league, and see him rejoicing that "democracy has established itself in the seat of authority," and that "this democratic movement will be accentuated by the proposal of the Seats Bill."
Sir Robert Peel was at least a constitutional statesman, and to such a title the present Prime Minister has forfeited all claim. What is the secret of Mr Chamberlain's presence in the Cabinet, and the authority thereby given to his revolutionary harangues? It is easily told. Three things mainly contributed to the Liberal victory of 1880. One, perhaps not so widely known as its importance deserves, was the action of the great body of Wesleyan Methodists, who, for the first time in the electioneering history of the last fifty years, threw their whole weight into the scales of the Liberal party. A greater thing, possibly, was the untiring zeal and energy with which Mr Gladstone himself preached an anti-Beaconsfield policy, and persuaded the country that he was the apostle of peace and economy, protesting against war and extravagance. The greatest of all was the confidence which Lord Hartington had inspired in the large body of moderate men, Liberals and non-politicians, who, giving credence to Mr Gladstone's repeated assertions that he had no intention of returning to office, rallied round that which they believed to be the flag of steady and progressive Liberalism. But as soon as the Radical portion of the press and the personal adherents of Mr Gladstone had persuaded themselves and him that he was the only possible Prime Minister for the Liberal party, it became evident that those who had forced their candidate into the Premiership must be conciliated and kept in good humour. To be sure, there seemed something incongruous in placing among the confidential advisers of a monarch, those who had avowed republican opinions; and in bringing those who have spoken with scant respect of the Royal Family into close proximity to the Sovereign. These, however, are of course old-fashioned ideas, and could not for a moment be allowed to stand in the way of that paramount object – the securing of place and power to the Liberal party. To obtain this essential object, every scruple must be cast aside. Radicals, atheists, republicans, all have votes, and all are orthodox members of the party which falsely arrogates to itself the title of "Liberal." In order to conciliate the support of such people, Mr Gladstone formed his Government upon so broad a basis as to admit the holders of opinions such as those we criticise to-day.
Mr Gladstone is sometimes spoken of by his friends as the incarnation of all that is moderate – the one man who is able to temper and restrain the impetuous spirits of his party. Alas! there is another and truer reading of his character and position. The belief in his "moderation" – the idea that the "disciple of Sir Robert Peel" cannot be really an enemy to our monarchical institutions – this, and the homage paid to his undoubted talent, have enabled Mr Gladstone to keep, in his Cabinet and among his followers, men who, but for him, would have been fighting boldly to-day against the pernicious doctrines of a George and a Chamberlain. It is a common whisper among Liberals – "When Gladstone goes, there must be great changes." Yes – but in what direction? The name and authority of the Premier may, it is true, have somewhat restrained
