may have done the same who had not the good fortune to be so worthily judged, or to possess so many friends able to sound effectively the speaking-trump of fame. I think it is rather characteristic of us English, that in extolling our favourites we are prone to draw upon the credit of other times as well as of our own. It is not very long ago since some fanatical sycophant of a minister who is not at the present moment very triumphant far or near, hailed him as "the greatest statesman of this or of any age."
AMERICA AND DYNAMITE.
As to the administration of the "statesman" whom I mentioned just now, while so many are deploring the miseries and dangers which in so many quarters he has brought upon us, I will point to one little streak of light in international affairs, which perhaps, amid our innumerable anxieties, has created less satisfaction than it should. The United States of America have at last become alive to the truth that it is not just, or creditable, or wise to allow their cities and territories to be used as rendezvous for bands of assassins who contrive the wickedest and most destructive crimes against the inhabitants of Great Britain and their property, or as workshops for the construction of diabolical engines for effecting those crimes. Impunity for these assassins lasted so long in America that we regarded the suppression of the contrivances at their source as hopeless; and even now, when America feels scandalised, we do not think ourselves much nearer relief from these practices. But it is a great deal, in such cases, to have public recognition of the criminality of these nefarious plotters. Even to rouse opinion against them will impede and discourage them greatly; and opinion once aroused, the discouragement will probably be followed up to the extent of legislation and legal action.
When we blame the Americans for the indifference with which they have so long regarded the infamous doings, we must remember that many of them saw in the explosions and murders only a wild sort of justice. They were altogether disposed to think us unjust and oppressive, and the complaints which the Irish raised against us seemed to them well founded. Add to this that we have been, some of us, unwise enough to admit that there is justice in these complaints, and we can scarcely wonder that, after this plea of guilty, partial though it might be, they should not be eaten up with zeal to balk the Irishmen of their vengeance. There are many signs at last that they are perceiving the truth as to these matters. They have examined a little into the meaning of Irish wrongs, and not found them so grievous as they were supposed to be; they have also comprehended the morbid condition which led to self-accusation, and been rather amused at our penitential humour. Coincidently almost with their waking up to a perception of the true state of the case, they have been startled by a cracker or two going off at their own doors, as may naturally be the case where lawless men and explosive agents are allowed to be collected. When one considers how difficult, if not impossible, it is to keep a cork firm over Irish energy after it has been raised to
