king's returning by any other power than that of the people of England, and upon terms; one suspected of giving out to the compounders, if not worse." He recommended Mr. Caryl for this important function, and to manage it entirely unknown to Middleton, for if he had any hand in it, "neither the true church of England party, the catholics, nor the earl of Arran, with whom lay the best game the king had to play, would have anything to do with it."
This contemptible letter of a most contemptible man—which ought to have been treated as it deserved, with silent scorn—had all the effect that William could have desired, and far more than he expected. Both houses, for to both was the letter submitted, united in a storm of indignation upon it. The slightest reflection would have satisfied them that Louis had too much to do on the continent, to attempt at this juncture an invasion of England. That however much he might desire to strike a blow at William, it was not on English ground that it was to be done. That every attempt to help the imbecile and incorrigible James had most miserably failed, and that that monarch was now far more than ever incapacitated for heading such an enterprise, or maintaining himself on a protestant throne if he ever got there. He was sunk into all the habits of a monk of La Trappe, given up to bead-telling and penances, and fitter for a cell and a tonsure than a crown.
Yet the commons voted on this ridiculous document that it was necessary to put the kingdom into a state of defence, authorised the exchequer to borrow five hundred and fifty thousand pounds at six per cent, for the service of the fleet and army, and raised the vote for seamen from seven thousand to thirty thousand. They voted an address to the king, and carried it up in a body, praying him to take such measures with the States General as should seem necessary for the safety of the kingdom, and of Holland too, and promised to support him in the performance of all the conditions of the treaty entered into with the States-General in 1677.
William must have been most agreeably surprised at this success of his attempt to revive the war-spirit by Melfort's foolish letter. This vehement outburst of indignation, far exceeding all cause, delighted him exceedingly. The parliament had pledged itself to the old involvement in the continental feuds, and William, eagerly seizing hold on it, expressed his hearty thanks, and assured them that he would immediately instruct his ministers abroad to enter into negotiations to attain the ends they desired. The nation stood pledged once more to fight the battles of all those nations who, if their independence was worth having, were numerous enough to defend it. But the lords even went further; they called, indeed, for the treaties which had been formerly entered into with the continental nations, that they might know their real nature; but they did not wait for a full examination of them, but prayed his majesty to renew his alliances with all those nations who were willing to unite for the preservation of the balance of power, and promising him their most energetic support in maintaining the honour of England and the peace of Europe. They recommended that the laws should be put in force against papists; that they should all be banished from London; that their houses and arms should be seized, and search-warrants issued to make quest after the provisions for war which the letter described as being in readiness, and they urged the preparation of the fleet with all expedition.
The French ministers both in London and in Paris expressed their surprise that the English court and parliament should be led to sow jealousies and misunderstanding betwixt the two nations on the faith of a letter of such a man as Melfort. They declared that he was banished from the court of James, and was regarded at that of Versailles as no better than a fool and a madman; that as to his pretended private interviews, they were merely to get two of his daughters into the Maintenon establishment of St. Cyr; that he had no access to or credit with the French ministers, but was merely endeavouring to regain favour with king James and damage Middleton; that he had been strictly questioned, and admitted that he had written a letter to his brother, the earl of Perth, which had been lost, but that it was totally different from that produced to the British parliament, and that probably that letter produced might be a mischievous forgery, but, whether so or not, Melfort had no authority from the king of France or king James for any pretences about invasion; that as to a fleet, undoubtedly they were preparing a strong fleet, but this was simply because the Dutch were preparing a numerous fleet, working night and day, and even on Sundays at it. They added, the production of the letter attributed to Melfort, and its being cried about the streets, looked much more like a wish on the part of England to break with France. To show that they were in earnest, the French court arrested Melfort by lettre-de-cachet, and committed him to the castle of Angers.
The parliament now entered on the great deliberation of the session, the appointment of the successor to the crown after the princess of Denmark. It was a subject which the king had recommended from the throne at the commencement of the session, and which the failing health of William and the prospect of great agitations all over Europe warned them not to defer. This important business, however, was set about in an extraordinary manner. Roger Coke says a whig member meant to bring in a bill to fix the succession on the house of Brunswick, but that the tories, becoming aware of it, set Sir John Bowles, one of their own party, to bring one in. This Bowles was a half crazy man, and in the end became altogether insane; and the bill being put into his hands looked as though the tories meant to cast contempt upon it. The bill was sent into committee, and Bowles was put in the chair; but whenever the discussion was brought in the members hastened out of the house, and the matter seemed to hang for several weeks as though no one would proceed with it under the present management. But at length Harley took it up in earnest, and remarked that there were some very necessary preliminary questions to be settled before they proceeded to vote the different clauses of the bill; that the nation had been in too great haste when it settled the government on the previous occasion, and had consequently overlooked many securities to the liberties of the nation which might have been obtained; that now they were under no immediate pressure, and it would be inexcusable to fall into the same error. Before, therefore, they proceeded to nominate the person who should succeed, they ought to settle the conditions under which he and his
