or a civil office. This was so surprising a measure, that even Whitelock observed that "our noble generals, the earls of Denbigh, Warwick, Manchester, the lords Roberts, Willoughby, and other lords in your armies, besides those in civil offices, and your members the lord Grey, lord Fairfax, Sir William Waller, lieutenant-general Cromwell, Mr. Hollis, Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir William Brereton, Sir John Meyrick, and many others must be laid aside if you pass this ordinance." The proposition seen in these dimensions was a daring and out-and-out proposition, but it was far more so when the interests and passions of parties, as well as the number and dignity of the persons concerned, were taken into the account. The religious question had now brought the parliamentarians to a point where they must explode with heat, and diverge violently one from another. Manchester, Essex, Denzell Hollis, Meyrick, Stapleton, and others, who have so long gone on stoutly and zealously side by side with Cromwell, Whitelock, and others, were now not only indignant at Cromwell's daring and aspiring tone, but bitterly opposed to him on the ground of faith and church government. They were for preserving church and state, and they were linked with the Scotch, who were vehement for the general acceptation of the presbyterian doctrine, if they could not carry its formula. They met at Essex House, and concerted how they were to put down not only this troublesome man, but the troublesome party of which he was the representative, the independents, who were for liberty in the church and the state, and would hear nothing of the denomination of synods and presbyteries any more than of bishops. They sent to "Whitelock and Maynard, to consult them as lawyers, on nothing less than impeaching Cromwell as an incendiary. The lord chancellor of Scotland addressed them thus:—"Ye ken varra weel that lieutenant Cromwell is no friend of ours, and since the advance of our army into England, he hath used all underhand and cunning means to take off from our honour and merit with this kingdom—an evil requital of all our hazards and services; but so it is, and we are nevertheless fully satisfied of the affections and gratitude of the gude people of this nation in general. It is thought requisite for us, and for the carrying on of the cause of the two kingdoms, that this obstacle or remora may be moved out of the way, who, we foresee, will otherwise be no small impediment to us, and the gude design that we have undertaken. He not only is no friend to us, and to the government of our church, but he is also no well-willer to his excellency, whom you and us all have cause to love and honour; and if he be permitted to go on in his ways, it may, I fear, endanger the whole business. Y'e ken varra weel the accord atwixt the twa kingdoms, and the union by the Solemn League and Covenant, and if any be an incendiary betwin the twa nations, how he is to be proceeded against." The chancellor regarded Cromwell as precisely such an incendiary, but wanted their opinion. Whitelock replied that the word incendiary meant just the same thing in English as it did in Scotch, but that whether Cromwell was an incendiary, was a thing that could only be established by proofs, and that, he thought, would be a tough matter; and that lieutenant-general Cromwell was a gentlemen of such quick and subtle parts, and had such influence on both the parliament and the country, that they should look well that they had such proofs before they interfered with him, as it might bring them into much trouble and disgrace. Maynard confirmed the views of "Whitelock, and though Hollis, Stapleton, and others of the presbyterian party, vehemently urged an immediate impeachment, the Scotch, with their caution, paused.
The question of the Self-denying Ordinance was vigourously debated for ten days in the commons. Vane seconded the motion of Tate, and another member observed that two summers had passed over, and they were not saved. Their victories, he said, the price of such invaluable blood, seemed to have been put into a bag with holes; the treasure was wasted, the country exhausted, the summer's victory was a mere winter's story, to be resumed in the spring, and the cause of it all was the contention of the commanders. A fast was appointed for imploring a blessing on the new project: the people of London, on the 12th of December, petitioned the house, thanking them for their proceedings, and, after serious debate and opposition, the bill was passed on the 19th. On the 21st it was sent up to the lords, where it was vigorously attacked by Essex, Manchester, and the rest of the lords affected, as a gross insult to, and libel on them, after all their services, and was, in fact, a disqualification of the whole nobility of England. On the 13th of January the lords threw it out. Notwithstanding, the commons went on remodelling the army, fixed its numbers at twenty-one thousand effective men, namely, fourteen thousand foot, six thousand horse, and one thousand dragoons. They then nominated Sir Thomas Fairfax commander-in-chief instead of Essex; Skippon, the old train-band major, was made major-general; the lieutenant-general being left unnamed, the commons, spite of their own ordinance, resolving that Cromwell should hold that post, but avoiding to increase the opposition to the general measure by mentioning him.
On the 28th of January, the commons, having completed the organisation of the army and the appointment of the officers, again sent the ordinance up to the peers, who, seeing that they should be obliged to swallow it, moulded it into a more digestible shape, by insisting that all officers should be nominated by both houses, and that no one should be capable of serving who did not take the solemn League and Covenant within twenty days. But the lords were struck with an apprehension that the commons meant to do without them in the end, and they therefore exercised their rights in opposing the acts of the lower house. They refused to sanction one half of the officers appointed by Sir Thomas Fairfax, who had been introduced to the commons on the 18th of February, thanked for his past services, and complimented on his appointment. To remove the suspicion of the peers, the commons assured them by message that they had bound themselves to be as tender of the honours and rights of the peers as they were of their own. This pacified the lords, and yielding to a necessity too strong for them, Essex, Manchester, Denbigh, and the rest resigned their commands, and on the 3rd of April the Self-denying Ordinance was passed by the peers. Sir Thomas Fairfax proceeded to Windsor to remodel the army according to the new act. He did not find this an easy task; many, who were dismissed by the act or for their past conduct, were
