-less] New York and the Revolution. 43 Court, announcing that the Iroquois were British subjects and were to be treated as such. Thus it was made clear that the policy of the Indian alliance was not the individual creation of a single colonial governor, but represented the views and purpose of the English nation. Dongan's instructions might be said to embody a constitutional revolution, since they authorised him to issue writs for the election of a representative assembly. When the Assembly met it at once took steps to perpetuate, so far as a popular vote could do so, a system of self-government. A resolution was passed analogous to a Bill of Rights. Triennial Assemblies were to be held, elected by the freemen and the freeholders of the towns. The right of taxation was vested in the Assembly ; freedom of conscience was secured to all ; and provision was made for trial by jury. Soon afterwards Dongan, on behalf of the Proprietors, granted to New York and Albany charters of incorporation. The proposals of the Assembly seemed to be favourably received ; but next year, by an almost inexplicable change of policy, Dongan received instructions entirely reversing the system so lately suggested by the Crown and developed by the settlers, arid vesting all rights of legislation in a council appointed by the Crown. In a New England colony such a measure would have called into existence a torrent of pamphlets, would have been condemned in town meetings and denounced from pulpits. In New York it was accepted in silence, though not without an undercurrent of resentment which made itself felt a little later. This withdrawal of the rights granted to New York was no doubt a step in that policy of unification which we have already seen applied to New England. Colonial union was a good thing ; but only a man utterly without perception of those living political forces which control communities could have thought it possible to achieve such a union by mechanically combining into a single province communities so different in origin and in political experience, and by placing the whole under the rule of a slow-witted, unsympathetic governor such as Andros. This might not be felt strongly in New York. It would assuredly be felt in New England. The whole history of the manner in which the tyranny of Andros, if tyranny it should be called, was met and overthrown in New England and New York respectively is an admirable illustration of the different conditions of the two provinces. Andros himself was too fully occupied with refractory New Englanders and with the defence of the western frontier to take any active steps in the administration of New York. That was left to his deputy, Colonel Nicholson, with the assistance of three councillors, who, it is worth noticing, were all Dutch. This disposes of any suggestion that the revolution which followed was an uprising of Dutch nationality against alien rule. Nicholson was, as is shown by his despatches and the various incidents of a prolonged official career, a clear-headed and observant man, but he was violent and en. i.
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