272 C. Becker in a personal private manner on the basis of leadership. Practically we find just this thing happening in New York at this time — the be- ginnings of the association of individuals, in a more or less public manner, with little in common but their political views, and with no other aim than the accomplishment of a definite political purpose. I shall now try to llustrate the beginnings of this new method in the period before the Revolution. That these beginnings should be more marked in the cities than in the country, needs, perhaps, no explanation. As early as 1739 the reeholders and freemen of New York City were informed that " Whereas a great number of the freeholders and freemen of the said city have agreed and resolved to choose the follow- ing persons to represent them, to wit : [four names follow], Your vote and interest are desired . . . at the ensuing election."' Though this does not necessarily imply an actual meeting of a formal nature, it does imply an agreement of some sort, and, what is more impor- tant, indicates the growing authority of common men in such matters when acting jointly. Likewise at the election of 1743 " a great number of inhabitants," we are told, agreed in a similar manner to support a certain ticket." Notices of a like nature became more common at the succeeding elections.' At this time too the practice of writing letters and addresses to the freeholders and publishing them in the newspapers and in broad- sides became common. In these addresses the issues were discussed more or less intelligently, the candidates criticized, and information freely given as to the rights of citizens, the duties of legislators and the qualities which it was desirable that public servants should have.^ In all of these can be clearly seen the tendency toward organization in a more formal way and on the basis of common political notions. 'The Tfec York Gazette, Feb. 20-27, '739- Copied in Valentine's Manual of the Corporation (1865), 744. ^Valentine's Manual (1865), 751. ^Ne^i.1 Yo)-k Post Boy, Dec. 21, 1747; Valentine's Manual (1865), 821; Ne^v York Gazette, July 30, 1850; Valentine's Manual (1866), 643, 697. An amusing squib, entitled, " Political Bill of Mortality," taken from the papers of William Living- ston, is printed by Sedgwick in his Memoir of the Life of William Livingston (1833), 65. It states that in the month of August, 1750, there were in all no political deaths in New York City, three dying "of nocturnal consultations," fourteen " of running about for votes," etc.
- These addresses are too long to be reproduced in full. The Neiu York Gazette of
Jan. 18, 1748, contains one of three columns, signed, "Freeholder." The author argues against the present members, whom, he finds, it is intended to return. A reply is printed in the same paper, Jan. 25, in which the present members are supported. Such com- munications become more and more frequent from 1750. Newspapers and broadsides constituted, so to say, the forum of political discussion.
