and integrity of England by so unjust a transaction without consulting them. They protested against any English monarch voluntarily consenting to place so many Italian states under the control of France, to the imminent peril of our commerce in the Mediterranean. They observed that the possession of Guipuscoa would on any future rupture furnish a fresh inlet for France into Spain. The Jacobites laid hold on these arguments, and contended loudly that it was time to acknowledge the succession to the crown in the prince of Wales. William fell under universal odium on this account; but when the fact of the king of Spain's will became known, not only his moral character but his intellectual sagacity suffered great depreciation. William's error resulted from the want of that highest quality of a statesman—to let things take their natural course, and put his trust in the Supreme Arbiter of events, rather than sully his soul by anxiously endeavouring, by unjustifiable means, to avert menacing dangers. Had William never meddled in the partition treaty he would now have stood erect and strong to resist by all laudable means the undue influence of Europe, backed by the opinion of the whole civilised world and by the spirit of his own great people. As it was, he stood weak and despised, and he never again recovered his former estimation by his subjects. He had now to return to England under the cloud of this unpopularity; and before doing so he took measures to lessen the irritation which he had so recklessly aroused in Scotland.
He sent permission for the Scottish estates to meet on the 28th of October, and addressed a letter to them from Loo, in which he promised to confirm any acts for the better establishment of the presbyterian religion, for discouraging popery and the growth of vice. He expressed himself anxious to promote their trade, and the prosperity of their African and Indian company, at the same time assuring them that he could not sanction their settling in Darien, as it would inevitably produce a ruinous war with Spain and France. But this letter produced no effect. It was now known to the company that their settlement in Panama was entirely broken up, and their capital all lost. The nation was in a perfect ferment. On the very day of the parliament meeting a memorial was presented to it, declaring that besides the ruin of their colony, their privileges at home had been violated by the want of that protection which the king had promised. They addressed a fresh epistle to the king, as unflinching as ever in the statement of their grievances, and William found that it was hopeless using words, he must use more effectual persuasives, and his ministers sent down agents to pacify the leading members of parliament in a way too well known to governments in general. The members became zealous for the king; the murmurs of the people were unheeded, and an act was passed for keeping on foot three thousand soldiers, one thousand one hundred of which were to be put at the disposal of the king, and were sent over to Holland. Parliament was then prorogued to the 6th of May, and the earl of Argyll was created a duke for his services in managing the estates during this difficult session.
William had returned to England towards the end of October, a few days before the death of the king of Spain. He was deeply chagrined at this unexpected event, but, under the present temper of England—disgusted with his proceedings with Louis for the partition of Spain—he could not openly complain. Not the less, however, did he unburthen his feelings to his friend, the pensionary Heinsius. Writing to him, he said, "I never relied much on the engagements with France, but I must confess that I did not think they would on this occasion have broken, in the face of the whole world, a solemn treaty before it was well accomplished." He confessed that he had been duped, and that he felt it the more because his English subjects did not disguise their opinion that the will was better than the partition. He expressed his deep anxiety regarding the Spanish Netherlands, which, it seemed, must fall into the hands of France, and as to what barrier was to be set up betwixt them and Holland; and he concluded by saying that he should bear all the blame for having trusted to France after his experience that no trust was to be put in it. That, indeed, was the folly of William, attempting to secure faith where he knew there was none.
At Paris William's ambassador, the earl of Manchester, expressed his master's astonishment at Louis departing from the treaty just made; but De Torcy, the minister, coolly replied that they found that the treaty was not likely to answer; that the emperor refused to accede to it; that none of the nations, not even England or Holland, approved of it; that the Spaniards were so opposed to the division of their monarchy, that the whole of the territories intended to be severed from it would have been to be reconquered by force, and thus have occasioned another bloody and ruinous war. All these facts were, of course, well known, or could be well anticipated by France from the beginning, but they had taken care not to whisper them till now. De Torcy concluded by saying that really Louis acted a very disinterested part in accepting the will, for the treaty would have been better for France; that the king only consulted the peace of Europe, and he trusted that neither William nor the States would attempt to disturb it. He sent a similar statement to Holland, but the States sent him a very firm reply, declaring that they had not expected that his most Christian majesty would thus have broken the treaty just made so solemnly, and which they had expected would be observed with faith and honour by all parties; that there was a secret article in the treaty, by which the emperor was allowed a certain time to come in; that this time had not yet expired, and that they, the States-General, had earnestly importuned his imperial majesty to avail himself of it, and desired that Louis would, therefore, reconsider the matter, that it might be settled to the satisfaction of all Europe.
Louis, though it was well known that he had accepted and meant to act on the will, still, with his usual hypocrisy, affected to listen to the suggestions of the States, employed a Swedish diplomatist to engage the States as a mediator in a pretended compromise, assuring them that the English people much preferred the will to the treaty, and that the king would find himself opposed by his parliament if he attempted to assume hostile measures. At the same time he dispatched Tallard to London to endeavour to persuade William to his views; but, finding no encouragement, Louis threw off the remains of his mask, and marched French troops into the Netherlands and into the duchy of Milan, the towns of which admitted French garrisons. His fleet
