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nized, it would be easy to hold that women should be excluded from participation in the general government, but permitted to participate in local elections. The right to elect members of parliament is a civil right; the right to elect members of a munic- ipal council is a " droit Je eontributable" A great part of local taxation is levied upon persons who have no voice in its expenditure. Woman would be a conservati\t_- element, especially if excluded from political ambitions. England, Ireland, Scotland, Russia, Prussia and Lower Austria grant women the right to participate in local government. GABRIF.I. Ai.ix, " L'Electorat municipal et provincial des Femmes," La Reforme SociaU, November I, 1896. F.
The Ethics of Socialism. Socialism is an economic reform, but as everything else, it has its ethical basis and teaching. What is this ethical basis and what are its ethical teachings ?
It is based upon collectivist ethics. It holds that the individual is the product of society and can only realize himself in society, and, therefore, that he owes everything to society. This is'a good doctrine. It is also a conception of wonderful working force. We see its influence in the greater use of government for the good of alL One of the best examples of this is our factory acts.
As taught upon the street, in its popular form, its ethics is to be criticised. First > it insists " upon the enjoyments of life as an end to be sought after," and this " leads to a sort of deification of material comforts and satisfactions." The movement is too materialistic. Then " the biological conception of environment has so captured the average socialist that every moral fault in man is laid at the door of society, and the responsibility of the individual is in effect denied." Thirdly, the socialists criticise, to some extent justly, the Christian religion for teaching us to look for happiness in the next world instead of making the most of this. And, lastly, " no conception of sin enters into the ethics of socialism. Man, we are assured, would be quite right if only society would let him." These are only mischievous half truths.
In its practical platform socialism stands for the weak and the oppressed as against the strong and class interests. But in many points, especially in the case of the family, its influence is of a doubtful character. REV. CANON E. L. HICKS, in Economic Review, October 1896.
Social Classes in the Republic. The reason we have social classes, meaning by this groups who are not on an equality, and who do not meet as equals, is, that with machinery entering into production and the growth of intelligence, the working- man has become discontented and believes " that in the distribution of the earth's prod- ucts and the products of industry, the laborer has been cheated of his share by the employer or capitalist." Is this condition of discontent and "class hatred" remedi- able ? There is no conceivable system of distribution which will suit all and thus do. away with discontent. Something may be done, however, by ceasing to preach the mischievous doctrine that capitalists, and the higher classes are made by special favor, and preaching that " our success in this world depends on character, as we all see every day of our lives," by preaching the fact that "the man who succeeds, succeeds for the most part through character." But "discontent we cannot cure. It is part of the lot of men. Combined with great human virtues, it has done wonders for the race ; but linked with social hatred, with love of dreams and delusions, it can work, and has worked, great mischief." E. L. GODKIN, in Atlantic Monthly, December 1896.
The Social Philosophy of Charity Organization. Organized charity seeks to put the charitable spirit into the form by bringing the giver and recipient into personal contact. In doing this, in stamping out pernicious forms of almsgiving, in directing and economizing "relief," it is performing a great and valuable service. But it also has a social philosophy based upon half truths and full of inconsistencies, which has a bad influence. It condemns " doles " because they come to the recipient unearned, and so weaken his feeling of "individual responsibility." It is inconsistent in not seeing that gifts and bequests, " economic rents," and other " unearned incre- ments " coming to the rich, have the same influence. It calls unearned riches good when put to a good use, and never looks far enough to see that in their accumulation
