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strictly observed, yet the loss of our fathers, children, brothers, and husbands, may sufficiently excuse us, especially when their unhappy deaths are made a pretence for our further misfortunes. You plead that they had offended and provoked you; but what injury have we women done, that we must be impoverished? if we are blameable as the men, why not proscribe us also? Have we declared you enemies to your country? Have we suborned your soldiers, raised troops against you, or opposed you in the pursuits of those honours and offices which you claim? We pretend not to govern the republic, nor is it our ambition which has drawn present misfortunes on our heads: empire, dignities, and honours, are not for us; why should we, then, contribute to a war in which we have no manner of interest? It is true, indeed, that in the Carthaginian war, our mothers assisted the republic, which was, at that time, reduced to the utmost distress; but neither their houses, their lands, nor their moveables, were sold for that service; some rings, and a few jewels, furnished the supply. Nor was it constraint or violence that forced these from them: what they contributed was the voluntary offering of generosity. What danger at present threatens Rome? If the Gauls or Parthians were encamped on the banks of the Tiber or the Anio, you should find us not less zealous in the defence of our country than our mothers were before us; but it becomes not us, and we are resolved that we will not be any way concerned in a civil war. Neither Marius, nor Cæsar, nor Pompey, ever thought of obliging us to take part in the domestic troubles which their ambition had raised; nay, nor did ever Sylla himself, who first set up tyranny in Rome, and yet you assume the glorious title of reformers of the state, a title which will turn to your eternal

infamy,