their part toward the intensity of modern war; yet at the same time they have removed one of its supreme necessities for being. As for its other use—instilling into men the sense of a duty toward his country or his group—that work also is done. In fact, when one considers the conceited, excessive, Jingo patriotism of most races and nations, it becomes a question whether it is not too well done.
We cannot say at what precise moment in history monarchism and slavery proved themselves outworn, past their usefulness; became not benevolent organs but dangerous rudiments—like a vermiform appendix—in the body politic. But war, always picturesque, died its spiritual death dramatically. We may say with certainty I think that it proved itself outworn during that little moment of history between 1914–18. It was of no more use in spreading progress, of little more use in building up the sense of collective duty. And in itself it suddenly became dangerous, sordid, disturbing beyond the imagination of devils.
Two great tasks lie before humanity in the rest of the twentieth century. One is to put under control of true morals and of democracy the great power of human production which came in the nineteenth century. The other is to check, to limit and finally to eliminate the institution of war. This last is the more important. We may stagger on, and make progress even, though the industrial and financial structure remains as it is—we were
