they went again at discussing the differences between them, Russia was resolved to gain her point – without fighting if she could, but to gain it. Mr Gladstone and his friends were resolved to evade war by any sacrifice that would not, in their opinion, absolutely discredit them both at home and abroad. While they were thus feeling the way to an understanding, each party evidently keeping in the background what it had most at heart, Mr Gladstone electrified Europe with a great speech – a speech worthy of the days of Pitt or Palmerston, if it had been the genuine expression of the sentiments of himself and his Government. It was a pleasure both to Tory and Liberal to hear the true voice of the country made to re-echo once more over Europe in tones of lofty resolution to maintain the right, and abide by the issue; and all feelings of party faded before the thought that in the hour of extremity the honour of the country was as dear to the aged Liberal Premier as to his Conservative opponent. But alas for the result! These grave and weighty utterances which made Europe once more turn her eyes on England, were merely meant to pass the vote of credit, and secure the theatrical display of a united House of Commons. This achieved, Mr Gladstone was the first to recoil in alarm from the impression which his own words had made, and to seek to neutralise their effect by extra pliancy and accommodation in the diplomatic discussions. No time was lost in proposing that the question, whether or not the "agreement" or "arrangement" or "solemn covenant" which Russia had, or had not, violated, should be referred to the arbitration of a friendly State – that is, to a second-rate European sovereign, for none of the great Powers will condescend to concern themselves with the dispute; and this was soon followed by the concession of the "preliminary understanding" regarding the frontier for which Russia has been contending all along, and which secures her in her present position, irrespective of territorial rights which any subsequent investigation may bring to light. Moreover, to facilitate the task of arbitration, and to show Europe how little respect Russia has for the English view of the matter, the hero of Dash Kepri has received a sword of honour and other distinctions commensurate with the service which his exploit has done his Government in scaring the Liberal Cabinet of Great Britain.
If this is not surrender, what is it? Russia has been allowed to save the benefits of Komaroff and Alikhanoffs aggressions, to escape the judgment of the Boundary Commission, and to establish herself, with the consent of Britain, in a position which will enable her to directly influence our future in India. The Conservative party, throughout the acute stage of the negotiations, loyally refrained from interfering with the Government's course of action, either by way of criticism or by advice. But the time came when it was imperative to break silence if it was not to be recorded that the honour of the country and the future of British rule in India had been sacrificed without a voice raised in opposition. It devolved on Lord Salisbury to take the lead; and in his speech at Hackney on the 5th of last month, he most powerfully vindicated a fearless exercise of the responsibilities which rest upon Great Britain at this moment. In both Houses his example has been effectively followed on the Con-
