, Black- smith Shop, farming establishment &c, at some point on the lands above ceded ; provided the above mentioned Indians, consent to congregate upon said lands and "give up their re- served rights" as named in Article 2nd. of this treaty, within one year after the ratification of this Treaty, by the President and Senate of the United States. Article 4th.
In consideration of the cession made in the first article of this Treaty, the United States agree to pay to the said Wheel- appa Indians, an annuity of Five hundred dollars, for ten years, in the following manner, viz: one Hundred and fifty dollars in money, Twenty five blankets, Four Woolen coats, Four pairs pants, Four vests, Four pairs men's shoes, Ten
80 C. F. COAN
pairs women's shoes, Ten shirts, Sixty yards Linsey plaid, one Hundred Yards Calico, one hundred yards brown muslin, Eight blankets shawls, Fifty pounds soap, Twenty pounds Tea, one hundred pounds Sugar, Eight sacks flour, Five Brass kettles (eight quart) Five ten-quart tin pails, Five six quart tin pans. The above articles are to be of good quality and delivered at Tansey Point, aforesaid, one hundred dollars of the money, to be used for educational purposes, provided the conditions of Articles second and third of this treaty are com- plied with.
Article 5th.
There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between all the citizens of the United States and all the individuals com- posing said Wheelappa Band of Indians. Article 6th.
The cession made in Article 1st. is intended to embrace the land formerly owned by the Quille-que-o-qua, Band of- In- dians of whom only one man remains, Moaest, who is a signer of this treaty. Article 7th.
This agreement shall be binding and obligatory upon the contracting parties, as soon as the same shall be ratified and confirmed, by the President and Senate of the United States.
In Testimony whereof, the said Anson Dart Superintendent, Henry H. Spaulding, Agent, and Josiah L. Parish Sub Agent, and the said Chiefs or Headmen of the Wheelappa and Quille- que-o-qua Indians, have hereunto set their hands and seals at the time and place first herein above written.
Signed, Sealed and Witnessed Anson Dart (Seal)
in presence of Superintendent.
N. Du Bois H. H. Spaulding (Seal)
Secretary Agent.
W. W. Raymond Josiah L. Parish . (Seal)
Interpreter Sub Agent.
FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 81
R. Shortess his
Acting Sub Agent Mowaast X (Seal)
mark his
Tosetum X (Seal)
mark his
Pahanoo X (Seal)
mark his
Alapast X (Seal)
mark
TREATY WITH WAUKIKUM BAND Treaty at Tansey Point, near Oatsop Plains, between Anson Dart, Supt. Indian Affars, and others on the part of the United States, and the Chiefs & Headmen of the Waukikum Band, of the Chinook Tribe of Indians.
Articles of a Treaty made and concluded at Tansey Point, near Clatsop Plains, this eighth day of August, Eighteen hun- dred and fifty one, between Anson Dart, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, Henry H. Spaulding Indian Agent, and Josiah L. Parish, Sub Indian Agent, on the part of the United States of the one part, and the undersigned Chiefs and Headmen df the Waukikum Band of the Chinook Tribe of Indians of the other part. Article ist.
The said Waukikum Band of Chinook Indians hereby cede, 4o 'the United States, the tract of land, included within the following boundaries, viz:
Beginning at the mouth of a certain stream, called the Sahbacluthl, which empties into the north side of the Columbia River, at the west end of Gray's Bay, running thence up and along the Columbia to the mouth of a certain stream called the Neuc-tuc-hae which empties into the Columbia on the North
82 C. F. COAN
side, above Oak Point, thence Northerly along said Neuc-tuc- hae, to its headwaters, thence North to the summit of the high lands, between the Columbia, and Che-halees rivers, thence following the summit of said highlands westerly to a point opposite, or directly North of the headwaters of the said Sahbacluthl, thence south to said headwaters, and following said last named stream, to the place of beginning. The above description is intended to include all the land claimed by the said Band of Chinook Indians. Article 2nd.
The said Waukikum Band reserve to themselves the priv- ilege of occupying their present place of residence, and also of fishing upon the Columbia river, and the two other streams mentioned in Article 1st. also the privilege of cutting timber, for their own building purposes and for fuel, on the above described land, and of hunting on said lands where they are not enclosed. Article 3rd.
