century. It was therefore fitting that when the
first general council of the Catholic Cluirch was held
(325) it shoil(l be called together at Niciea (Isnik)
in western Asia Minor, amid a population long
stanchly Christian. Of the (traditional) 318 bish-
ops who attended that council about one hundred
were from Asia Minor; the semi-barbarous Isauria
sent fourteen city bishops and four rural bishops
(chore piscnpi), while remote Cilicia sent nine city
bishops and one rural bishop. Indeed, the episcopal
system of Asia Minor seems to have been almost
completed by this time. (Ramsay, Cities and Bish-
opries of Asia Minor, in Histor. Geogr. of Asia
Minor, London, 1890, 104-426.) In any ease, there
were in that territory in the fifth century some 450
Catholic episcopal sees. The institution of rural
bishops (chorepiscopi) appears first in Asia Minor
(Council of Ancyra, 314) and seems to be the origin
of the later parochial system. It is in Asia Minor
that arose, or were fought out, nearly all the great
ecclesiastical conflicts of the early Christian period.
The Church History of Eusebius, first published
before 325, exhibits the Christian bishops of Asia
Minor during the second and third centuries in con-
flict with semi-Oriental philosophic heresies like
Gnosticism, that developed under the leadership of
keen critical rationalists like Marcion of Sinope on
the Black Sea, while the germs of the great christo-
logical heresies, e. g. Sabellianism, were first nour-
ished on the same soil. Here, too, met the famous
councils that overthrew these heresies (Nicaea in 325,
Ephesus in 431, and Chalcedon in 451). Internal
reform of the Christian Church was first undertaken
from Asia Minor, where Montanus, a native of Phry-
gia, began the rigorist movement known as Mon-
tanism, and denounced the growing laxity of Christian
life and the moral apathy of the religious chiefs of
the society. He claimed for himself and certain
female disciples the survival of the early Christian
prophetic gifts, or personal religious inspiration,
which seems to have been more frequent and to
have survived longer in Asia Minor than elsewhere
(Harnack, Mission und Ausbreitung, 2S7, 402).
The immediate cause of the last great pereecution ,
that of Diocletian (284-305), seems to have been the
rapid growth of Christianity in all Asia Minor,
particularly in the imperial capital, then located at
Nicomedia (Ismid). Maximinus Daza, the sym-
pathetic colleague in Egypt of the persecuting
Galerius (305-311), admitted (Euseb., Hist. Eccl.,
IX, ix) that nearly all the Orient had become Chris-
tian, and in this he was merely the echo of the dying
words of the contemporary Christian scholar and
martyr, Lucian of Antioch, who asserted (Rufin.,
Hist. Eccl., IX, vi) that in his time the greater
part of the Roman world had become Christian,
even entire cities. Such a Christian city of Phrj'gia,
Eusebius tells us (Hist. Eccl., VIII, xi, 1), was given
to the flames by the pagans in the persecution of
Diocletian; the inhabitants perished to a man with
the name of Christ upon their hps. Apropos of this,
Harnack recalls (op. cit., p. 466) the fact that eighty
years earlier Thyatira in the same province was an
entiri'ly Christian city, though intensely Montanist
in religious temper. The city of Apameia in the same
province seems to have become quite Christian before
250. The work of Cumont (Inscriptions Chr6-
tiennes de I'Asie Mincure, Rome, 1895) exhibits
undeniable epigraphic evidence that Phrygia was
widely Christianized long before the conversion of
Constantine (312). The words of Ilenan (Origines
du Cliristianisme, III, 3(')3, 364) are therefore
eminently true: "Thenceforward (from a. d. 112)
for three hundred years Phrygia was cs.sentially a
Christian laiul. There began the public profession
of Christianity; there are found, from the third
century, on monuments expose<l to the public gaze.
the terms Chresliannfi or Christianas; there the formu-
las of epitaphs convey veiled references to Christian
dognias; there, from the days of Septimius Severus,
great cities adopt biblical symbols for their coins,
or rather adapt their old traditions t« bibhcal narra-
tions. great number of the Christians of Ephesus
and Rome came from Phrygia. The names most
frequently met with on the monimicnts of Phrj-gia
are the antique Christian names (Tniphimus, Tydii-
cus, Tryphenus, Papias, etc.), the names special to
the apostolic times, and of which the martyrologies
are full". The Acts of the Christian Bishop, Pionius
of Smyrna, a martyr of the time of Decius (249-251),
portray that city as largely Christian, and (with
exception of the Jews) entirely devoted to its rhetori-
cian-bishop. In the fourth century Gregory of
Nyssa relates, apropos of Gregory of Caesarea (c.
213-275), the Wonder-worker, disciple and friend
of Origen, that during the thirty-five or forty years
of his episcopal activity he had Christianized nearly
all Pontus. It is an unfair exaggeration (Harnack,
475-476) to attribute his success to toleration of
heathen customs, amusements, etc. So good a
Christian theologian as Gregory of N}'ssa could
relate this condescension of the Wonder-worker
without perceiving any real sacrifice of Christian
principles in faith or morals; some concessions there
must always be when it is question of conversions in
bulk. His "Epistola Canonica" (P. G., X, 1019-
48), one of the earliest and most venerable docu-
ments of diocesan legislation, presupposes many
well-established Christian commimities, whose cap-
tive ecclesiastics and citizens (c. 260) spread the first
germs of Christianity among the piratical Goths
of the Black Sea. Asia Minor was certainly the
first part of the Roman world to accept as a whole
the principles and the spirit of the Christian re-
ligion, and it was not unnatural that the warmth of
its conviction should eventually fire the neighbouring
Armenia and make it, early in the fourth century,
the first of the ancient states formally to accept the
religion of Christ (Euseb., Hist. Eccl., IX, viii. 2).
The causes of the rapid conversion of Asia Minor
are not, in general, dissimilar to those which else-
where favoured the spread of Christianity. It may
be accepted, with Harnack, that the ground was
already prepared for the new religion, inasmuch as
Jewish monotheism was acclimatized, had won
many disciples, and discredited polytheism, while
on the other hand Christianity was confronted by
no State religion deeply and inimeniorially entrenched
in the hearts of a united and homogeneous people
(the imperial worship being a late innovation and
offering only a factitious unity). But much of this
is true of other parts of the Roman empire, and it
remains certain that the local opposition to the
Christian religion was nowhere stronger than in the
cities of Asia Minor where Antoninus Pius (138-161)
had to check the illegal violence of the multitude
(Euseb., Hist. Eccl.. IV, xxxiii); even if we do not
acc?pt as genuine his rescript "Ad commune Asise"
(ibid., IV, xix), it is of ancient origin and exhibits an
enduring Christian sense of intolerable injustice,
already foresliadowed in I Peter, iv, 3-5, 1.3-19.
The literary opposition to Christianity was particu-
larly strong, as already said, among the rhetoricians
and granunarians, i. e. among the public teacliers
and the philosophers, not to speak of the pagan
imperial priesthood, nowhere so well organized and
favoured as in every province of Asia Minor. Lac-
tantius tells us that the last known anti-Christian
pamphleteers were both from Bithynia in Asia Minor
(Inst. V, 2), Hicrocles, the governor of the province,
and another whose name he withholds. The principal
theologians of Asia Minor (Irena-us, Gregory the
Wonder-worker, Methodius of Olympus, Basil of
Neocie.sarea, Gregory of Nazianzus. and (iregorj- of
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