productive and distributive machinery of this country.
All the fertile and stagey analogies of the French Revolution; the unwearying assertion that "capital has everything and labor nothing," are so grossly misleading that we can await results with perfect confidence. Small as they are, wage earners' savings in this country are altogether sufficient to create multitudinous centers of resistance against any paralyzing onslaught against these producing properties.
In a garment workers' strike in New York City, I stood on the street with the man who led it. Hundreds of Jews were pouring out of a public building in which the strike was under discussion. My companion pointed to them and said, "You would not think it, but there are not ten men in that crowd who haven't money in the bank. It isn't much, but it is enough to make every one of them a sort of conservative." I am not making the inane suggestion that these people have enough, or that the whole bulk of wage earners' savings in the land justifies a single iniquity in our system. Our present economic distribution is criminally unfair because so much of it is unnecessary and avoidable.
These evils, however, are not to be met by the popular I. W. W. methods. Some millions of wage earners and farmers have just enough interest in ways that are wiser and fairer to take good care of themselves against noisy minorities that have learned so little about the business world and of the ways through which it is to be reformed.
