SYNEDRIUM
38G
SYNESinS
The culmination of these minor conflicts is to be the
great battle which is proposed as the immediate object
of SyndicaUsm, the general strike. This idea had
already been clearly formulated by the "Inter-
national". Success by the ballot is considered illu-
sory because of its demoralizing influence upon the
leaders, while street barricading and fighting seem
useless against modern armaments. Nothing there-
fore is said to remain for the worker except the general
strike of all industries at the same time. This will
distribute the army over every section of the entire
country and so render it helpless. The business and
industrial sections of the cities will thus fall into the
possession of the syndicats, who are at present to be
prepared by education and class morality to take
instant and successful control of all productive enter-
prises. The struggle itself is to be brief, but intense.
Two special theories are connected with the general strike. They are known as the minority and the myth theories. The syndicalists are only a small pro- portion of the French workingmen and without finan- cial resources to sustain a prolonged strike. To answer the difficulties which this condition naturally suggests it is taught that their lack of resources ^Nall beget a spirit of recklessness, while their revolutionary education will infuse enthusiasm into the comrades, whose leaders they are destined to become. Thus the "conscious" or "bold" minority will suffice for the victory. The second theory was first proposed by Sorel in his "Reflexions sur la violence". Myths are defined by him as "artificial combinations invented to give the appearance of reality to hopes that inspire men in their present activity". Such a myth, he says, was for the early Christians the second coming of Christ and the Kingdom of Heaven; such for the syndicaUst revolutionists is the myth of the general strike which has no objective reality in the present.
We have hitherto advisedly spoken of "revolu- tionary" SjTidicalism, since there is likewise a "reformist" element in the Sjmdicalist movement, or as it is more appropriately called, a "reformist revo- lutionary" group. It consists of a certain portion of the sociaUst following, whose ultimate object is identical with that of their comrades, the general strike and the social revolution; but who are opposed to the practice of violence, as inexpedient, and for the same reason hkewise exercise greater precaution in dealing with other critical questions, such as patriot- ism and militarism. They beUeve likewise in secur- ing a safe financial status for the syndicats and in fighting for present reforms. These reforms, how- ever, are to be understood in a purely Sociahstic and Sj-ndicalistic sense. Nothing that does not actually weaken the capitalistic class and prepare for its destruction is to be accounted of any value; while no concession that can ever be gained is to be considered final. It is difficult to ascertain the exact strength of this reformist element. Although it is in no%vise in- considerable; yet the Confederation Generale du Travail has hitherto sailed imder exclusively revolu- tionary colours. The ultimate aim of Syndicalism, as far as this can be ascertained, is the estabUshment of an "economic federalism" in which the Bourses du Travail, or Laljour f^xchanges, which are affiliated with the Confederation Cienerale du Travail, are meant to play an important role. The units of society are tobe thesj/n(f(ra(s united in the trade federations, which in turn are to be centralized in the general con- federation. The supreme thought of the present is, however, the general strike, and the syntlicals united for this jjurpose are known as the syniiicals rouges in distinction \o ihe syndicats jaunes, who are opposed to SyndicaUsm and favour the strike only aa an extreme measure.
The term Syndicalism has not as yet been officially appUed to any labour association in the United States; nevertheless the movement itself exists in the organi-
zation of the "Industrial Workers of the World" and
is likewise widely agitated under the form of indus-
trial unionism by leading American sociahsts. In
England a strong Syndicahst movement has sprung up
since 1910, in which year Tom Mann issued the first
number of his "Industrial Syndicahst". While radi-
cal Socialists have been obhged to construct a new
labour union in the United States, their fellows in
England have striven to develop the existing unions
in the direction of solidarity and "direct action".
Levine, The Labour Movement in France (New York, 1912); Cl.\t, Syndicalism and Labour (New York, 1911); Acht, Der Moderne Franzosische Syndikalismus (Jena, 1911); Corn^li.ssen, Ueber den internationalen Syndikalismus (Tubingen, 1910) ; Chai^ LATE, Syndicalisme rerolutionnaire et Syndicalisme reformisU (Paris, 1909); Sorel, Reflexions sur la Violence (Paris. 1910. 2nd ed.); Y'vetot. A.B.C. Syndicalisle (Paris), The Times (Lon- don), 25 March, 16 April, 1912; Griffcelhes and Keufeh, Le Mouvemeni Sucialiste (Jan.-April, 1905), 1.
Joseph Husslein. Synedrium. See Sanhedrin.
Synesius of Cyrene, Bishop of Ptolomais, neo-Pla- tonist, date of birth uncertain; d. about 414. He was a jounger son of an ancient family of Cyrene which traced its descent from the Heracleidae, the mythical founders of the city. Synesius pursued his higher studies at Alexandria, where he became a devoted dis- ciple of the famous Hj'patia, to whom several of his letters are addressed and for whom he entertained a life-long devotion. After serving some time in the army he settled in his native land, "studj-ing philos- ophy, mathematics, astronomy, everything; farming, hunting, having many a brush with hordes of pilfering Libyans; and every now and then upholding the cause of some one who had undeservedly fallen into difficul- ties". This kind of life, in every way suited to his tastes and disposition, was interrupted by a mission to Constantinople, the object of which was to present a gold crown to the new emperor, Arcadius, and ob- tain alleviation of the burden of taxation. Nearly three years he waited for an audience. The all-power- ful Eutropius who sold the provinces to the highest bidder was not the man to allow the emperor to be troubled with complaints. Finally, Sjmesius obtained an audience and delivered his famous oration "On Kingship". He left Constantinople in 400. Accord- ing to some authorities before, and according to others after, the mission to Constantinople, Sj-nesius vis- ited Athens. He has described the visit in two letters [54 and 13.5] to his brother, Euoptius. His reason for undertaking the voyage was, he jestingly said, that "a number of people, priests and private persons, had had revelations in dreams that, unless he did so, some great evil would befall him. Then he would escape the present evils and would no longer have to revere people who had been to Athens and regarded them- selves as demigods, and those who had not as demi- donkej's or mules." Athens w;is a disappointment. Like a beast that had been sacrificed, only the hide remained. At Alexandria, Synesius married a Chris- tian by whom he had several children. During this period he did most of his literary work and carried on a large correspondence with his friends. Owing to the incapacity and cowardice of the military authorities, the desultory raids of the barbarians assumed almost tlie pro])ortions of regular warfare. Synesius took a leading part in organizing defensive measures, levying volunteers, procuring arms, etc.
In 409 Synesius was elected Metropolitan of Ptol- emais. The bishop-elect unbosomed himself in a letter [Ep. cv] to P^uoptius. The duties of a bishop were uncongenial to him, fond as he was of his amuse- ments as well as of religious study. He could not forsake the wife given him by "God, the law and the sacred hand of Theophilus". His amusements might go, much lus he would hate to see his "darling dogs no longer allowed to hunt". Still, " if it is God's will, I will submit". But there was a worse obstacle.
