liament, which is the supreme court of judicature in the kingdom, shall declare what the law of the land is, to have this not only questioned, but contradicted, is a high breach of the privilege of Parliament.
B. I thought that he that makes the law, ought to declare what the law is. For what is it else to make a law, but to declare what it is? So that they have taken from the King, not only the militia, but also the legislative power.
A. They have so; but I make account that the legislative power (and indeed all power possible) is contained in the power of the militia. After this, they seize such money as was due to his Majesty upon the bill of tonnage and poundage, and upon the bill of subsidies, that they might disable him every way they possibly could. They sent him also many other contumelious messages and petitions after his coming to York; amongst which one was: “That whereas the Lord Admiral, by indisposition of body, could not command the fleet in person, he would be pleased to give authority to the Earl of Warwick to supply his place;” when they knew the King had put Sir John Pennington into *that employment* before.[1]
B. To what end did the King entertain so many petitions, messages, declarations and remonstrances, and vouchsafe his answers to them, when he could not choose but clearly see they were resolved to take from him his royal power, and consequently his life? For it could not stand with their safety to let either him or his issue live, after they had done him so great injuries.
A. Besides this, the Parliament had at the same time a committee residing in York *both* to spy what his Majesty did, and to inform the Parliament thereof, and also to hinder the King from gaining the people of that county to his party: so that when his Majesty was courting the gentlemen there, the committee was instigating of the yeomanry against him. To which also the ministers did very much contribute; so that the King lost his opportunity at York.
- ↑ Pennington in it before.
