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AUSTRALIA

stringent regulations have had the effect of greatly restricting the influx of Chinese, but in spite of all precautions there is still some immigration. The only other alien race present in large numbers in Australia are the Polynesians in Queensland, where they number about 9000. Of late years there has been an influx of Hindoos and other Eastern races, sufficiently large to cause a feeling of uneasiness amongst the colonists; and in some of the states the evil has been dealt with by parliament, and restrictive legislation has been passed which meted out to these immigrants somewhat similar treatment to that accorded to the Chinese. But a very large proportion of the Asiatics, whose entrance into the colonies it was desired to stop, were British subjects, and the Imperial Government refused to sanction any measure directly prohibiting in plain terms the movement of British subjects from one part of the empire to another. Eventually, the difficulty was overcome by the application of an educational test to the coloured races seeking admission to the states, whereby they are required to write out in some European language an application for permission to enter the colony in Avhich they propose to reside. This provision is taken from an Act in operation in Natal, which is said to have been effectual in preventing an undue influx of Asiatics. An Act applying the educational test has been in force in West Australia since the beginning of 1898; more recently a similar Act was passed in New South Wales, while the other states have analogous legislation in operation. The agitation which this restrictive legislation caused was promoted and kept alive almost entirely by the trades unions, and was the first legislative triumph of the Labour party, albeit that party was not at the time directly represented in parliament. The Labour movement in Australia may be traced back to the early days when transportation was in vogue, and Labour ^ie free immigrant and the time-expired convict movement °kjecte(i to the competition of the bond labourer. The great object of these early struggles being attained, Labour directed its attention mainly to securing shorter hours. It was aided very materially by the dearth of workers consequent on the gold discoveries, when every man could command his own price. When the excitement consequent on the gold finds had subsided, there was a considerable reaction against the claims of Labour, and this was greatly helped by the congested state of the labour market; but the principle of an eight-hours day made progress, and was conceded in several trades. In the early years of the ’seventies the colonies entered upon an era of well-being, and for about twelve years every man, willing to work and capable of exerting himself, readily found employment. The Labour unions were able to secure in these years many concessions both as to hours and wages. In 1873 there was an important rise in wages, in the following year there was a further advance, and another in 1876; but in 1877 wages fell back a little, though not below the rate of 1874. In 1882 there was a very important advance in wages; carpenters received 11s. a day, bricklayers 12s. 6d., stonemasons 11s. 6d., plasterers 12s., painters 11s., blacksmiths 10s., and navvies and general labourers 8s., and work was very plentiful. For five years these high wages ruled; but in 1886 there was a sharp fall, though wages still remained very good. In 1888 there was an advance, and again in 1889. In 1890 matters were on the eve of a great change and wages fell, in most cases to a point 20 per cent, below the rates of 1885. In 1893 came the bank crisis and great restriction in Hade. Almost the first effect of this restriction was a reduction in wages, which touched their lowest in 1895, and fell to a point below that of any year since 1850. Since then there has

[history

been a marked recovery, and wages stood in 1900 at about the same level as in 1873. During the whole period from 1873 onwards, prices, other than of labour, have been steadily tending downwards, so that the cost of living in 1900 was much below that of 1873. Taking everything into consideration the reduction was, perhaps, not less than 40 per cent., so that though the nominal or money wages in 1873 and 1900 were the same, the actual wages were much higher in the latter year. Much of the improvement in the lot of the wage-earners has been due to the Labour organizations, yet so late as 1881 these organizations were of so little account, politically, that when the law relating to trades unions was passed in New South Wales, the English law was followed, and it was simply enacted that the purposes of any trades union shall not be deemed unlawful (so as to render a member liable to criminal prosecution for conspiracy or otherwise) merely by reason that they are in restraint of trade. After the year 1884 Labour troubles became very frequent, the New South Wales coal miners in particular being at war with the colliery owners during the greater part of the six years intervening between then and what is called the Great Strike. The strong downward tendency of prices made a reduction of wages imperative; but the labouring classes failed to recognize any such necessity, and strongly resented any reductions proposed by employers. It was hard indeed for a carter drawing coal to a gasworks to recognize the necessity which compelled a reduction in his wages because wool had fallen 20 per cent. Nor were other labourers, more nearly connected with the producing interests, satisfied with a reduction of wages because produce had fallen in price all round. Up to 1889 wages held their ground, although work had become more difficult to obtain, and some industries were being carried on without any profit. It was at such an inopportune time I890 that the most extensive combination of Labour yet brought into action against capital formulated its demands. It is possible that the London dockers’ strike was not without its influence, on the minds of the Australian Labour leaders. That strike had been liberally helped by the Australian unions, and it was confidently predicted that, as the Australian workers were more effectively organized than the English unions, a corresponding success would result from their course of action. A strike of the Newcastle miners, after lasting twenty-nine weeks, came to an end in January 1890, and throughout the rest of the year there was great unrest in Labour circles. On 6th September the silver mines closed down, and a week later a conference of employers issued a manifesto which was met next day by a counter-manifesto of the Intercolonial Labour Conference, and almost immediately afterwards by the calling out of 40,000 men. The time chosen for the strike was the height of the wool season, when a cessation of work would be attended with the maximum of inconvenience. Sydney was the centre of the disturbance, and the city was in a state of industrial siege, feeling running to dangerous extremes. Riotous scenes occurred both in Sydney and on the coal-fields, and a large number of special constables were sworn in by the Government. Towards the end of October 20,000 shearers were called out, and many other trades, principally concerned with the handling or shipping of wool, joined the ranks of the strikers, with the result that the maritime and pastoral industries throughout the whole of Australia were most injuriously disturbed. The Great Strike, as it was called, terminated early in November 1890, the employers gaining a decisive victory. The colonies were, however, to have other and bitter experiences of strikes before Labour recognized that of