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off in the old style. The only difference was that he mixed cavalry and infantry, and supported both with an enormous quantity of artillery. I had the infantry for some time in squares, and we had the French cavalry walking about us as, if they were our own. I never saw the British infantry behave so well." Colonel Chesney, one of the first military critics of our day, has thus written of Waterloo; "Yet not on this battle—as I hope presently to show—however heroically fought or dexterously won, should the glory of the allied generals rest; but on the noble devotion of each to the common object in view, and the perfection of mutual confidence which enabled each so to act separately as to produce with their united armies at the right moment the greatest possible result. Never in the whole of military history was the tactical value of the troops more entirely subordinated to the strategical operations. … Waterloo was, in fact, viewed in its proper aspect, but the crown and finish of a splendid piece of strategy. . . If Wellington in this battle had shown some over-confidence in the needless detachment which weakened his line, the energy of his ally, the firmness of his chosen troops, his own masterly adroitness in tactics had redeemed the error, if they did not wholly justify it. … Had it been any other general [than Napoleon] that acted thus on that eventful day, it would long ago have been said that his tactics in the battle were as defective as the strategy which placed him in it at such fearful odds." From Waterloo the allies pushed on to Paris—Blucher entering France by Charleroi, and Wellington moving by Nivelles to Bavay. The French fortresses offered but little opposition; Paris capitulated on 3rd July, and Louis XVIII. made his public entry next day. Blucher wished to revenge on Napoleon and the French nation the injuries inflicted on Prussia; but Wellington would listen to no measure not dictated by the necessities of public justice; and opposed Blucher's desire for the destruction of public buildings in Paris. Wellington has, however, been severely blamed for not interfering to prevent the execution of Marshal Ney. The Duke continued to reside in the palace of the Elysée until 29th June 1 816, when he returned to England. After a short sojourn at Cheltenham, he resumed his duties in Paris, where, with the exception of short visits to England, he resided in command of the army of occupation until the evacuation of France. His judgment was generally deferred to by the allied sovereigns, and his policy towards France was aimed rather to encourage and to raise than further to weaken that country. On the division of the Waterloo prize-money in 1819, Wellington's share came to £60,000, and, in addition, Parliament purchased for him, at a cost of £263,000, the estate of Strathfieldsaye, free from all rent or service, except the presentation, by him and his successors, to the Sovereign, of a small flag on each recurring anniversary of Waterloo. In 1818 the Duke of Wellington was appointed Master-General of the Ordnance, and in 1822 was named as Plenipotentiary at the Congress of Verona. In 1827, on the death of the Duke of York, he was appointed Commander-in-chief of the army; but he resigned all his offices rather than serve under Canning. Wellington was Prime-Minister from January 1828 to November 1830. His administration was formed chiefly to oppose Catholic Emancipation; and on the 28th April 1828 he thus strongly pronounced against it in the House of Lords: "There is no person in this House whose feelings and sentiments, after long consideration, are more decided than mine are with respect to the subject of the Roman Catholic claims; and I may say, that until I see a very great change in that question, I certainly shall continue to oppose it." But the march of opinion was so rapid, and O'Connell, backed by an overwhelming majority of the Irish people, and by a strong public feeling in Great Britain, raised such a storm, that on the 5th of the following February the Duke was obliged from his place to declare: "No man who has looked at the state of things for the last two years can proceed longer upon the old system, in the existing condition of Ireland, and of men's opinions on the subject, both in that country and in this. My opinion is that it is the wish of the majority of the people that this question should be settled one way or other. It is upon that principle, and in conformity to that wish, that I and my colleagues have undertaken to bring the adjustment of it under the consideration of Parliament." A few days afterwards he added: "From all he had seen and read relative to Ireland, during the last two years, he was forced to arrive at this conclusion, namely, that he did not believe there was on the face of the globe any country claiming the denomination of a civilized country situated as that country now was under the government of his Majesty and the Imperial Parliament." The Catholic Association was "dangerous." No compact with Rome would add to the

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