Outlines of the women's franchise movement in New Zealand/Chapter 7
CHAPTER VII.
IN 1891 an increasing interest in the movement was apparent. In her annual report Mrs Sheppard gave a list of seven local Franchise Superintendents, each being a centre for gathering and disseminating information on the question. Large and highly successful public meetings were held in various parts of the country. A number of leaflets were printed and distributed through the agency of the local Unions. The Otago district was very thoroughly worked. The Dunedin Union not only had as President Mrs Fulton, the wife of the Hon. John Fulton, a warm sympathiser in all social reforms, but was fortunate in possessing a very hard working Franchise Superintendent in the person of Miss Nicol. In Christchurch a series of afternoon meetings for women attracted many who were unable or too indifferent to go to evening meetings, and created much interest in the movement. The petition forms which had been sent out during the previous year were collected and prepared for presentation to Parliament, and it was found that the signatures numbered 10,085. An analysis showed that 3818 had been procured by the Dunedin Societies; the Christchurch district was responsible for 2937; Wellington, 1917; Nelson, 762; Auckland, 397; Napier, 149; Invercargill, 105. The analysis was instructive, as it showed the difficulty of creating an organised interest throughout a widely scattered population. From those centres which are within comparatively easy reach of Christchurch, the base of operations, good results were obtained, but from those districts with which communication was irregular and tedious the number of signatures obtained was small. On the assembling of Parliament the Petition to the Legislative Council was forwarded to the Hon. John Fulton, who had been called to the Upper House, while that to the House of Representatives was, of course, entrusted to Sir John Hall.
The elections had resulted in the return of the Liberal Party to office, and there was little fear that Mr Ballance, the new Premier, would place obstacles in the way of the question, which had in the past received his warm support. The result of the election was distinctly advantageous to Woman Suffrage. Not only had a large number of members favourable to the reform been returned, but the fact that the question had been prominently before the electors deprived the opponents of a valid excuse for urging delay. The elevation of Mr Downie Stuart and Mr John Fulton from the House of Representatives, where there was a substantial majority, to the Legislative Council, where the advocates of reform were few, was also a hopeful fact.
On August 14th, Sir John Hall presented the petition, and, the Electoral Bill being considered in Committee, moved that the interpretation clause should be altered so as to read, "Person includes female." The amendment, was, however, shelved by progress being reported. On August 18th Sir John Hall returned to the attack, and asked the Premier what arrangement he would make to allow the question to be gone on with. Mr Ballance said he would give an early opportunity for Sir John's Franchise Bill to come on, and promised that if the Electoral Bill should be taken first he would postpone the interpretation clause until the Franchise Bill had been disposed of. On August 24th Sir John Hall moved the second reading of the Female Suffrage Bill. He expressed his regret that it had been thought necessary to deal with the question in a separate Bill, as he thought it might more properly have been dealt with in the Electoral Bill. Sir John reviewed the whole question in an exhaustive manner, drew attention to the large petition that had been presented, and reminded members that they had come fresh from the elections with full power to deal with the matter. Mr Fish, who had frequently interrupted Sir John, followed with a bitterly vulgar speech in opposition. He was fittingly rebuked by Mr Saunders, who showed that almost every reform, from Magna Charta downwards, had been due to men who had been called faddists. After an animated debate the Bill passed its second reading by a majority of twenty-five.
On September 3rd, Mr Blake moved that the Act should not come into force until March 31st, 1894, thus delaying the enfranchisement for six years. The motion was, however, lost, and, to make matters sure, Sir John Hall moved that the Act should come into operation on June 1st, 1893, which would give ample time for the following election. This was agreed to. Another opponent, Mr Carncross, moved a new clause, viz., that women should be eligible as members of the House of Representatives. This was an exceedingly adroit move. Its logical fairness would gain support from members in favour of the emancipation of women. On the other hand, if carried, it would arouse a more bitter opposition to the Bill in the Legislative Council, and greatly injure the chance of the Bill passing in the Upper House. By a strange combination of enemies to the franchise and friends who were sticklers for logical legislation, the new clause was added. Mr Carncross then exultingly explained that he intended to vote against the third reading, and had moved the new clause to kill the Bill in the Legislative Council. The Bill was then read a third time. On September 8th, Mr Fulton moved the second reading of the Bill in the Legislative Council. Before going on with his speech he read a telegram which had been placed in his hands by the Speaker of the Council. The telegram was as follows:—"On behalf of the ten thousand women who have petitioned the Council, permit me to urge that Honourable Councillors will not deny our request because of alterations made in the Women's Suffrage Bill by its enemies in the Lower House.—K. W. Sheppard, Nat. Supt. Franchise, W.C.T.U." Mr Fulton then proceeded with an admirably characteristic speech, which was strong, chivalrous, and lofty in tone. Mr C. C. Bowen led the opposition, strenuously urging that only thoughtless women wanted the franchise.
The second reading was rejected on September 10th, fifteen voting for it and seventeen against, the two Maori members voting with the majority—a curious and significant fact.