In consideration of the cession made in the foregoing articles of this treaty, the United States agree to pay to the said Wau-ki-kum Band of the Chinook Tribe of Indians, Seven Thousand Dollars, in annual payments, of Seven Hundred dollars for ten years, as follows viz: one Hundred Dollars in money, Twenty Blankets, Ten Woollen Coats, Ten Pairs Pants, Ten Vests, Twenty Shirts, Twenty pairs Shoes, Fifty yards Linsey Plaid, one hundred yards Calico prints, one hundred yards Shirting, Eight Blanket Shawls, one Hundred pounds Soap, one Barrel Salt, Fifteen Bags Flour, one hundred pounds Tobacco, Ten Hoes, Ten Axes, Fifteen Knives, Twenty five Cotton Handkerchiefs, one Barrel Mollasses, one hundred pounds Sugar, Ten pounds Tea, six eight quart Brass Kettles, Ten ten-quart Tin pails, Twelve pint Cups, Ten six quart Pans, Ten Caps ; all to be of good quality, and delivered at Brunies [Birnie's] landing, on the Columbia River, Article 4th.
FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 83
There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between all the Citizens of the United States of America, and all the indi- viduals composing the said Waukikum Band of the Chinook Tribe of Indians. Article 5th.
This treaty shall take effect, and be obligatory on the con- tracting parties, as soon as the same shall be ratified, by the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof.
In Testimony whereof the said Anson Dart, Superintendent, Henry H. Spaulding Agent, and Josiah L. Parish, aforesaid, and the said Chiefs and Headmen, of the Waukikum Band of the Chinook Tribe of Indians, have hereunto set their hands and seals at the time and place first herein above written.
Anson Dart (Seal)
Superintendent
Henry H. Spaulding ( Seal )
Agent
Josiah L. Parish (Seal)
Sub Agent.
Sku-mah-queah
Hla-hau
Wal-lah-sah
Hal-lah-le
his
X (Seal) mark his
X (Seal) mark his
X (Seal) mark his
X (Seal) mark
Stuc-allah-wah
Wall-halsh
Tah-we-os
Wa-ke-toes
his
X (Seal) mark his
X (Seal) mark his
X (Seal) mark his
X (Seal) mark
Signed Sealed and Witnessed
in presence of N. Du Bois, Secretary W. W. Raymond, Interpreter.
84 C. F. COAN
R. Shortess
Acting Sub Agent
At the signing of the above articles of this Treaty it was agreed, that upon the ratification of the same, by the President and Senate, Sku-mah-queah should receive a rifle, worth Fifty Dollars, as a present.
TREATY WITH KONNAACK BAND
Treaty at Tansey Point, near Clatsop Plains, between Anson Dart, Supt. Indian Affairs and others on the part of the United States and the Chiefs & Headmen of the Kon-naack Band of the Chinook Tribe of Indians.
Articles of a Treaty made and concluded! at Tansey Point near Clatsop Plains, this Eighth day of August Eighteen Hun- dred and Fifty one, between Anson Dart Superintendent of Indian Affairs, Henry H. Spaulding Indian Agent and Josiah L. Parish Sub Indian Agent, on the part of the United States, of the one part ; and the undersigned Chiefs and Headmen of the Konnaack Band, of the Chinook tribe of Indians of the other part. Article ist.
The said Konnaack Band, hereby cede to the United States, the tract of land included within the following boundaries viz :
Beginning at the mouth of the Neuc-tuc-hae-Creek, on the North Side of the Columbia River, and running thence up and along the said river to the mouth of the first stream that enters the Columbia above the Cowlitz river, thence up the Cowlitz and following the highland parallel with said river to what is called the Fooshop; thence west to the North East bounds of lands lately claimed by the Waukikum Band of the Chinooks ; thence southerly following the eastern boundary of said lands of the Waukikum Band, to the place of beginning. Also the tract of land described as follows, to wit i
FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 85
Beginning at a point on the South side of the Columbia River, opposite the mouth of the Cowlitz river, running thence South, to lands claimed by the Klats-Kanias ; thence westerly along their North boundary to a point due South of Hunts Mill, on the Columbia, thence North to said Mill, thence up and along said river to the place of beginning. The above descriptions, are intended to include all the lands claimed or owned by the said Konnaack Band of Indians. Article 2nd.
The said Konnaack Band reserve the privilege of occupying their present place of residence on Oak Point, and the privilege of hunting on the lands described above. Article 3rd.
