settling the government upon him, it was useless further to contend; he could contend no longer. A squadron was ready to bear him away, and he could only hope that they would show more regard to the wishes of the queen than they had to his.
Whether William was in earnest, or whether he only had recourse to a ruse to bring the combatants to their senses, the effect was the same. Tho ministers stood confounded. To drive the king from the country by their quarrels, and that at a time when the old and implacable enemy of protestantism and liberty was at their doors, would be a blow to freedom and to their own credit from which the most disastrous consequences must flow. They entreated him on their knees and with tears to forego this design, promising all that he could desire. William at length consented to make one more trial; but it was only on condition that the bill of indemnity should pass, and that he should himself proceed to Ireland, and endeavour, by his own personal and determined effort, to drive James thence.
Accordingly, on the 27th of January, he called together the two houses, and, announcing his intention to proceed to Ireland, declared the parliament dissolved, amid the utmost signs of consternation in the whigs, and shouts of exultation from the tories. This act of William's to defeat the malice of the whigs, and his continued firm resistance to their endeavours to fine and disqualify the tories, had a wonderful effect on that party. A numerous body of them deputed Sir John Lowther to carry their thanks to the king, and assure him that they would serve him with all their hearts and influence. Numbers of them who had hitherto stood aloof began to appear at court, and attended the levếe to kiss the king's hand. William gave orders to liberate those whom the whigs had sent to prison on charges of treason.
On the 1st of February the hour arrived in which all ecclesiastics who had neglected to take the oaths of allegiance and supremacy would be deposed. A considerable number of them came in in time; but Sancroft, the primate, and five of his bishops, stood out, and were deprived of their bishoprics, but were treated with particular lenity.
It was soon found that the conduct of the whigs had alienated a great mass of the people. Their endeavours, by Sacheverell's clause, to disqualify all who had consented to the surrender of the corporation charters, had made mortal enemies of those persons, many of whom were at the moment the leading members of the corporations, and therefore possessing the highest influence on the return of members to the new parliament. The same was the case in the country, amongst those who had been sheriffs or other officers at that period. The consequence was that the tories returned a decided majority to the new house, and amongst them came up Sir Robert Sawyer from Cambridge, whilst the violence of Hampden had excluded him.
The revival of the tory influence introduced great changes in the ministry. Halifax resigned the privy seal; Mordaunt—now earl of Monmouth—Delamere, Sidney Godolphin, and admiral Herbert—now earl of Torrington—were dismissed; Caermarthen was continued lord president of the council, and prime minister; Sir John Lowther was appointed first lord of the treasury, in place of Monmouth; Nottingham retained his post as secretary of state; and Thomas Herbert, earl of Pembroke, was placed at the head of the admiralty, Torrington having, to his great discontent, to yield that position, but retaining that of high admiral, and being satisfied by a splendid grant of ten thousand acres of crown land in the Peterborough fens. Delamere, too, was soothed on his dismissal by being created earl of Warrington. Richard Hampden became chancellor of the Exchequer.
Parliament met on the 20th of March, and the commons, under the new tory influence, elected Sir John Trevor speaker, who was besides made first commissioner of the great seal. In this man is said to have commenced that system of government corruption of parliament—the buying up, or buying off members, which grew to such a height, attained its climax under Sir Robert Walpole, and which has not yet ceased to operate. Trevor was an unscrupulous tory, and Burnet says he was "furnished with such sums of money as might purchase some votes." He undertook, accordingly, to manage the party in the house. The whigs were in the worst of humours, but they had now learnt that it was not wise to push matters with the crown too far, and as a body they watched their opportunity for recovering by degrees their ascendancy. Some of the more violent, however, as the earl of Shrewsbury and the notorious Ferguson, entered into immediate correspondence with James.
William, in his opening speech, dwelt chiefly on the necessity of settling the revenue, to enable him to proceed to Ireland, and on passing the bill of indemnity; and he was very plain in expressing his sense of the truculent spirit of party which, in endeavouring to wound another, wounded and embarrassed his government still more. He informed them that he had drawn up an act of grace, constituting the bill of indemnity, and should send it to them for their acceptance; for it is the practice for all such acts to proceed from the crown, and then to be voted by the peers, and finally by the commons; and he added — "A further reason which induceth me to send you this act at this time is because I am desirous to leave no colour of excuse to any of my subjects for the raising of disturbances in the government, and especially in the time of my absence. And I say this, both to inform you, and to let some ill-affected men see that I am not unacquainted how busy they are in their present endeavours to alter it. Among other encouragements which I find they give themselves, one of the ways by which they hope to compass their designs, is by creating differences and disagreements in your counsels, and which I hope you will be careful to prevent; for be assured that our greatest enemies can have no better instruments for their purposes than those who shall any way endeavour to disturb or delay your speedy and unanimous proceeding upon these necessary matters."
He then informed them that he left the administration during his absence in Ireland in the hands of the queen; and he desired that if any act was necessary for the confirmation of that authority, that they would pass it. The commons at once passed a vote of thanks, and engaged to support the government of their majesties by every means in their power. On the 27th of March they passed unanimously the four following resolutions—namely, that all the hereditary revenues of king James, except the hearth-tax, were vested
