years have been so gigantic as to outstrip the calculations of even the most apprehensive observers of her progress. It may be with the utmost confidence predicted that she will make a fresh seizure within a few months, if not weeks. And we have not only declined the combat for the present, but we are making no adequate preparation for defending ourselves at a future time.
Of course, if the great body of our countrymen would rather lose India than strike a blow in its defence, it is a waste of words to say more on the subject: India must go. But it would be well if, before folding the hands and resigning themselves to such a surrender, they should reflect upon the consequences of it. The contraction of an empire like ours cannot but be accompanied by severe impoverishment and depression in the United Kingdom. We have almost ceased to be agricultural, and we have become a manufacturing and a trading people. The closing to us of a great mart, and of a field in which a huge section of our race has hitherto found employment, even though it come by degrees, must prove a fearful calamity, and one which will for years go on increasing. The aspiration of our people at home, especially of our industrial classes, is manifestly at present to become richer, and to enjoy more of the comforts of life: how would the straitening of employment and the loss of national wealth sort with this? How many thousands of us, in each generation, obtain occupation in India itself! These would find little or no outlet in that direction, once that India should be subject to a foreign Power. Our employés, civil and military, would be thrown on the world in large numbers in such a case, and how should we be straitened in finding posts for them? Besides this, we have enormous property in India, as railroads, docks, harbours, forts, all of which will be torn from us with the soil in which they have been constructed.
And probably the loss of India will not be our only loss: A nation which evinces an unreadiness to defend its possessions is sure to be attacked: it is the hug of the bear to-day, but it will be the heels of the ass anon; and with so many outlying dependencies as appertain to us, it will be strange if we are left to own them in peace. If we are too apathetic to defend them, there are poor and rising peoples, vigorous and enterprising as Britons once were, who will make no scruple of taking them from our keeping. Our good neighbours will take care that we are not burdened with properties for the retention of which we do not think it worth while to raise a finger.
The people should lay to heart the truth that, independently of the great calamities which inevitably follow pusillanimous policy, poltroonery is in itself expensive. The country is being heavily taxed this year – partly, no doubt, to meet Egyptian expenses; but in a great degree, as Ministers themselves admit, on account of the dispute with Russia. Now we have not gone to war with Russia; we have surrendered to Russia all that was in dispute; for what, then, have we paid the money? The only possible answer is that, badly as we have fared in the negotiation, we should have fared much worse if we had not made some pretence of arming. We pay for this pretence. So that we have proof brought to the door of every taxpayer that dishonourable surrender does not even answer the sordid