In consideration of the cession made in the foregoing articles of this Treaty, the United States agree to pay to the said Konnaack Band of Chinook Indians, Ten Thousand five hun- dred dollars, in annual payments, of Ten Hundred and Fifty dollars for ten years, as follows to wit : one hundred and Fifty dollars in money, Thirty Blankets, Twenty woolen [sic] Coats, Forty Shirts, Thirty pairs Shoes, Twenty Caps, Twenty pairs pants, Twenty Vests, One hundred yards Linsey Plaid, Two hundred yards brown muslin, one hundred yards Calico, Ten Shawls, Fifteen bags flour, one hundred pounds Tobacco, one hundred and fifty pounds Soap, Two hundred pounds Sugar, Ten ten-quart Tin pans, Ten eight-quart tin pans, Six Frying pans, one barrel Salt, one barrel molasses, Six hoes, Six Axes, Ten pounds Tea, Ten Knives, one Keg powder, one hundred pounds shot, All to be of good quality, and delivered at the Burnies landing, on the Columbia River. Article 4th.
There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between all the Citizens of the United States of America, and all the individuals of the said Konnaack Band of Chinook Indians. Article 5th.
This Treaty shall take effect, and be obligatory on the con
86
C. F. COAN
tracting parties as soon as the same shall have been ratified by the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof.
In Testimony whereof, the said Anson Dart, Superintendent Henry H. Spaulding Agent, Josiah L. Parish, Sub Agent Aforesaid, on the part of the United States of the one part, and the said Chiefs and Headmen of the Konaack Band of the Chinook tribe of Indians have hereunto set their hands and seals, at the time and place first herein above written.
Anson Dart, (Seal)
Superintendent. Henry H. Spaulding (Seal)
Agent
Josiah L. Parish (Seal) Sub Agent.
his
Wah-sul-sul X (Seal) Qua-Cappa X (Se.al)
mark
his X (Seal)
Sy-cum-icks
Tah-my-nin-nus
his
X (Seal) mark his
X (Seal) mark his
X (Seal) mark
Qua-Kah
Ati-whul
Os-wal-licks
mark his
X (Seal) mark his
X (Seal) mark
Signed, Sealed and Witnessed
in presence of Nicholas DuBois, Secretary W. W. Raymond, Interpreter R. Shortess,
Acting Sub Agent
Map of Indian Land Cessions by Unratified Treaties of 1851 and By Ratified Treaties of 1859
FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST
INDIAN LAND CESSIONS PROVIDED IN THE UNRATIFIED
TREATIES OF 1851 AND THE TREATIES
RATIFIED MARCH 8, 1859
INDIAN LAND CESSIONS OF THE UNRATIFIED TREATIES, 1851
A Six treaties with the Willamette Valley Indians made by the treaty commissioners, April and May, 1851.
B Ten treaties with the Chinook Indians made by Anson Dart,
August, 1851. C Two treaties with the Port Orford Indians made by Anson Dart
in the fall of 1851. D A treaty with the Clackamas Indians made by Anson Dart in the
fall of 1861.
INDIAN LAND CESSIONS OF THE DELAYED TREATIES 1
No.
7-347 Treaty with the Duwamish, Suijuamish, etc., 1855; negotiated
January 22, 1855, ratified March , 1359. 13-353 Treaty with the S'Klallam, 1855; negotiated January 26, 1855,
ratified March 8, 1859.
15-355 Treaty with the Makah, 1^55; negotiated January 31, 1855, rati- fied March 8, 1859. 17-362 Treaty with the Wallawalla, Cayuse, etc., 1855; negotiated June
9, 1855, ratified March 8, 1859. 19-364 Treaty with the Yakima, 1855; negotiated June 9, 1855, ratified
March 8, 1859. 21-366 Treaty with the Nez Perces, 1855; negotiated June 11, 1855,
ratified March 8, 1859. 22-369 Treaty with the Tribes of Middle Oregon, 1855; negotiated
June 25, 1855, ratified March 8, 1859. 24-371 Treaty with the Quinaielt, etc., 1855; negotiated July 1, 1855,
ratified March 8, 1859. 26-373 Treaty with the Flatheads, etc., 1855; negotiated July 16, 1855,
ratified March 8, 1859. 30-401 Treaty with the Molala, 1855; negotiated December 21, 1855,
ratified March 8, 1859.
i The numbers, "347," etc., are those adopted by Royce, Indian Land Cessions
in the United States. 
This map also shows the political divisions of the Pacific Northwest-Oregon Territory and Washington Territory—from March 2, 1853. to February 14, 1859.
- ↑ Read before the Greater Medford Club in the Spring of 1915.