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without which my eloquence would be but as sounding brass or tinkling cymbals. (Cheers.) No. Germany can never have place in my heart. My instincts draw me rather to the side of France, the land of Voltaire, Rousseau, of my friend, Doctor Clémenceau, the noble champion of the Commune. They draw me to Russia, the civiliser of Poland, of Siberia, of the Caucasus, of Khiva, and soon probably of Persia and Hindostan; to Russia, so eloquently described by Mr. Lowe, now Lord Sherbrooke, as "the refuge of the afflicted, the protector of the unprotected, the father of the fatherless"—to Holy Russia, the home of that pure and orthodox Greek Church, with which my dearest sympathies are imperishably entwined. (Loud cheers.) Excuse me, my dear friends, if on this matter I have spoken with more warmth than I intended. The personal hostility between the German Chancellor and myself, if, indeed, "personal hostility can enter into my nature," is a question of righteousness, that far exceeds in importance all earthly politics. I have undertaken in the face of God and man to rule the British Empire according to the inspirations of a higher power; and if, as it unfortunately appears probable. Prince Bismarck ventures to doubt my credentials, and sneer at my mission, my duty is at once to stand up for my Divine right. (Loud cheers.) You remember I denounced those who declaimed about national honour and grandeur as worse than the disseminators of the small-pox; and so they are! A pest fall on them all! But when it comes to a question of personal honour and grandeur, when ridicule is attempted to be thrown on my inspired words, then, indeed, I have no hesitation in invoking the God of battles. I know we have not the legions of Germany, that our army is puny in comparison with theirs, but what of that? Did not David slay Goliath? Do we suppose the God of justice always marches with the biggest battalions? No, indeed! If my policy or my personal honour requires it, I shall not hesitate to hurl my skeleton regiments against the serried legions of Germany, confident that you will support me with your last boy and your last "bottom dollar." (Enthusiastic cheers, which were renewed every time the right hon. gentleman doubled his fists and assumed a fighting attitude.) You will remember that one of the cardinal points of Lord Beaconsfield's policy was
DISTRUST OF RUSSIA.
The advance of Russia on our Indian Empire was a constant bugbear; to meet this advance a strategical frontier was drawn out at the cost of the Afghan war. Candahar was occupied, the railway from Quettah was commenced. Well, you know I do not share this scare of Russia; on the contrary, she is next to France, the country whose religious and civilising instincts have most enlisted my love and sympathies. I have therefore abandoned the scientific frontier; withdrawn our troops from Candahar, abandoned the railway plant at Quettah, with a result even more satisfactory than I hoped for. (Cheers.) These offensive restrictions being removed, Russian civilisation has now advanced to Merv and Sarakhs, and her military missionaries are within a gallop of Herat (Cheers.) I have always maintained that, in strict moral justice, and by
